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Quotes of the Day:
"The two most powerful warriors are patience and time."
– Leo Tolstoy
"Anything imposed with force is synonymous with slavery."
– Osho
"A civilian man is one who will give a serious answer to a serious question. Civilianization itself is a certain sane balance of values."
– Ezra Pound
Note: I expect news to be a little thin from the Korean press as Korea through the Chuseok holiday.
1. Trump expected to visit S. Korea on Oct. 29 ahead of APEC summit: sources
2. Bessent says Trump, Xi will have 'pull-aside' meeting in Korea, expects breakthrough in trade talks
3. Lee says issue of separated families 'top priority'
4. Wartime OPCON: balancing sovereignty and security
5. Lee vows to improve people's livelihoods in Chuseok holiday greetings
6. S. Korean overseas troops continue to serve for peace as UNC marks 75th anniv.
7. Hopes rise for North Korea breakthrough as Trump, Xi head to South Korea in October
8. Takaichi's Rise Raises Red Flags for South Korea-Japan Ties
9. Trump unlikely to attend APEC summit
10. Another North Korean refugee's story brought me to tears
11. How Charlie Kirk’s death galvanized South Korea’s ‘MAGA’ conservatives
12. Kim Jong Un reveals ‘two-state theory’ has not been enshrined in constitution
1. Trump expected to visit S. Korea on Oct. 29 ahead of APEC summit: sources
October-November is going to be a busy time for US-Asian diplomacy. Will these be make or break meetings?
Excerpts:
"President Trump is expected to arrive on Oct. 29 and visit Gyeongju," a ruling party official told Yonhap News Agency by phone. "However, his schedule has yet to be finalized and is still being coordinated between South Korea and the U.S."
Trump is expected to attend the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) summit in Kuala Lumpur from Oct. 26-28 before heading to Japan for talks with the country's new prime minister.
Trump expected to visit S. Korea on Oct. 29 ahead of APEC summit: sources | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Yi Wonju · October 4, 2025
SEOUL, Oct. 4 (Yonhap) -- U.S. President Donald Trump is considering visiting South Korea later this month just ahead of an Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit, sources said Saturday.
Government circles speculate that Trump may hold bilateral summits with South Korea and China before the APEC gathering opens and depart without attending the main session of the summit, slated for Oct. 31-Nov. 1 in the southeastern city of Gyeongju.
"President Trump is expected to arrive on Oct. 29 and visit Gyeongju," a ruling party official told Yonhap News Agency by phone. "However, his schedule has yet to be finalized and is still being coordinated between South Korea and the U.S."
Trump is expected to attend the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) summit in Kuala Lumpur from Oct. 26-28 before heading to Japan for talks with the country's new prime minister.
He is then likely to travel to South Korea after his Japan stop, diplomatic observers said, raising the possibility of a one-day trip.
"As for when he will depart after arriving on the 29th, nothing has been confirmed at this point," a government official said.
U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent earlier said Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping will have a "pull-aside" meeting in South Korea late this month.
A ruling party official, meanwhile, downplayed the possibility of Trump's meeting with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un on the sidelines of the APEC summit.
South Korean President Lee Jae Myung (L) talks with U.S. President Donald Trump in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington on Aug. 25, 2025. (Pool photo) (Yonhap)
julesyi@yna.co.kr
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en.yna.co.kr · Yi Wonju · October 4, 2025
2. Bessent says Trump, Xi will have 'pull-aside' meeting in Korea, expects breakthrough in trade talks
Let's not jinx the talks with premature speculation.
Bessent says Trump, Xi will have 'pull-aside' meeting in Korea, expects breakthrough in trade talks | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Song Sang-ho · October 3, 2025
By Song Sang-ho
WASHINGTON, Oct. 2 (Yonhap) -- U.S. President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping will have a "pull-aside" meeting in South Korea late this month, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said Thursday, anticipating a "pretty big breakthrough" in his parallel trade talks with his Chinese counterpart.
Bessent made the remarks during a CNBC interview, a day after Trump also reaffirmed he will meet the Chinese president "in four weeks," as South Korea is preparing to host the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit in the southeastern city of Gyeongju from Oct. 31-Nov. 1.
"The most important thing we are going to see is a meeting, a pull-aside meeting with President Trump and party chair Xi in Korea towards the end of the month," Bessent said.
This file photo, released by Reuters, shows U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent attending a meeting between U.S. President Donald Trump and Argentine President Javier Milei during the 80th United Nations General Assembly, in New York, on Sept. 23, 2025. (Yonhap)
The secretary underscored the importance of the two leaders' in-person engagement.
"What gives us great comfort is the respect that the two leaders have for each other. So it will be helpful for them to be able to speak in person and set the framework for trade going forward," he said.
Bessent expressed optimism for his own parallel trade talks with China's Vice Premier He Lifeng.
"I think with President Trump's leadership and his relationship, the respect party chair Xi has for him, that this round, which would be our fifth round of talks, should show a pretty big breakthrough," he said.
On Wednesday, Trump wrote on Truth Social that a major topic of his discussions with Xi will be soybeans.
China has reportedly stopped buying U.S. soybeans over the past several months, while turning to soybean producers in Brazil and other countries.
sshluck@yna.co.kr
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en.yna.co.kr · Song Sang-ho · October 3, 2025
3. Lee says issue of separated families 'top priority'
President Lee is right to make this a priority and keep the focus on divided families. Unfortunately for Kim Jong Un it is not a priority at all (unless he can extort something exorbitant from South Korea).
But every time Kim Jong Un ignores this request he confirms that he is a horrendous human rights abuser and in this case he is abusing the human rights of Koreans on both sides of the DMZ.
Lee says issue of separated families 'top priority' | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Yi Wonju · October 4, 2025
SEOUL, Oct. 4 (Yonhap) -- President Lee Jae Myung said Saturday that the issue of families separated by the 1950-53 Korean War must be addressed as a "top priority" between the two Koreas.
Lee made the remark in a speech read on his behalf by Second Deputy National Security Adviser Lim Woong-soon at a ceremony marking the third Separated Families Day.
"Unfortunately, inter-Korean relations are currently mired in deep distrust, but the issue of separated families remains the top priority that South and North Korea must work together to resolve," he said. "We will work to fundamentally resolve this issue through dialogue and cooperation."
Lee vowed to "strengthen the basis" for exchanges for the families, including conducting DNA tests to use their genetic information for potential family reunions with relatives in North Korea.
"We will do our utmost to ensure peace takes root on the Korean Peninsula and work to bring the day of their reunion forward even by a single day so that the grief of the separated families is not passed down to future generations," he said.
On Friday, Lee also met with elderly people who fled to South Korea from the North during the war, urging Pyongyang to consider allowing the separated families to confirm the fate of their relatives.
In 2013, South Korea designated two days before the Chuseok fall harvest holiday as a commemorative day for separated families.
This year's Chuseok falls on Monday.
Second Deputy National Security Adviser Lim Woong-soon delivers a speech on behalf of President Lee Jae Myung at a ceremony marking the third Separated Families Day at a hotel in Seoul on Oct. 4, 2025, in this photo provided by the unification ministry. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
julesyi@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · Yi Wonju · October 4, 2025
4. Wartime OPCON: balancing sovereignty and security
Wise words from General Chun.
Excerpts:
Phasing the transition is essential. Moving too quickly risks leaving gaps in command and interoperability. Delaying indefinitely, on the other hand, fuels resentment in Korea and undermines the alliance’s legitimacy. A phased approach allows South Korea to demonstrate capability while giving Washington confidence that its forces will be well-led and well-integrated under Korean control.
This process also sends a message to North Korea: the alliance is neither divided nor stagnant. Instead, it is modernizing, with South Korea taking greater leadership while the United States remains fully committed. Critical to this process is that all conditions are objective and not subjective, especially to political calculations.
Ultimately, the OPCON debate is not just about command charts. It is about trust—between allies, between governments and their people, and between generations that remember war and those who only know peace. The sovereignty narrative speaks to national pride. The only way forward is to reconcile the two through careful planning and gradual evolution.
In conclusion, a phased, conditions-based transition offers sovereignty with stability, autonomy with unity, and a stronger alliance for the future. A final word of warning; people should remember, if you want it bad, you will get it bad.
Wartime OPCON: balancing sovereignty and security - The Korea Times
The Korea Times · ListenListenText SizePrint
Chun In-bum
In South Korea few defense topics spark as much debate as wartime operational control, better known as wartime OPCON. The idea is simple: in peacetime, South Korea commands its own armed forces. But if war breaks out, operational control of combined U.S. and ROK forces shifts to a U.S. four-star general who leads the Combined Forces Command (CFC). This unique arrangement reflects the origins of the U.S.–ROK alliance during the Korean War and the enduring threat posed by North Korea.
South Korean society is divided on OPCON. Sovereignty advocates argue that a nation should always command its own military. They see OPCON transition as the “restoration” of full sovereignty, overdue for a country with one of the world’s most advanced armed forces. Historical experiences of foreign domination, and memories of moments when U.S. influence shaped Korean affairs, make this argument especially powerful among progressives.
Security pragmatists take the opposite view. For conservatives, the current arrangement is not a loss of sovereignty but a vital security guarantee. They stress that a U.S. general in command ensures immediate American involvement in any war. This strengthens deterrence by binding Washington to Seoul and eliminating the possibility of a North Korean miscalculation.
The middle ground accepts both points: that South Korea should eventually lead in war, but that such a shift must come gradually, after careful preparation. For them, sovereignty is important, but unity of command and operational credibility come first.
The present arrangement has served both countries well. For South Korea, U.S. command ensures that American reinforcements—air, naval, cyber, and space assets—are fully committed from the opening moments of conflict. This complicates any North Korean strategy of dividing the allies or deterring U.S. involvement. For the United States, OPCON allows its forces on the peninsula to fight under American authority while maintaining interoperability with Korean forces.
In practice, the system is not about mistrust but about efficiency. Wars on the peninsula would be fast-moving and high-stakes. Having a U.S. commander at the helm guarantees the alliance can fight as one from day one.
Yet no alliance can ignore questions of dignity and legitimacy. For South Koreans, the sight of an American general commanding Korean soldiers in wartime is difficult to reconcile with national pride. South Korea’s military is modern, professional, and among the world’s best; its people expect Korean commanders to lead in both peace and war.
This is why both Seoul and Washington have long agreed in principle to transition wartime OPCON back to Korean hands. But the how and when have always been contentious. The answer, both sides recognize, lies in a phased, conditions-based process rather than a sudden handover.
The current framework, known as the Condition-based OPCON Transition Plan (COTP), reflects this balance. It sets clear standards for South Korea to meet—such as advanced missile defense, command and control upgrades, and counter-WMD capabilities—before a Korean general takes command. These benchmarks ensure that when transition occurs, it strengthens deterrence rather than weakening it. Although the eventual goal is a Future Combined Forces Command (F-CFC), led by a South Korean four-star general, with a U.S. deputy commander, whether this is a realistic or a feasible plan is still in question but one thing is clear Korean commanders will command Korean troops and US commanders will command US troops.
Phasing the transition is essential. Moving too quickly risks leaving gaps in command and interoperability. Delaying indefinitely, on the other hand, fuels resentment in Korea and undermines the alliance’s legitimacy. A phased approach allows South Korea to demonstrate capability while giving Washington confidence that its forces will be well-led and well-integrated under Korean control.
This process also sends a message to North Korea: the alliance is neither divided nor stagnant. Instead, it is modernizing, with South Korea taking greater leadership while the United States remains fully committed. Critical to this process is that all conditions are objective and not subjective, especially to political calculations.
Ultimately, the OPCON debate is not just about command charts. It is about trust—between allies, between governments and their people, and between generations that remember war and those who only know peace. The sovereignty narrative speaks to national pride. The only way forward is to reconcile the two through careful planning and gradual evolution.
In conclusion, a phased, conditions-based transition offers sovereignty with stability, autonomy with unity, and a stronger alliance for the future. A final word of warning; people should remember, if you want it bad, you will get it bad.
Chun In-bum is the former commander of the Republic of Korea Army Special Warfare Command.
The Korea Times · ListenListenText SizePrint
5. Lee vows to improve people's livelihoods in Chuseok holiday greetings
Lee vows to improve people's livelihoods in Chuseok holiday greetings | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Yi Wonju · October 4, 2025
SEOUL, Oct. 4 (Yonhap) -- President Lee Jae Myung and first lady Kim Hea Kyung on Saturday offered their greetings to the public on the second day of the extended Chuseok holiday, vowing utmost efforts to improve people's livelihoods.
In a video message, Lee said he feels a "heavy sense of responsibility" as the country celebrates this year's extended Chuseok holiday, the Korean fall harvest festival, from Friday to next Thursday.
"The Chuseok holiday is a time when we wish for abundance for the year and dream of a hopeful future but the hardships facing people's livelihoods remain too great for us to be sharing only joy," he said.
Lee pledged his utmost efforts to help "every household live more prosperously" and ensure that the country's industries make a "vigorous leap forward."
"I am confident we will overcome all challenges, given our people's shared commitment and aspiration for a better tomorrow," he added.
President Lee Jae Myung and first lady Kim Hea Kyung offer Chuseok holiday greetings to the people on Oct. 4, 2025, in this photo captured from state broadcaster KTV. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
julesyi@yna.co.kr
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en.yna.co.kr · Yi Wonju · October 4, 2025
6. S. Korean overseas troops continue to serve for peace as UNC marks 75th anniv.
Part of being a global pivotal state is South Korea's commitment to UN operations around the world.
S. Korean overseas troops continue to serve for peace as UNC marks 75th anniv. | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Lee Minji · October 4, 2025
By Lee Minji
SEOUL, Oct. 4 (Yonhap) -- South Korean peacekeeping troops in Lebanon and South Sudan continue to serve for global peace through activities ranging from combined training to taekwondo lessons for civilians as the U.N. Command (UNC) marks its 75th anniversary of establishment this year.
South Korea has deployed troops to the Dongmyeong unit as part of the U.N. Interim Forces in Lebanon and the Hanbit unit for the United Nations Mission in South Sudan, of which both seek to honor the devotion of troops that were deployed here under the U.N. flag, according to the Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS).
The presence of the South Korean peacekeeping units has come into the spotlight as the U.S-led multinational command marks the 75th anniversary of its establishment this year.
In a ceremony marking the milestone last month, Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back said South Korea could arise from a war-torn country due to the UNC and troops from 22 nations, pledging to remember the spirit of solidarity and help defend peace with the international community.
A soldier deployed to the Dongmyeong unit in Lebanon provides medical support in this photo provided by South Korea's Joint Chiefs of Staff on Oct. 4, 2025. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
First deployed in 2007, the Dongmyeong unit seeks to contribute to regional stability by conducting around-the-clock surveillance against illegal weapons and armed forces and combined training for peacekeeping operations.
The unit, which carries the name "east light" in Korean, has also taken part in numerous activities to support the local community, such as establishing infrastructure -- solar power street lights and water purification facilities -- and offering taekwondo and Korean language lessons.
"The peace mission carried out by the Republic of Korea Armed Forces is not merely a military mission. It is a military mission, a civil mission, and a humanitarian mission," Hassan Dbouk, mayor of the Lebanese city of Tyre, said as he thanked the unit for the street light installations.
The Hanbit unit was first deployed to South Sudan in 2013, following its independence in 2011.
Over the past 12 years, it has carried out humanitarian maintenance work for roads spanning 2,800 kilometers and built barrier walls measuring 17 km to prevent floods in rainy seasons.
The unit has also established a farm and a vocational school to offer classes on skills such as agriculture, plumbing and carpentry to help local residents settle down and secure food resources. About 700 people have completed courses provided by the school to date.
Soldiers deployed to the Hanbit unit in South Sudan take part in an airport runway construction project in this photo provided by South Korea's Joint Chiefs of Staff on Oct. 4, 2025. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
mlee@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · Lee Minji · October 4, 2025
7. Hopes rise for North Korea breakthrough as Trump, Xi head to South Korea in October
Hope as a course of action?
I would not get my hopes up to high.
What concessions would the ROK and US be willing to give KJU just for a meeting?
Kim may say I am doing just fine out in the cold especially with China and Russia's help.
Hopes rise for North Korea breakthrough as Trump, Xi head to South Korea in October
Seoul to leverage APEC Forum to bring Pyongyang in from the cold
https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2025/oct/3/hopes-rise-north-korea-breakthrough-trump-xi-head-south-korea-october/
washingtontimes.com · Andrew Salmon
By - The Washington Times - Friday, October 3, 2025
SEOUL, South Korea — Hopes are rising in South Korea, particularly inside President Lee Jae-myung’s administration, that North Korea will be on the agenda when President Trump meets with Chinese President Xi Jinping in South Korea this month.
In remarks widely picked up in South Korean media, U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent told CNBC Thursday that Mr. Trump and Mr. Xi will have a “pull aside meeting” at the end of the month. While Mr. Bessent was discussing trade, not North Korea, the venue he was discussing was clear: South Korea hosts the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum Oct. 21-Nov.1.
Both the Chinese and U.S. leaders are expected to attend.
Inter-Korean ties froze following a failed 2019 summit in Vietnam between Mr. Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un. President Lee, who assumed power in Seoul in June, has made no secret of his desire to get cross-DMZ relations back on track.
Given Seoul’s position as junior partner in its alliance with the U.S., renewed Pyongyang-Washington ties are a prerequisite.
China, Korea’s neighbor, the region’s most economically important and powerful state and the closest global competitor to the U.S., cannot be ignored. Now, the geopolitical stars may be aligning.
“We always hope that China will make positive contributions when it comes to inter-Korean relations,” South Korean Prime Minister Kim Min-seok said in an interview with Hong Kong media published Thursday.
Mr. Xi offered Mr. Kim prestige positioning at a major Sept. 3 military parade in Beijing commemorating the 80th anniversary of World War II’s end.
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Mr. Xi did not mention North Korean denuclearization in his public statements, leading some to suggest that China now accepts North Korea as a de facto nuclear state.
It is unknown if Mr. Xi advised Mr. Kim to reopen channels with Washington, but on Sept. 22, Mr. Kim said, per state media reports, that he had “fond memories” of his meetings with Mr. Trump during his first term.
“If the United States drops the absurd obsession with denuclearizing us … there is no reason for us not to sit down with the United States,” he said.
Rumors are rife among Seoul pundits about whether Mr. Kim – whose nation is not an APEC member — will visit South Korea during the forum in the historic southern city of Gyeongju.
That would present risks for Mr. Kim. He has never visited the South, which he calls a hostile state, and he could be exposed to conservative protests as well as diplomatic niceties.
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Other rumors have Mr. Trump pow-wowing with Mr. Kim at the DMZ truce village of Panmunjom. Or a North Korean delegation, possibly led by Mr. Kim’s sister Yo Jong – who visited the South prior to an inter-Korean summit in 2018 – could come.
Regardless, Mr. Lee, who has deprioritized denuclearization, clearly wants to leverage the multilateral summit to restart discussions with North Korea.
For that, Beijing’s role is critical.
North Korea provides China a strategic buffer against the U.S.-allied democracies of South Korea and Japan. At the cost of 183,000 dead, per Chinese media, Beijing’s forces saved North Korea from obliteration in the 1950-53 Korean War.
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Subsequently, after the Soviet Union fell, China extended an economic lifeline, supplying poverty-stricken North Korea with food and fuel, possibly preventing a state implosion.
With North Korea now reaping the benefits of Russian aid in return for military assistance in Moscow’s war against Ukraine, China’s importance has lessened, but not evaporated.
Experts speaking during a webinar offered by the Pacific Forum think tank on Friday were guardedly optimistic that Pyongyang could return to the negotiating table.
“There are a lot of positive vibes – there could be different talks and avenues,” said Harry Kazianis, editor in chief of The National Security Journal. “Looking at the next few weeks, we would see some very dynamic changes …there could be an impromptu Trump-Kim summit.
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“President Lee is signaling that he wants to see summitry happen, he is looking for opportunities to push it,” he added.
He also noted that, per recent interviews with Fox News, Mr. Trump has indicated a possible willingness to meet Mr. Kim without preconditions.
But others cautioned that Beijing has its own agenda – including a stabilized North Korea and American troops out of South Korea.
“While China is competing with America, China can also work with America to improve the nuclear situation of North Korea,” said Son Hyun-jin, an associate professor at the Hiroshima Peace Institute. “The current maintenance of the situation … is China’s default position. They do not want any changes.”
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If denuclearization is off the table, baby steps are needed.
“A good starting point is to resolve the Korean War,” said Xiaoyi Ze, a Pacific Forum fellow.
The conflict ended with a 1953 armistice, not a peace treaty. Even so, despite frequent tensions, the peninsula is at peace. The last deadly North-South clash was in 2010.
Peace activists support a treaty. Relatively low-risk for all players, it could be achieved with more ease than disarmament.
However, conservatives fear that if a deal is signed, Beijing and Pyongyang could argue for the removal of all U.S. troops from South Korea.
That issue is in focus. Some drawdown of troops in Korea is expected, given Washington’s prioritization on homeland defense.
Another issue that could lead to a drawdown is a transfer of wartime operational control of South Korean troops from U.S. to domestic command. Mr. Lee aims to achieve that by 2030, alarming pundits who fear it could neuter joint war-fighting capabilities.
U.S. forces in Korea are primarily deployed on the country’s China-facing Yellow Sea Coast, ideally situated for operations in support of Taiwan. If GIs in Korea become a bargaining chip in North Korea talks, Beijing stands to benefit.
“They want a more independent South Korea … not playing a role in other regional conflagrations that may emerge,” said Rob York, Pacific Forum’s program director.
• Andrew Salmon can be reached at asalmon@washingtontimes.com.
washingtontimes.com · Andrew Salmon
8. Takaichi's Rise Raises Red Flags for South Korea-Japan Ties
Uh oh. Not good news.
Takaichi's Rise Raises Red Flags for South Korea-Japan Ties
Despite Emphasizing Cooperation, Takaichi's Hardline Stances on Dokdo, Historical Issues Could Test Relations
https://www.chosun.com/english/world-en/2025/10/04/X7TGO3ZT25CMPNW6YOKXZUBOMA/
By Ryu Jung,
Roh Suk-jo
Published 2025.10.04. 15:18
Updated 2025.10.04. 17:25
Takaichi Sanae, elected as Japan's Liberal Democratic Party president on the 4th, answers questions at a joint press conference for LDP presidential candidates held at the party's headquarters in Tokyo on September 23. /Reuters-Yonhap
Takaichi Sanae, former Minister of Economic Security, has been elected as the president of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and is expected to become the next prime minister, raising concerns that a red light could illuminate South Korea-Japan relations.
Takaichi is a representative right-wing politician within the LDP who continues the legacy of former Prime Minister Abe. She has taken a hardline stance on historical issues such as the comfort women problem and has consistently claimed Japan’s sovereignty over Dokdo. She is also a frequent visitor to the Yasukuni Shrine.
During an LDP presidential debate on the 27th of last month, Takaichi publicly argued that cabinet ministers should confidently attend the “Takeshima (the Japanese name for Dokdo) Day” event. She emphasized that “there is no need to be cautious” and that it should be made clear that Dokdo is Japanese territory. While the Japanese government has sent vice-ministerial officials to the event since 2013, Takaichi advocates elevating participation to the ministerial level.
Although the Kishida administration and the Yoon Suk-yeol government, as well as the Ishiba administration and the Lee Jae-myung government, have made rapid progress through multiple summits, shuttle diplomacy, and the restoration of the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) on security, economic, and historical issues, tensions over historical and territorial disputes are likely to escalate under Takaichi’s leadership.
On August 15, 2014, Japanese lawmakers visit Yasukuni Shrine to honor war dead on the 69th anniversary of the end of World War II. Takaichi Sanae is second from left. /AP-Yonhap
Takaichi does not dismiss the importance of South Korea-Japan relations. During a public debate among LDP presidential candidates on the 24th of last month, she stressed, “We should deepen South Korea-Japan relations” and “strengthen trilateral cooperation among South Korea, the U.S., and Japan, considering the security environment.” She also praised the Kishida administration’s efforts to improve relations. Amid growing solidarity among China, North Korea, and Russia, and heightened tensions in the Taiwan Strait, Takaichi recognizes that defense and security cooperation among South Korea, Japan, and the U.S. is more critical than ever.
While Takaichi explicitly mentioned visiting the Yasukuni Shrine during the previous presidential election, she did not address the issue this time. However, analysts suggest she is likely to visit the shrine at least once early in her tenure, considering her support base.
Takaichi is expected to represent conservative stances on political and historical issues, as she secured overwhelming support from party members and lawmakers in the presidential election. This outcome is interpreted as a reflection of the rightward shift among Japanese citizens and party members. Notably, lawmakers affiliated with former Prime Minister Aso Taro, a known hardline conservative, reportedly supported Takaichi in the runoff vote following Aso’s instruction to “vote according to the party members’ will.”
In response, the South Korean government stated on the 4th regarding the election of Takaichi Sanae, former Minister of Economic Security, “We will continue to cooperate closely with the new administration to maintain the positive momentum in South Korea-Japan relations.”
A Ministry of Foreign Affairs official said that day, “A new cabinet is expected to be formed following the Japanese parliament’s prime ministerial nomination election around mid-October,” and added, “As South Korea and Japan are neighbors with similar positions amid a rapidly changing geopolitical environment and trade order, and global cooperation partners, we expect both countries to continue working together to develop a future-oriented relationship.”
9. Trump unlikely to attend APEC summit
????
Excerpts:
Based on his known schedule, Trump appears to be focused more on meeting with business leaders and the U.S.-China summit. The meeting between Trump and Xi has been officially confirmed, with U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent saying that the two leaders will have a “pull-aside” meeting.
On the sidelines of the CEO summit, Trump is expected to reiterate his calls for firms to invest in America. During his first term, Trump met with business leaders during his visits to Korea in 2017 and 2019, urging them to expand their investments in the U.S.
Although it remains unclear when Trump will leave South Korea, the chances of him staying in the country long enough to have a surprise meeting with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un are slim. A summit with South Korean President Lee Jae-myung may also be limited to a brief pull-aside meeting.
Trump unlikely to attend APEC summit - The Korea Times
The Korea Times · ListenListenText SizePrint
U.S. President Donald Trump is unlikely to attend the upcoming Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Economic Leaders' Summit, despite his planned visit to Gyeongju, North Gyeongsang Province — the host city — during the meetings’ run.
According to Korean government officials, Saturday, Seoul is now arranging diplomatic schedules and preparation based on the assumption that Trump will arrive in Korea, Oct. 29.
Scheduled for Oct. 29 is the APEC CEO Summit, a gathering of top business leaders from APEC economies. This year’s event is expected to invite big name businessmen, including OpenAI CEO Sam Altman and Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang.
According to the officials, Trump is expected to attend the CEO Summit, have a bi-lateral meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping and leave Korea before the APEC Leaders’ Summit slated for Oct. 31. The reason for his early departure remains unclear, but they suspect that he may have a reason to return home by Nov. 2.
Prime Minister Kim Min-seok, center, walks across the venue of the APEC CEO Summit in Gyeongju, North Gyeongsang Province, Sept. 26. Yonhap
Foreign media reports indicate that Trump’s Asia Tour schedule is expected to be tight. Before attending APEC meetings in Gyeongju, he is likely to participate in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Summit from Oct. 26 to 28.
Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim said in July that he had a phone conversation with Trump, during which the U.S. president confirmed his participation in the ASEAN meeting.
After his stop in Malaysia, Trump is expected to travel to Japan. Kyodo News there reported Friday that the two sides are arranging a visit Oct. 27 for talks with the new Japanese prime minister, set to be selected Saturday.
Based on his known schedule, Trump appears to be focused more on meeting with business leaders and the U.S.-China summit. The meeting between Trump and Xi has been officially confirmed, with U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent saying that the two leaders will have a “pull-aside” meeting.
On the sidelines of the CEO summit, Trump is expected to reiterate his calls for firms to invest in America. During his first term, Trump met with business leaders during his visits to Korea in 2017 and 2019, urging them to expand their investments in the U.S.
Although it remains unclear when Trump will leave South Korea, the chances of him staying in the country long enough to have a surprise meeting with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un are slim. A summit with South Korean President Lee Jae-myung may also be limited to a brief pull-aside meeting.
If Trump leaves Gyeongju immediately after his meeting with Xi, observers say other diplomatic agendas — particularly tariff talks with Seoul — could also be put on the back burner.
South Korean authorities have been hoping to leverage Trump’s APEC visit as an opportunity to hammer out a breakthrough in negotiations over U.S. demands that Seoul commit its proposed $350 billion investment fund in cash, despite Seoul’s preference to structure the fund using loans and guarantees.
Last month, the Korean government delivered a revised memorandum of understanding focusing on loans and guarantees, although the U.S. side has yet to respond.
The Korea Times · ListenListenText SizePrint
10. Another North Korean refugee's story brought me to tears
So many stories of refugees from the north should bring us all to tears.
Keep this fact in mind. North Korea did not allow some 78,000 South POWs to return to the South. They kept them, eventually gave them citizenship with the lowest social class of Songbun and allowed them to marry. Their social class sentenced them to lives as slaves in the coal mines. It also meant their wives and children took the same social class so the children were sentenced to work in the coal mines. This created a perpetual supply of slave labor for the regime. If that is not one of the worst examples of systemic human right abuses I do not know what is.
There is only one solution to this tragedy – change inside north Korea and achieving a free and unified Korea.
Excerpt:
The book is “Girl with Black Makeup” by Sharon Jang. I learned that Sharon's grandfather was a South Korean soldier captured near the end of the Korean War. Because of this, he, his children, and grandchildren — including Sharon — were condemned to work in North Korea's infamous coal mines. She lived a difficult life that was disadvantaged even compared to other North Koreans until she escaped in 2011 and arrived in South Korea in 2012.
Another North Korean refugee's story brought me to tears - The Korea Times
By Kim Su-jin
- Published Oct 4, 2025 1:34 pm KST
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The tears came without warning. I was sitting on a packed subway train reading a book in English by a fellow North Korean refugee when suddenly I found myself crying in front of dozens of strangers. I fumbled for tissues in my bag, aware of the startled looks from passengers around me, but I couldn't stop.
The book is “Girl with Black Makeup” by Sharon Jang. I learned that Sharon's grandfather was a South Korean soldier captured near the end of the Korean War. Because of this, he, his children, and grandchildren — including Sharon — were condemned to work in North Korea's infamous coal mines. She lived a difficult life that was disadvantaged even compared to other North Koreans until she escaped in 2011 and arrived in South Korea in 2012.
For days after finishing the book, the pain in my heart was so sharp that I felt the slightest touch would make me burst into tears again. What was this uncontrollable emotion? What did these tears mean? I kept thinking about it as I reread the book.
I've often shared stories with other North Korean defectors and found common ground in our experiences. But I had never looked so deeply into one person's life, laid out in such raw detail. The author held nothing back. If she were sitting beside me, I would want to hold her tightly. I wanted to cling to her and wail together.
How much suffering must she have endured? One image stays with me: a teenage girl covered in coal dust, crying black tears. When she described even her blood seeming black, it reminded me of the children I once saw at the marketplace, selling coal. I realized I wasn't the only one who suffered. There were many who endured pain just like me.
This book helps me see beyond myself and understand others. A teenage girl left to care for her younger sibling while watching her drunk father after her mother's departure — I endured nearly the same situation. Through this book, I found experiences so similar to mine, stories I had rarely heard directly from anyone else. I felt a deep sense of solidarity. It reaffirmed my conviction that the work I do for North Korean human rights is truly the right path.
I escaped from North Korea in 2003. After being trafficked in China, I finally arrived in South Korea in 2007. I settled down and worked as a nurse for more than a decade before entering graduate school. Sharon and I now both advocate for North Korean human rights and tell our stories as Keynote Speakers of Freedom Speakers International, which published her book.
Why did we, out of all the countries in the world, have to be born in North Korea and go through such heartbreaking experiences? Why are these things still happening while we stand helplessly watching? When I hear people in the free world say that life is hard here, I still cannot understand it. To me, it feels like words of the well-fed.
Sharon's book gave me permission to feel these things fully. Reading her story helped me understand my own more deeply. To remember without apologizing. To cry on a crowded subway without shame. To recognize that our stories matter. We are not alone in our suffering, and we are not alone in our healing.
Kim Su-jin escaped from North Korea in 2003 and arrived in South Korea in 2007. She is now a Keynote Speaker with Freedom Speakers International (FSI). This article was translated from Korean to English by FSI co-founder Lee Eun-koo and edited by FSI co-founder Casey Lartigue Jr.
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11. How Charlie Kirk’s death galvanized South Korea’s ‘MAGA’ conservatives
I fear this could be what breaks the alliance. Administration attacks on these Korean conservative religious groups combined with an alliance of Korea and US MAGA conservatives who attach the Lee administration could embolden the American "retrenchers" who seek the withdrawal of US forces from the peninsula. The accusations of religious persecution combined with allegations of ties to China and north Korea could provide the perfect ammunition for those who do not think we should have troops in Korea. Will this be a perfect storm?
How Charlie Kirk’s death galvanized South Korea’s ‘MAGA’ conservatives
The honoring of Kirk in South Korea is the latest example of the strengthening ties between the country’s Christian conservatives and U.S. evangelicals.
October 3, 2025 at 5:00 a.m. EDTYesterday at 5:00 a.m. EDT
Washington Post · Michelle Ye Hee Lee
SEOUL — Four days before he died, the conservative activist Charlie Kirk was in Seoul calling on South Koreans to “stand up to tyranny.” An amped-up crowd waved the flashlights on their smartphones as if they were at a concert and chanted, “U.S.A.! U.S.A.!”
The 31-year-old’s killing on Sept. 10, shortly after he left South Korea, has galvanized a fervent group of religious ultraconservatives here vowing to carry on his legacy: They have held memorials and invoked his name in street protests throughout Seoul, chanting, “We are Charlie Kirk.”
Their embrace of Kirk is the latest display of deepening ties between a sprawling, transnational network of evangelical Christian conservatives in South Korea — which commentators oxymoronically call “Korean MAGA,” using the abbreviation for “Make America Great Again” — and sympathetic figures in President Donald Trump’s second-term orbit.
They are united by views that include opposition to the Chinese Communist Party, what they consider liberal persecution of Christians and liberalism run amok: for instance, fringe movements of South Korean women refusing to have children — or sex.
Kirk’s death “has awakened South Korean conservatives,” said Lee Hun, senior pastor at the Overflowing Church, a politically engaged evangelical church in Incheon, west of Seoul. “It is sending us the message that the conservative movement must not only mobilize domestically, but also unite with the U.S. and really do something.”
Ties between South Korean and American conservatives go back to the 1950-1953 Korean War, when Protestants fled communist persecution in the North and American missionaries supported the South. In the 1960s and 1970s, South Koreans imported U.S. conservative traditions like the National Prayer Breakfast. The Unification Church, founded by a South Korean evangelist, actively defended the Nixon administration during Watergate.
Now an outspoken group of South Korean evangelicals has rallied around former president Yoon Suk Yeol, who was impeached after declaring martial law in December, a month before Trump took office, and is now facing a criminal trial.
They say Yoon is a victim of political assault by the liberal establishment, led by new President Lee Jae Myung, and have even adopted the “Stop the Steal” slogan from pro-Trump supporters. They have seized on recent raids and arrests targeting prominent conservative pastors over their ties to Yoon as further evidence of religious persecution.
Influential Republicans have echoed their concerns — including Kirk, the president’s son Donald Trump Jr., longtime political adviser Stephen K. Bannon, the president’s spiritual adviser Paula White-Cain, activist Laura Loomer, and conservative commentators Gordon Chang and Morse Tan.
“The shock of the new government’s vicious assault on religious liberty has resonated throughout the Trump Administration and its allies,” Newt Gingrich, a former House speaker and a critic of the Lee government, wrote in an email. “The range of churches being attacked … has sent alarm bells throughout the conservative movement.”
Chang said the church probe concerns struck a chord in Washington because it is “a lightning rod in America. … It’s an emotional third rail, going after churches.”
President Trump amplified their frustrations before meeting with Lee in August, posting on social media: “WHAT IS GOING ON IN SOUTH KOREA? Seems like a Purge or Revolution.”
South Korea’s presidential office said the investigations are part of an impartial judicial process handled by independent prosecutors, and not initiated by the Lee government.
“President Lee Jae Myung is also a man of Christian faith,” his office said in a statement, adding that the president had “the deepest respect” for freedom of religion and expression, as guaranteed by the constitution. “To characterize these judicial processes as religious persecution or politically motivated is inaccurate and misleading,” it said.
‘Korea Fest’
It was in this febrile environment that Kirk arrived in Seoul, on his first visit to Asia.
On Sept. 5 and 6, Kirk headlined the annual conference of Build Up Korea, a group modeled after his Turning Point USA, which mobilizes young conservatives on college campuses.
He was greeted with pyrotechnics and flashing lights as if he were a rock star — in a carbon copy of Turning Point USA’s “America Fest” conference. Onstage, Kirk called on South Korea’s young conservatives to rise up against communism and attacks on religious liberty, and urged them to have more children to reverse the nation’s low fertility rate.
“I was thrilled,” Kirk said on his podcast after returning to the United States. “I’d call it Korea Fest, but it was practically just America Fest. They love America.”
The event was the brainchild of Mina Kim, a conservative activist in her 30s whose YouTube channel has gained traction here with a pro-Trump message. She attended her first America Fest in 2022 and was inspired to create Build Up Korea, one of a constellation of politically active evangelical groups that have cropped up in recent years, attracting people in their 20s and 30s.
Kim encountered Kirk through his pastor, Rob McCoy, whom she met at McCoy’s church in California, Kim said on YouTube. McCoy is now on the advisory board of Build Up Korea along with Maureen Bannon, daughter of the former Trump adviser.
Kim is also the president of the South Korean branch of EveryLife, a diaper brand that promotes Christian values and is a subsidiary of PublicSquare, an e-commerce company that has Donald Trump Jr. on its board of directors. The South Korean branch launched earlier this year, promising to work with domestic churches and businesses to encourage Koreans to have more children.
Neither Kim nor Trump Jr. responded to requests for an interview.
Kim started Build Up Korea in 2023 and last year secured Trump Jr. as the conference headliner. This year, she brought Kirk to Seoul, where he gave the kind of rousing speech he would deliver again a few days later in Utah, where he was shot.
“He went to heaven embracing South Korea,” Kim said on YouTube after his death. “I believe he will appeal to God there, on our behalf.”
Kim Jae-hyun, a 23-year-old student from the southern city of Busan who attended Kirk’s speech, said the American activist was someone who could bring South Korea’s message directly to President Trump. Since Kirk’s death, he’s been wondering who will fill the void and what it will mean for his country.
“I think Kirk’s message about South Korea has been sent pretty clearly” to Trump, he said. “Even if there’s no direct messenger, I hope Trump will continue to be interested in South Korea.”
Since Kirk’s death, another group similar to Build Up Korea, Truth Forum, has plastered more than two dozen college campuses across South Korea with posters of Kirk and has held memorials commemorating his life.
“For the South Korean conservative movement to mourn Charlie Kirk is natural and necessary, as Kirk’s work was also based on restoring a Judeo-Christian worldview in the U.S.,” said David Eunkoo Kim, the group’s leader. “His movement is very similar to our own.”
In the MAGA mold
That movement is far more vocal now than it was during Trump’s first term, when South Korean conservatives were much weaker politically, experts say.
Conservatives in both countries are increasingly invoking religion to counter the left and claim moral high ground, said Aram Hur, Korea studies chair at the Fletcher School at Tufts University.
“It’s in the current political interest of South Korean conservatives to make connections to conservative Christian movements in the U.S. and fashion themselves in that mold,” she said.
That could be a problem for Lee’s government, which is already facing headwinds with the U.S. on tariff negotiations, said Bae Jong-chan, a political analyst who runs the Insight K think tank in Seoul.
“There are conservative forces within South Korea that can drive a wedge between President Trump and the Lee administration,” Bae said. “Lee’s administration needs to make an effort to prevent this from happening. But if they get too caught up in this … it could deteriorate South Korea-U. S. relations, and it will not benefit his administration.”
The rise of right-wing South Korean commentators on YouTube has played a major role. These influencers have also forged ties with Korean American churches and political organizations representing conservative Korean Americans, expanding their reach in the United States, experts say.
“Previously, major [conservative] voices were pastors and conservative organizations with the human and financial resources to mobilize,” said Suh Myung-sahm, a religious studies professor at Sogang University in Seoul who closely tracks right-wing groups. “Now, YouTube subscribers acting as a new form of ‘human capital’ have created a new dynamic.”
YouTube has also allowed younger content creators to gain influence and become key figures in the movement, an unusual phenomenon in a society that values age-based social hierarchy, Suh said. Kim, of Build Up Korea, is one of those influencers.
This coincides with the rise of conservatism among young men in South Korea, many of whom are drawn to Kirk’s message.
The culture war over gender equality has fueled this shift in recent years. South Korea has long had a poor record on women’s rights and has the highest gender wage gap among advanced economies. But for many young South Korean men, who face higher unemployment rates than women in their age group, feminism feels like an outdated pursuit.
Dodai Jung, 21, a conservative student at Yonsei University in Seoul, said he didn’t agree with all of Kirk’s views but admired that he engaged with his critics. Jung said he hopes to see more domestic leaders who similarly take “creative” approaches to spreading conservative values.
“It makes no sense that your life would be at risk for simply expressing your opinions and convictions,” Jung said. “I respected his attitude toward open debate, and I respected him very much as a fellow Christian.”
Washington Post · Michelle Ye Hee Lee
12. Kim Jong Un reveals ‘two-state theory’ has not been enshrined in constitution
We should realize that the nuclear state law takes precedence and overrides the comments about two states and no longer seeking peaceful unification. or even unification by force.
These comments are part of his political warfare strategy to lull South Korea into a state of complacency based on the idea peaceful coexistence. The idea of peaceful co-existence may be how Kim plans to use his political warfare strategy to drive a wedge in the alliance and coerce the South into rejecting (or ejecting) US troops which is a key condition for the success of Kim's strategy to dominate the peninsula. He needs a subservient South to do so.
Excerpts:
The message is: to deal with North Korea (dialogue/contact), these must be eliminated first. Coincidentally, on the same day Kim made this statement, Lee Jae-myung criticized what he called “subservient thinking,” asking whether self-reliant defense is impossible without foreign troops. This can be seen as a statement contemplating U.S. Forces Korea withdrawal, responding even more dramatically than Kim Jong Un’s demand to halt ROK-U.S. joint military exercises. The very next day, in a BBC interview, he suggested North Korea’s nuclear armament is defensive and expressed the view that Kim Jong Un will not abandon nuclear weapons. In his U.N. General Assembly speech (Sept. 23), he proposed a three-stage denuclearization theory to the international community, suggesting nuclear suspension rather than nuclear abandonment. This came as G7 foreign ministers reaffirmed the principle of complete North Korean denuclearization.
I believe that Lee has fallen into Kim Jong Un’s trap. He is probing the possibility of inter-Korean contact without immediately demanding denuclearization from North Korea. But the reality is not so simple. Kim Jong Un will shake the Lee government even more and may carry out military provocations (including trash balloons). This is because he knows this government, having already chosen “subservient diplomacy,” cannot move and will simply take it.
We must never overlook the danger of preemptive nuclear strikes against South Korea—a core element of the state nuclear force policy already enshrined in law in North Korea. When preemptive nuclear strikes have already been declared, the fixation on viewing North Korean nuclear weapons as defensive is itself extremely dangerous thinking. This is not tolerance but subservience.
Kim Jong Un reveals ‘two-state theory’ has not been enshrined in constitution
I believe that Lee Jae-myung has fallen into Kim Jong Un's trap
By Jong Kyo Jin, Research Professor, Korea University Institute for Unification Studies - October 3, 2025
https://www.dailynk.com/english/kim-jong-un-reveals-two-state-theory-not-been-enshrined-constitution/
During his speech at the 14th Supreme People’s Assembly (13th Session) on Sept. 21, Kim Jong Un directly acknowledged that the two-state theory has not yet been constitutionalized.
“We will enshrine in state law that we and South Korea are clearly two heterogeneous states separated by a border that can never become one.”
This statement makes it difficult to dispute assessments that the two-state theory has not yet been codified in North Korea’s constitution. Experts who had claimed the theory was already constitutionalized now say Kim has “driven the final nail” into it—essentially admitting it hasn’t been enacted.
The media continues to focus on the fact that Kim Jong Un raised the two-state theory again, rather than on the fact that it remains unconstitutionalized. In other words, pundits keep fixating on the phrase “clearly we and South Korea are heterogeneous states separated by a border that can never become one” rather than on “will enshrine in state law.” This causes observers to overlook Kim Jong Un’s ongoing deception tactics and the lure he has revealed this time.
Kim Jong Un’s intent in emphasizing the importance of ‘state law’
In his recent speech, Kim Jong Un emphasized the importance of “state law.” This was to assert that North Korea is a nuclear-armed state and to argue against denuclearization. Kim insisted that North Korea’s status as a nuclear state is specified in state law—the constitution—making denuclearization absolutely impossible. He protested that U.S. and international demands for North Korean denuclearization are equivalent to asking him to violate state law. He then stated:
“It is sacred and absolute, unchangeable and inviolable under any circumstances, and is specified in the Republic’s supreme law.”
“We have a legal obligation to protect state law.”
Kim Jong Un heavily emphasized that North Korea’s nuclear state status has been enshrined in the constitution. By contrast, this implies that what is not state law—not enshrined in the constitution—is less absolute and remains subject to change. This helps explain why Kim Jong Un directly acknowledged that the two-state theory has not yet been constitutionalized.
‘Two-state theory’ as a changeable South Korea policy tool
This requires a new approach to Kim Jong Un’s statement: “We are clearly two heterogeneous states separated by a border that can never become one.”
Since this is not yet state law, it can be reversed at any time. Moreover, the statement “we will clearly not deal with them at all” is also North Korea’s current South Korea policy unrelated to state law, so this too can change at any time. The fact that it’s changeable allows us to assess it as South Korea deception tactics and a lure.
What about Kim Jong Un’s following statements?
“We have absolutely no intention of unifying with a country that has entrusted its politics and national defense to foreign powers.”
“Unification is absolutely unnecessary.”
Can these statements also be reversed? Probably not. While these may emerge from the two-state theory perspective, they contradict the constitutionalized state nuclear force policy.
Kim Jong Un’s unification rejection linked to ‘territorial completion’
Kim Jong Un’s following statement mixes elements of both the two-state theory and state nuclear force policy:
“Unification of two entities that are not only thoroughly heterogeneous but completely antagonistic cannot be achieved without one disappearing.”
Kim’s statement that “unification of two entities” cannot be achieved without one disappearing should be viewed from the perspective of “territorial completion”—the goal of state nuclear force policy—rather than the two-state theory. The meaning of not pursuing unification from a two-state theory perspective can be found in his remarks from Oct. 7, 2024, when he visited the National Defense University:
“Frankly, we have absolutely no intention of attacking the Republic of Korea. Even being conscious of it gives us chills, and we don’t even want to face those people. In the past, we talked a lot about liberating the South and spoke of forcible unification, but now we have no interest in this at all, and especially since declaring two states, we pay even less attention to that country.”
This represents a complete rejection of any form of unification, including “liberation of the South.” It simultaneously means no forcible unification—no territorial completion. In short, Kim is saying he will simply ignore the Republic of Korea.
However, this statement completely contradicts the “state nuclear force policy.” It directly conflicts with it. Therefore, we must recognize that Kim Jong Un’s statement in his recent Supreme People’s Assembly speech that “unification of two entities cannot be achieved without one disappearing” was made from the perspective of the state nuclear force policy being enshrined in the constitution, not the two-state theory.
‘Two-state theory’ directly conflicts with constitutionalized ‘state nuclear force policy’
In his recent speech, Kim Jong Un also mentioned “territorial completion” and connected it to the following statement:
“We have made them unable not to fear the fatal consequences that may arise in any case.”
This is a statement referencing preemptive nuclear strikes against South Korea, a core element of state nuclear force policy. Kim Jong Un called this the “second mission” in his recent speech:
“When the deterrent’s second mission is activated, South Korea, the surrounding region, and the military organizations and infrastructure of its allied countries will collapse instantly, which means annihilation.”
This statement encompasses both preemptive nuclear strikes and territorial completion. What we can understand from Kim Jong Un’s speech is that the “two-state theory” and “state nuclear force policy” conflict with each other. However, North Korea already enshrined the state nuclear force policy in its constitution in September 2023. Therefore, enshrining the two-state theory in the constitution would be problematic. Even the call to “liberate the South” is closer to “territorial completion” through forcible unification. Given these many internal and external obstacles to constitutionalizing the two-state theory, North Korea appears still unable to do so.
Kim Jong Un’s intent in revealing non-constitutionalization: A lure for South Korea
While emphasizing that North Korea’s nuclear state status has been enshrined in the constitution, Kim Jong Un intentionally revealed that the two-state theory has not yet been constitutionalized. This is a statement intended to lure South Korea. While claiming they will never deal with the South again, he cleverly dropped hints about the reasons. There were two main ones: joint ROK-U.S. military exercises and the National Security Law. He expressed great disappointment that these two things still operate even under the Lee Jae-myung government and leveled harsh criticism.
The message is: to deal with North Korea (dialogue/contact), these must be eliminated first. Coincidentally, on the same day Kim made this statement, Lee Jae-myung criticized what he called “subservient thinking,” asking whether self-reliant defense is impossible without foreign troops. This can be seen as a statement contemplating U.S. Forces Korea withdrawal, responding even more dramatically than Kim Jong Un’s demand to halt ROK-U.S. joint military exercises. The very next day, in a BBC interview, he suggested North Korea’s nuclear armament is defensive and expressed the view that Kim Jong Un will not abandon nuclear weapons. In his U.N. General Assembly speech (Sept. 23), he proposed a three-stage denuclearization theory to the international community, suggesting nuclear suspension rather than nuclear abandonment. This came as G7 foreign ministers reaffirmed the principle of complete North Korean denuclearization.
I believe that Lee has fallen into Kim Jong Un’s trap. He is probing the possibility of inter-Korean contact without immediately demanding denuclearization from North Korea. But the reality is not so simple. Kim Jong Un will shake the Lee government even more and may carry out military provocations (including trash balloons). This is because he knows this government, having already chosen “subservient diplomacy,” cannot move and will simply take it.
We must never overlook the danger of preemptive nuclear strikes against South Korea—a core element of the state nuclear force policy already enshrined in law in North Korea. When preemptive nuclear strikes have already been declared, the fixation on viewing North Korean nuclear weapons as defensive is itself extremely dangerous thinking. This is not tolerance but subservience.
De Oppresso Liber,
David Maxwell
Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy
Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation
Editor, Small Wars Journal
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
Phone: 202-573-8647
email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com
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