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Quotes of the Day:
"We're developing a new citizenry. One that will b every selective about cereals and automobiles, but won't be able to think."
– Rod Serling
"Just as love for one individual which excludes the love for others is not love, love for one's country which is not part of one's love for humanity is not love, but idolatrous worship."
– Erich Fromm
“Human beings are so made that the ones who do the crushing feel nothing’ it is the person crushed who feels what is happening. Unless one has placed oneself on the side of the oppressed, to feel with them, one who cannot understand.”
– Simone Weil
1. Kim Jong Un denounces ‘dangerous’ US nuclear moves with eye on potential talks
2. New S. Korean envoy vows to solidify alliance with U.S.
3. N. Korea's Kim tells Putin that alliance will 'invariably' carry forward in future
4. S. Korea, China FMs agree on efforts to develop ties through APEC summit in phone talks
5. New North Korean Hypersonic Missile Unveiled At Pyongyang Arms Expo
6. Traffic heavy on highways nationwide day after Chuseok
7. Premier Li Qiang to visit North Korea, most senior Chinese official to do so since 2019
8. Americans Top Foreign Owners of Seoul Apartments in Han River Belt
9. S. Korea moves to curb anti-China rally slogans, raising rights concerns
10. Arrest of media regulator signals dangerous turn in South Korea
11. Kim Jong-un hails Putin as ‘closest comrade’ in birthday message
12. Former PEO, Ships, Retired U.S. Navy Rear Admiral Tom Anderson Joins Hanwha Defense USA as President of U.S. Shipbuilding
13. Pacific Allies Need U.S. Support
14. Criticism of Washington's $350 billion investment demand 'not anti-Americanism,' says Seoul's top envoy
15. Korean fury over Tesla battery error builds as gov't mulls subsidy review
16. Kim Jong Un demands major health sector ‘reform’ at Pyongyang hospital opening
17. North Korean tech company registers office for ‘market research’ in Vladivostok
18. Kang Kyung-wha takes up post as ROK envoy to US amid push for North Korea talks
19. Australia deploys patrol aircraft to monitor North Korea’s maritime smuggling
20. The Korean Emperor and the American Princess: Part 2
1. Kim Jong Un denounces ‘dangerous’ US nuclear moves with eye on potential talks
What will be the price that Kim demands simply for an agreement to talk? What can he extort from the ROK and US?
He is laying the rhetorical groundwork here.
Kim Jong Un denounces ‘dangerous’ US nuclear moves with eye on potential talks
Experts say arms expo speech drives home that denuclearization is off the table, while taking aim at US recon assets
https://www.nknews.org/2025/10/kim-jong-un-denounces-dangerous-us-nuclear-moves-with-eye-on-potential-talks/
Jooheon Kim October 6, 2025
Kim Jong Un delivers a speech at a defense expo on Oct. 4, 2025. | Image: Rodong Sinmun
North Korean leader Kim Jong Un’s denunciation of “dangerous” U.S.-ROK nuclear moves and threat to retaliate with “special assets” has ramped up the regime’s rhetoric even as the allies entertain diplomacy, experts say, driving home that denuclearization is off the table for any negotiations.
In a speech at a major weapons expo over the weekend, Kim accused the U.S. of carrying out a military buildup aimed at facilitating “preemptive strikes” in the event of a contingency, while arguing that Washington and Seoul have established a “nuclear alliance.”
The remarks come at a sensitive time on the peninsula — days before an expected DPRK military parade to celebrate the 80th anniversary of the founding of the Workers’ Party of Korea, and just weeks before U.S. President Donald Trump is set to visit the South for the APEC summit and a meeting with China’s Xi Jinping.
Experts say some threats, such as Kim’s stated assignment of “special assets” to certain targets and plans to adopt “additional military measures,” are more operationally specific than others and underscore how North Korea looks to counter U.S. deployments of reconnaissance assets to the peninsula.
But the speech also had a broader purpose beyond signaling to Washington or Seoul, sending the message to domestic audiences that the DPRK is well-defended against all outside threats.
PREPARING TO PREEMPT
The DPRK leader stressed multiple times in the speech that Washington is increasing its military presence in and around South Korea.
“The U.S.-ROK nuclear alliance is making rapid progress, and they are conducting various kinds of exercises to execute dangerous scenarios according to the so-called nuclear operations guidelines and to get adept at them,” Kim said, adding that the U.S. is renewing its overall military structure by strengthening strategic reconnaissance and offensive and defensive capabilities.
“No one can deny or conceal the fact that the United States’ arms buildup schemes are mainly geared to making it easier to launch preemptive strikes against the other side in times of emergency. This is the very situation,” he said.
Han Ki-ho, a professor at the Ajou Institute for Unification, said that North Korea’s criticism of the U.S.-ROK “nuclear-based alliance” — a framing that started under previous administrations — appears to have reached its peak.
“In particular, North Korea may perceive the ongoing training near the Korean Peninsula of three strategic bombers — the B-1B and B-52H deployed to the Korean Peninsula and Japan this year, as well as the B-2 Spirit, which carried out the strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities — as a real threat.”
ROK and Japanese fighters alongside two U.S. B-52H nuclear-capable strategic bombers during trilateral air drills on July 11, 2025 | ROK Defense Ministry
Kim’s mention of nuclear operations guidelines likely refer to the U.S.-ROK nuclear consultations, Han added.
“North Korea does not recognize the U.S.-ROK nuclear consultations and missile defense drills as efforts to deter tensions on the Korean Peninsula, but instead interprets them as preparations for preemptive strikes,” he said.
‘SPECIAL ASSETS’ ALLOCATION
Kim not only talked about perceived U.S. threat against North Korea but also made direct threats himself, emphasizing that he is closely monitoring the U.S. deployment of strategic strike and reconnaissance assets in or near South Korea.
To respond “in direct proportion” to such U.S. arms buildup in South Korea, he “assigned” certain “special assets to the major targets” of North Korea’s “strategic concerns” and will consider adopting “additional military measures” corresponding to further manoeuverings, state media reported.
Any further dangerous moves by Washington will “spur us more powerfully to implement the relevant military and technological measures aimed at removing the new threats and maintaining the balance of power,” Kim said.
Han interpreted such threats as a likely response to the recent U.S. deployment of additional aerial reconnaissance assets as part of its Indo-Pacific strategy.
For instance, the U.S. military announced last week that it has permanently stationed MQ-9 Reaper combat and reconnaissance drones in South Korea for the first time, establishing a new air squadron that will improve the allies’ ability to monitor North Korean military activities.
“It seems that far more U.S. reconnaissance assets are operating over the Korean Peninsula than publicly reported,” he told NK News. “Kim Jong Un’s recent message — denying a safe zone on the Peninsula and responding to the military buildup — is likely aimed at placing responsibility on the U.S.-ROK side if an unfortunate incident similar to past shootdowns occurs over the border area.”
North Korea has repeatedly criticized U.S. reconnaissance flights in recent years and accused American spy planes of violating its airspace, threatening to shoot down such “intruding” aircraft.
However, Mason Richey, a professor of international politics at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, said Pyongyang has no short-term intent to attack Seoul or Washington, instead aiming to gain negotiation leverage through its threats.
“It’s a sort of rhetorical escalation ladder for now, and thankfully not an actual kinetic one,” he told NK News.
NO DENUCLEARIZATION
The Defense Development exhibition kicked off weeks ahead of Seoul’s version of weapons expo — the Aerospace and Defense Exhibition (ADEX) — and ahead of the resumption of the Nuclear Consultative Group (NCG) talks reportedly scheduled for October. It usually reports meeting results to the Security Consultative Meeting (SCM) held in October or November.
Kim’s message about nuclear operations guidelines and the vow to achieve peace through power and “nuclear deterrence” appeared timed as a “warning” not only to the U.S. but also the Lee Jae-myung administration against resuming the NCG, Han of Ajou Institute said.
Richey added that Kim’s emphasis on nuclear-to-nuclear deterrence is North Korea’s latest reiteration of its position that denuclearization cannot be a subject of discussion at any talks with the U.S.
Min Jeong-hun, a professor at the Korea National Diplomatic Academy, told NK News that the weapons event and Kim’s speech showcase his desire for North Korea to be seen as a “normal state,” a tactic to gain leverage before a potential summit with the U.S.
However, Han cautioned against interpreting Kim’s messages solely as a tailored signal to the U.S. ahead of the upcoming APEC summit in South Korea, which some have argued could provide an occasion for Trump to meet with Kim again, potentially at Panmunjom.
Instead, the expert suggested that the speech reflects a longer-term strategy, explaining that North Korea is also strengthening diplomacy with China ahead of China’s APEC participation to avoid unfavorable outcomes.
Weapons displayed at the Defense Development-2025 expo | Image: Rodong Sinmun
DOMESTIC IDEOLOGICAL JUSTIFICATION AND NATIONALISM
Lastly, experts noted that the audience of the speech is not just the U.S. or South Korea but also the DPRK people.
This includes the munitions and defense officials that Kim praised for developing self-reliant and cutting-edge defense technology, such as ones utilizing artificial intelligence (AI) for modern warfare, reiterating the regime’s focus on these technologies.
Richey explained that Kim’s speech, timed to the Workers’ Party anniversary, serves to boost military morale and national unity while warning others.
“They’re sending a message to their military that they love them, they’re sending a message to the population that they’re strong. They’re sending a message to the rest of the world that they’ll kick your ass,” he said.
Jeongmin Kim contributed reporting to this article. Edited by Bryan Betts
2. New S. Korean envoy vows to solidify alliance with U.S.
I asked my "research assistant" (AI) about the process of presentation of credentials:
Here is the response:
The protocol for a foreign ambassador presenting credentials to the United States involves several key steps, culminating in a formal ceremony at the White House. The process is coordinated by the U.S. Department of State's Office of the Chief of Protocol and involves official documents like the letter of credence.
1. Diplomatic approval (agrément)
The foreign government must first seek the U.S. government's approval, known as agrément, for the individual it intends to appoint as ambassador. This is typically a formal request sent via diplomatic note from the embassy in Washington, D.C., to the State Department.
2. Arrival and initial submission
After agrément is granted and the ambassador-designate arrives in the U.S., they are entitled to diplomatic immunity. The embassy will work with the U.S. Office of Protocol to handle administrative requirements. The ambassador will present unsealed copies of their credentials—the letter of credence and the letter of recall for their predecessor—to the Secretary of State or a designated official.
3. Presentation of credentials ceremony
The final, official step is the formal presentation of credentials to the U.S. President during a ceremony at the White House.
- The letter of credence: The ambassador presents the letter of credence, a formal letter from their head of state to the U.S. President, formally appointing them to their post.
- Official recognition: This ceremony marks the official start of the ambassador's duties in the U.S. Until this point, they are not formally recognized by the host government.
- Order of precedence: The date of this presentation determines the new ambassador's seniority, or "precedence," within Washington's diplomatic corps.
4. Post-ceremony
Once credentials have been officially accepted by the president, the ambassador's official status is fully documented, and their schedule of official visits with U.S. officials is arranged.
https://2009-2017.state.gov/s/cpr/c18027.htm
(LEAD) New S. Korean envoy vows to solidify alliance with U.S. | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Song Sang-ho · October 7, 2025
(ATTN: ADDS more info in paras 6-8; CHANGES photo)
By Song Sang-ho
WASHINGTON, Oct. 6 (Yonhap) -- South Korea's new top envoy to the United States pledged Monday to reinforce the Seoul-Washington alliance, stressing it as the "foundation" of "pragmatic" diplomacy that President Lee Jae Myung's administration pursues.
Ambassador Kang Kyung-wha made the remarks during her inauguration ceremony at the Korean Embassy in Washington. Earlier in the day, she submitted a copy of her credentials to Monica Crowley, the chief of protocol of the U.S. at the State Department.
"Ambassador Kang stressed that despite complex global challenges, our government will respond nimbly through pragmatic diplomacy centered on national interests, and that the South Korea-U.S. alliance lies at the foundation of pragmatic diplomacy," the embassy said in a press release.
New South Korean Ambassador to the U.S. Kang Kyung-wha speaks during her inauguration ceremony at the Korean Embassy in Washington on Oct. 6, 2025, in this photo provided by the embassy. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
She underscored her commitment to further strengthen the alliance, which she said has been developing into a "future-oriented comprehensive" alliance with three pillars at its core -- security, economy and cutting-edge technology.
She also pledged to deepen communication with the U.S. government, Congress, academia and media, as well as cooperation with the Korean community.
Kang officially began her ambassadorial duties after presenting a copy of her credentials to Crowley.
In the meeting with Crowley, she vowed to faithfully carry out a role as a "bridge of communication" between Seoul and Washington so as to ensure that the bilateral relationship will further develop through engagements, including during U.S. President Donald Trump's upcoming visit to South Korea on the occasion of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit set to begin late this month.
Crowley congratulated her on the start of her ambassadorship, pledging to make all efforts needed for close coordination over pending bilateral issues, including Trump's planned trip to Korea, according to the embassy.
Kang arrived in the U.S. on Saturday, vowing to mobilize "all embassy capacities" to help address trade and other bilateral issues with the U.S. She served as Seoul's foreign minister from 2017-2021 during the administration of former President Moon Jae-in.
South Korea's new Ambassador to the United States Kang Kyung-wha (L) presents a copy of her credentials to Monica Crowley, the chief of protocol of the U.S., in Washington on Oct. 6, 2025, in this photo captured from the Facebook account of the Korean Embassy in Washington. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
sshluck@yna.co.kr
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en.yna.co.kr · Song Sang-ho · October 7, 2025
3. N. Korea's Kim tells Putin that alliance will 'invariably' carry forward in future
Money (and prestige?) for Kim.
N. Korea's Kim tells Putin that alliance will 'invariably' carry forward in future | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Kim Hyun-soo · October 7, 2025
SEOUL, Oct. 7 (Yonhap) -- North Korean leader Kim Jong-un has told Russian President Vladimir Putin that their alliance "will be invariably carried forward in the future," as Pyongyang and Moscow have deepened military cooperation over Russia's war against Ukraine.
Kim made the remarks in a letter sent to Putin that congratulated the Russian leader on his birthday, according to a report by the North's Korean Central News Agency (KCNA).
"I do not doubt that the relations of alliance between the two countries, which have greeted the great heyday, will be invariably carried forward in the future, too, thanks to the warm friendly relations and close comradely ties between us, and will make a great contribution to powerfully propelling the comprehensive development of bilateral relations and establishing a just and multi-polarized world order," Kim told Putin, according to the KCNA report.
Since October last year, North Korea had sent about 15,000 troops and weapons to aid Russia's war efforts, according to South Korea's spy agency.
In the letter, Kim also said he will fully support the "just struggle" of Russia in defending its national sovereignty, apparently referring to Moscow's invasion of Ukraine.
This photo, carried by North Korea's official Korean Central News Agency on Sept. 4, 2025, shows North Korean leader Kim Jong-un (L) shaking hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin (R) in Beijing during their visit to attend a military parade at Tiananmen Square. (For Use Only in the Republic of Korea. No Redistribution) (Yonhap)
sookim@yna.co.kr
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en.yna.co.kr · Kim Hyun-soo · October 7, 2025
4. S. Korea, China FMs agree on efforts to develop ties through APEC summit in phone talks
All these reports baotou Chinese, Russian, north Korean and South Korean activities and meetings illustrates the competition over the "territory" and the stones being played on the Go/Baduk board in Northeast Asia..
S. Korea, China FMs agree on efforts to develop ties through APEC summit in phone talks | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Chae Yun-hwan · October 7, 2025
SEOUL, Oct. 7 (Yonhap) -- The top diplomats of South Korea and China on Tuesday agreed to make efforts to develop bilateral ties through the upcoming Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit, Seoul's foreign ministry said.
Foreign Minister Cho Hyun and his Chinese counterpart, Wang Yi, made the remarks during phone talks held earlier in the day ahead of the two-day APEC summit set to open in South Korea's southeastern city of Gyeongju on Oct. 31.
"(They) agreed to make efforts so that a new turning point for the development of South Korea-China relations can be established on the occasion of the APEC summit in Gyeongju," the ministry said in a release.
The two sides also reportedly discussed Wang and Chinese President Xi Jinping's possible visits to South Korea in time for the APEC summit, which have yet to be officially announced.
U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent earlier said U.S. President Donald Trump and Xi will have a "pull-aside" meeting in South Korea late this month.
During the phone talks, Wang also explained Beijing's efforts for regional peace and stability, while Cho expressed hopes for China's relations with North Korea to develop in a direction that contributes to the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, according to the ministry.
The talks took place shortly after the North's state media announced Chinese Premier Li Qiang will visit North Korea this week to attend the country's commemorative events to mark the 80th founding anniversary of its ruling party.
Foreign Minister Cho Hyun (L) shakes hands with his Chinese counterpart, Wang Yi, as they meet for talks in Beijing on Sept. 17, 2025, in this file pool photo. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
yunhwanchae@yna.co.kr
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en.yna.co.kr · Chae Yun-hwan · October 7, 2025
5. New North Korean Hypersonic Missile Unveiled At Pyongyang Arms Expo
Is it real or is it a mock-up? I look forward to assessments from weapons' experts.
New North Korean Hypersonic Missile Unveiled At Pyongyang Arms Expo
The Hwasong-11Ma leverages a proven ballistic missile, but the state of North Korea's hypersonic developments remains questionable at best.
Joseph Trevithick
Published Oct 6, 2025 3:18 PM EDT
twz.com · Joseph Trevithick
The TWZ Newsletter
Weekly insights and analysis on the latest developments in military technology, strategy, and foreign policy.
North Korea has unveiled what it says is a new hypersonic missile dubbed Hwasong-11Ma, designed to be fired from a 10-wheeled transporter-erector-launcher (TEL) that can carry two of the weapons at once. Derived from the earlier Hwasong-11 series of short-range ballistic missiles, the Ma variation has an unpowered boost-glide vehicle on top instead of a traditional warhead and, as a result, is designed to function in a completely different manner.
The Hwasong-11Ma, or a mockup thereof, was among the weapon systems showcased at what has become an annual exhibition of the North Korean military’s latest capabilities this past weekend. Another hypersonic missile design, the Hwasong-8, was a prominent feature at the first of these events in 2021.
The Hwasong-11Ma, among other weapons, on display at the weapons exhibition in Pyongyang this past weekend. North Korean state media
The original Hwasong-11, also known as the KN-23 in the West, is a traditional short-range ballistic missile that can reach out to 430 miles (690 kilometers) and has a 1,000-pound (500-kilogram) class unitary high-explosive warhead. First shown publicly back in 2018, it is now a combat-proven weapon, as well. Russia has been employing them against targets in Ukraine since December 2023. Several other Hwasong-11 variations have already emerged in recent years.
Details about the Hwasong-11Ma, also referred to as the Hwasong-11E, are still limited. From the size and shape of the main body, the new missile looks to be based more directly on the previous Hwasong-11Da/Hwasong-11C version. This would make sense as the Da/C, another traditional short-range ballistic missile, is already an enlarged derivative designed to carry larger warheads than the original Hwasong-11. North Korea has previously said it has tested subvariants of the Da/C type with 2.5-ton and 4.5-ton conventional high-explosive warheads, and that it can also be fitted with a nuclear warhead.
A side-by-side comparison of the Hwasong-11Ma/Hwasong-11E, at left, and the Hwasong-11Da/Hwasong-11C, at right. North Korean state media
In line with its apparent size, Hwasong-11Ma/Hwasong-11E looks to use a similar, if not identical, 10-wheeled TEL as the Hwasong-11Da/Hwasong-11C. The original Hwasong-11 is fired from an eight-wheeled TEL.
A picture of a Hwasong-11Da/Hwasong-11C test launch showing the 10-wheeled TEL. North Korean state media
A picture of the launch of an original Hwasong-11 from an eight-wheeled TEL. North Korean state media
The Hwasong-11Ma/Hwasong-11E’s boost-glide vehicle is similar, in broad strokes, to other wedge-shaped types that North Korea has shown in the past as payloads for much larger missiles. However, the previously seen designs have distinctly different tail fin configurations from the one on the newly unveiled missile, which also has two long strakes extending on either side from the nose.
Pictures of the wedge-shaped hypersonic boost-glide vehicle designs North Korea has previously shown on the Hwasongpho-16 (at top) and Hwasong-8 (at bottom). North Korean state media
A close-up look at the Hwasong-11Ma’s boost-glide-vehicle. North Korean state media
In general, hypersonic boost-glide vehicles are unpowered and use ballistic missile-like rocket boosters to get them first to an optimal altitude and speed. They then detach from the booster and follow a relatively shallow, atmospheric flight path at hypersonic speeds, defined as anything above Mach 5, to their targets. Boost-glide vehicles are also designed to be able to maneuver erratically along the way. All of this creates significant challenges for defending forces to detect and track the incoming threat, let alone attempt any kind of intercept.
How close the Hwasong-11Ma/Hwasong-11E might be to becoming an operational capability is unknown. North Korea claims to have flight-tested multiple hypersonic boost-glide vehicle designs since at least 2021, but there continue to be questions about what degree of actual capability the country has achieved in this regard. Viable wedge-shaped boost-glide vehicles have historically been extremely difficult to design and then bring to an operational state. It is possible, if not very plausible, that North Korea has and continues to receive assistance in the development of hypersonic weapons from Russia and/or China. The Russian and Chinese armed forces have both fielded hypersonic boost-glide weapons with wedge-shaped vehicles. Russia has used military and other technology transfers of various kinds as part of its ‘payments’ to North Korea in exchange for the latter’s now direct involvement in the war in Ukraine.
The North Korean regime’s pursuit of hypersonic capabilities is certainly real and is a clear response to efforts by the South Koreans and their U.S. allies to expand air and missile defenses. The original Hwasong-11, which is very similar in form and function to the Russian Iskander-M and the South Korean Hyunmoo-2 series, itself is reportedly capable of performing a “pull-up” maneuver in its terminal phase of flight to complicate attempts to intercept it.
A side-by-side comparison of North Korea’s original Hwasong-11, at left, and Russia’s Iskander-M, at center, as well as South Korea’s Hyunmoo-2B, at right. via CSIS A side-by-side comparison of North Korea’s KN-23, at left, and Russia’s Iskander-M, at center, as well as South Kora’s Hyunmoo-2B, at right. via CSIS
In principle, Hwasong-11Ma/Hwasong-11Es could offer North Korea a useful additional layer of hypersonic strike capability for use against better-protected targets inside South Korea. Road-mobile TELs would offer additional flexibility, even if the missiles are relatively short-ranged, as well as a way to create complications for opponents trying to find and fix their locations.
“As the U.S. military buildup in the South Korean region intensifies, our strategic interest in the area has also increased. Therefore, we have allocated our special assets to key targets of interest accordingly,” Kim Jong Un said, speaking generally, during remarks at the opening of the weapons exhibition in Pyongyang, according to state media. “Can the South Korean territory ever be considered a safe place? That is for them to judge.”
The Hwasong-11Ma/Hwasong-11E’s development may also reflect lessons learned from Russia’s use of Hwasong-11s in Ukraine. The missile’s initial performance in the war was dismal, but Ukrainian officials have made clear that the Russians and North Koreans subsequently took corrective actions and that it is now a very threatening weapon. Earlier this year, Ukrainian Air Force spokesperson Yurii Ihnat also mentioned both the Iskander-M and the KN-23 while openly discussing how the Russians had made further improvements to their ballistic missile capabilities that have put serious pressure on the country’s air defenses.
The U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), via an unclassified Special Inspector General report published in August, confirmed “the UAF [Ukrainian Air Force] struggled to consistently use Patriot air defense systems to protect against Russian ballistic missiles due to recent Russian tactical improvements, including enhancements that enable their missiles to change trajectory and perform maneuvers rather than flying in a traditional ballistic trajectory,” something that TWZ was first to report. The Special Inspector General’s report does not name the ballistic missiles that have proven challenging, but the Iskander-M and the KN-23 are understood to be, by far, the types Russia most commonly employs in strikes on Ukraine.
President Biden @POTUS announced Patriot supplies to Ukraine in December, and these air defense systems are now operational! air defense forces now have new and powerful tools to clear our sky of russian scrap metal.
@KpsZSU pic.twitter.com/MlGioU6mab
— Defense of Ukraine (@DefenceU) April 27, 2023
Last week, the Financial Times newspaper in the United Kingdom reported that Russia’s improvements to its ballistic missile capabilities may have notably helped them evade Ukrainian defenses in attacks on at least four drone production facilities this past summer, citing unnamed U.S. and Ukrainian officials.
As it stands now, U.S.-made Patriots are the only air defense systems in Ukraine’s inventory that offer real anti-ballistic missile capability, and then only in the terminal phase. Ukraine’s Patriots are in high demand, in general.
The Hwasong-11Ma/Hwasong-11E also simply underscores the still-growing scale and scope of North Korea’s missile arsenal, overall, when it comes to ballistic and cruise, as well as hypersonic types. As already noted, the Hwasong-11 series has already become particularly prolific, with rail, silo, and submarine-launched variants and derivatives having been demonstrated, in addition to ones fired from wheeled TELs.
It is often the case that North Korea follows up the public debut of new missiles with equally public tests, and more details about at least the Hwasong-11Ma/Hwasong-11E’s claimed capabilities may now begin to emerge.
Contact the author: joe@twz.com
Deputy Editor
Joseph has been a member of The War Zone team since early 2017. Prior to that, he was an Associate Editor at War Is Boring, and his byline has appeared in other publications, including Small Arms Review, Small Arms Defense Journal, Reuters, We Are the Mighty, and Task & Purpose.
twz.com · Joseph Trevithick
6. Traffic heavy on highways nationwide day after Chuseok
Still another bad for north Korea to attack the South.
On a serious note, if I was advising the ROK and US militaries I would be using our ISR capabilities (drones) to study the traffic flows at Chuseok and New year's and assess how this traffic congestion and its impact on ROK military mobilization, NEO and RSO&I and. determine ways to mitigate it. I would not assume the ROK government stay put policy will be sufficient when a north Korean attack appears imminent.
(LEAD) Traffic heavy on highways nationwide day after Chuseok | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Kim Soo-yeon · October 7, 2025
(ATTN: UPDATES with more details throughout)
SEOUL, Oct. 7 (Yonhap) -- Traffic on major expressways across South Korea remained heavy Tuesday as people began returning back home a day after Chuseok, the Korean fall harvest celebration.
This year's extended holiday runs from Friday through Thursday, as Chuseok, which fell Monday this year, connects with two national holidays -- National Foundation Day on Oct. 3 and Hangeul Day on Oct. 9, which marks the creation of the Korean alphabet.
As of 6 p.m., the estimated travel time to Seoul from the southwestern city of Gwangju was 6 hours and 30 minutes, and 5 hours and 40 minutes from the southeastern port city of Busan, according to the Korea Expressway Corp. (KEC).
Travel time from Seoul to Busan was estimated at 4 hours and 50 minutes, 4 hours and 30 minutes to the southeastern city of Ulsan, and 3 hours and 20 minutes to Gwangju.
In regard to travel to Seoul, traffic congestion was expected to peak at 5 to 6 p.m. and ease from around 2 to 3 a.m. Wednesday, the KEC said.
Nearly 5.61 million vehicles were expected to be on the road nationwide Tuesday.
Cars are stuck on the Gyeongbu Expressway in Seoul on Oct. 3, 2025, the first day of the extended Chuseok holiday. (Yonhap)
yunhwanchae@yna.co.kr
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en.yna.co.kr · Kim Soo-yeon · October 7, 2025
7. Premier Li Qiang to visit North Korea, most senior Chinese official to do so since 2019
Closer than lips and teeth.
What does a Chinese premier do for three days in Pyongyang?
China-North Korea relations
ChinaDiplomacy
Premier Li Qiang to visit North Korea, most senior Chinese official to do so since 2019
Li will spend three days in Pyongyang and will attend events marking the 80th anniversary of the Workers’ Party of Korea, Beijing says
Zhao Ziwen
Published: 10:16am, 7 Oct 2025Updated: 5:55pm, 7 Oct 2025
Premier Li Qiang will travel to Pyongyang to attend events marking the 80th anniversary of North Korea’s ruling party later this week, according to Beijing, the most senior Chinese official to visit the country since 2019.
The Chinese foreign ministry said Li would arrive in Pyongyang for a three-day visit on Thursday. A military parade commemorating the foundation of the Workers’ Party of Korea is expected to take place on Friday, South Korean news agency Yonhap reported.
Calling the two countries “friendly neighbours”, the Chinese foreign ministry statement on Tuesday said safeguarding, consolidating and developing relations between China and North Korea had always been Beijing’s policy.
“China views this visit as an opportunity to work with [North Korea], guided by the important consensus reached by the top leaders of the two parties and countries,” the statement said.
“[We] will strengthen strategic communication, enhance exchanges and cooperation, and promote the continuous development of the traditional friendly and cooperative relations.”
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un speaks during a military event ahead of the anniversary. Photo: KCNA via Reuters
Li, China’s No 2 official, would be the most senior Beijing official to attend a North Korean military parade this century. His visit comes amid a warming of ties between the two countries following North Korean leader Kim Jong-un’s trip to China last month.
A decade ago, Beijing sent its then-ideology chief Liu Yunshan, who was also a Politburo Standing Committee member, to attend events marking the 70th anniversary of the Workers’ Party of Korea.
China has not sent a premier to a military parade in Pyongyang in the past two decades, and Wen Jiabao was the last Chinese premier to visit North Korea back in 2009.
Xi Jinping has only visited North Korea once during his presidency, in 2019.
Li’s visit will be the latest in a recent flurry of diplomatic exchanges between Beijing and Pyongyang.
It follows Kim’s high-profile visit to the Chinese capital in September for a military parade marking the end of World War II, when Kim and Xi also held talks that the Korean Central News Agency said had put forward the direction and guidelines for the development of relations between the two nations.
Kim’s visit was closely followed by North Korean Foreign Minister Choe Son-hui’s trip to Beijing last month, when she met Li and her counterpart Wang Yi and reaffirmed Pyongyang’s support for Beijing taking a global role.
Li’s visit to Pyongyang could be seen as Beijing trying to balance relations with the North given that Xi is expected to travel to South Korea later this month for the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum, where he could hold talks with US President Donald Trump.
Relations between Beijing and Seoul have also shown signs of warming since left-leaning President Lee Jae-myung took office. Lee has urged Beijing to help facilitate the resumption of dialogue with Pyongyang, which has been stalled.
Just weeks after Kim’s meeting with Xi, South Korean Foreign Minister Cho Hyun visited Beijing and called on China to help restart talks with the North, emphasising the need for “denuclearisation and peace on the Korean peninsula”.
Xi is expected to meet Lee on the sidelines of the Apec summit, according to Seoul.
Xi says China stands firm on strategic ties with North Korea
KCNA has also reported that a Moscow delegation from the ruling United Russia party, led by chairman Dmitry Medvedev, will also attend the anniversary celebrations in Pyongyang.
Ties between Pyongyang and Moscow have deepened since Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, with North Korea dispatching troops to the battlefield.
Vietnamese Communist Party chief To Lam is also expected to attend the commemorations in Pyongyang – the first visit by a Vietnamese leader in nearly two decades – as is Laotian President Thongloun Sisoulith.
“Generally speaking, we can say the relationship between China and North Korea is warming up as the level of diplomatic engagement is becoming higher and higher,” Kang Jun-young, a Chinese studies professor at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies in Seoul, said.
He added that Li’s visit was a sign of those warming ties, but he did not expect Xi to visit North Korea in the near future.
Beijing has criticised the closer ties between South Korea, Japan and the United States – describing it as a cold war-style framework – and Kang argued the Chinese leader would not want to reinforce that trend by tying himself too closely to the North.
“During the military parade in Beijing, when the leaders of China, North Korea, and Russia stood together, it already drew attention from Western countries, including South Korea,” he said.
“Therefore, if Xi visited the North after he visited South Korea, it could effectively settle the new cold war order of northeast Asia, which is not good for Beijing. And I believe that Xi would not do so.”
Zhao Ziwen
Ziwen joined the Post in 2022, covering China’s foreign affairs. He holds degrees from Beijing Foreign Studies University and Hong Kong Baptist University. He worked for Caixin in Beijing, completed a study exchange in Sharjah, United Arab Emirates, and undertook a reporting stint in Washington, D.C.
8. Americans Top Foreign Owners of Seoul Apartments in Han River Belt
Hmmm.. a data point I did not expect. Though I guess it makes sense that they would cluster in the Han RIver Belt.
Americans Top Foreign Owners of Seoul Apartments in Han River Belt
https://www.chosun.com/english/national-en/2025/10/07/UJODK35P7JFZRE3UJRASTRVARU/
Data shows 45.4% of foreign-owned apartments in Seoul are held by Americans, with 63% in prime Han River Belt districts
By Shin Jee-in
Published 2025.10.07. 09:59
Updated 2025.10.07. 20:48
On the 2nd, apartments in Seoul are visible from Namsan in Jung-gu, Seoul. Seoul housing prices rise 0.27% from a week ago, marking the fourth consecutive week of expanding gains. Seoul apartment sale prices (0.19%→0.27%) lead the nationwide rise in housing prices as the weekly gain expands for the fourth consecutive week following the announcement of the 9·7 supply policy. The upward trend accelerates from 0.08% on September 1 to 0.09% on September 8, 0.12% on September 15, 0.19% on September 22, and 0.27% on September 29. October 2, 2025 jhope@newsis.com /Newsis
Foreigners owning apartments in Seoul have increased annually, with Americans ranking first among foreign nationals in terms of the number of apartments owned in the city. They were followed by Chinese and Canadian nationals.
According to data submitted to Democratic Party of Korea lawmaker Jeong Joon-ho by the Korea Real Estate Board, as of December of last year, Americans owned 5,678 apartments in Seoul. This accounted for 45.4% of all apartments owned by foreigners in the city (12,516 units).
Graphics by Lee Yeon-ju
Notably, 63% of American owners were concentrated in the "Han River Belt" regions, including Gangnam, Seocho, and Songpa districts (collectively known as Gangnam Three Districts), as well as Mapo, Yongsan, Seongdong, and Gwangjin districts (referred to as "Ma-Yong-Seong-Gwang"). The ownership rate of American nationals in these areas reached 63% (3,576 units). By district, Gangnam had 1,028 units, Seocho 742, and Songpa 458, totaling 2,228 units in the Gangnam Three Districts. In the "Ma-Yong-Seong-Gwang" regions, they owned 1,348 units.
Chinese nationals followed with 2,536 units. Their apartment ownership was concentrated in Guro (610 units), Yeongdeungpo (284), Dongdaemun (150), and Geumcheon (138). In contrast, ownership in the Gangnam area was only 159 units.
Other foreign nationals with significant apartment ownership included Canadians (1,831 units), Taiwanese (790), Australians (500), British, French, and German nationals (334 combined), New Zealanders (229), and Japanese (220).
The Korea Construction Policy Research Institute categorized foreign housing transactions into "investment-type" in high-value areas like Gangnam, Seocho, Yongsan, and Songpa, and "demand-type" in areas with foreign residents such as Guro, Gyeonggi, and Incheon. The institute analyzed, "Foreign ownership patterns are bifurcating into high-value transactions and demand-based purchases."
Lawmaker Jeong noted, "Many foreigners owning properties in the Han River Belt are presumed to be overseas Koreans, often referred to as 'black-haired foreigners.' According to a National Tax Service investigation into 49 foreigners who acquired apartments through irregular means, 40% were of Korean descent." He emphasized, "While protecting the rights of overseas Koreans and foreign residents, balanced institutional improvements are needed to block speculative real estate purchases."
· This article has been translated by Upstage Solar AI.
원문보기 (View Original Korean Article)
9. S. Korea moves to curb anti-China rally slogans, raising rights concerns
Does anyone see a pattern with the Lee administration and the challenges to fundamental freedoms and rights? Press, religion, expression, and assembly? This is troubling.
World News Oct. 6, 2025 / 1:23 PM
S. Korea moves to curb anti-China rally slogans, raising rights concerns
https://www.upi.com/Top_News/World-News/2025/10/06/anti-china-slogans-curbs/4701759769474/
By Youngjun Kim
A bill backed by lawmakers from President Lee Jae Myung’s Democratic Party would amend the Assembly and Demonstration Act to ban chants and banners deemed hostile toward foreign nationals. Photo by Jim Hong-ji/EPA/Pool
SEOUL, Oct. 6 (UPI) -- South Korea's ruling party has introduced legislation to curb anti-China slogans at public rallies, presenting it as a step against hate speech, but raising concerns that it could restrict free expression.
The bill, backed by lawmakers from President Lee Jae Myung's Democratic Party, would amend the Assembly and Demonstration Act to ban chants and banners deemed hostile toward foreign nationals. It follows demonstrations in Seoul at which protesters shouted "China Out" to oppose the government's visa-free entry policy for Chinese tourists.
The conservative People Power Party called the proposal "an attempt to weaponize hate speech laws to silence dissent." The Journalists Association of Korea warned that it could create a precedent for state control of political expression, while the civic group Citizens' Coalition for Democratic Media said it amounted to "direct interference in protest rights."
The debate reached the courts after Freedom Univ, a conservative civic group, planned a rally Friday, National Foundation Day, from Dongdaemun to Gwanghwamun Square with banners including "China Out."
Related
Police issued a ban on such slogans and restricted access to Gwanghwamun. On Thursday, the Seoul Administrative Court overturned the order, ruling that it was filed outside the legally required 48-hour deadline. The court emphasized that its decision was procedural and did not amount to a blanket approval of hate speech.
China is South Korea's largest trading partner, and critics argue the legislation is driven less by concern over xenophobia than by a desire to avoid diplomatic friction. Reporters Without Borders also expressed concern, warning that increasing political influence over speech and media undermines South Korea's democratic institutions.
The measure comes amid broader concerns about government consolidation of power, including the recent dismantling of the independent Korea Communications Commission and its replacement with a body more directly controlled by the ruling bloc.
The bill remains under committee review in the National Assembly, but rights groups warn that once restrictions on protest slogans are codified, they could easily expand to broader forms of dissent.
The debate contrasts with the United States, where the First Amendment protects most forms of speech unless it incites imminent violence. South Korea's legal framework allows broader limits, highlighting the different ways democracies balance free expression and social order.
10. Arrest of media regulator signals dangerous turn in South Korea
The Lee administration is treading on dangerous ground.
Voices Oct. 6, 2025 / 3:10 PM
Arrest of media regulator signals dangerous turn in South Korea
https://www.upi.com/Voices/2025/10/06/perspective-KCC-exchair-arrest/3131759775909/
By Youngjun Kim
The arrest of Lee Jin-sook, former chair of the Korea Communications Commission, raises concerns about the democratic process in South Korea. File Photo by Jeon Heon0Kyun/EPA
SEOUL, Oct. 6 (UPI) -- On Thursday afternoon, South Korean police arrested Lee Jin-sook, the former chair of the Korea Communications Commission. Officials insist she ignored multiple summonses and may have breached the neutrality obligations required of senior civil servants.
The formal charges may sound routine. But the timing, the broader political context and the heavy-handed approach suggest something more troubling: the steady dismantling of South Korea's independent media oversight, and with it, the erosion of a central pillar of its democracy.
A political context that cannot be ignored
The arrest followed a sequence of remarkable political maneuvers. Just days earlier, lawmakers -- backed by the presidential office -- voted to dissolve the existing commission and create a new body, the Korea Broadcasting and Media Commission.
Related
Legally, the new commission has already been established. But its membership and internal operating structure are still being finalized, meaning it is not yet fully functional.
Lee had been one of the most vocal critics of this reorganization. She publicly warned that dismantling the KCC was unconstitutional and designed to consolidate political control over broadcasting and telecommunications. She had prepared to challenge the law in the Constitutional Court, putting her in direct conflict with the administration.
Police justified her detention on the grounds that she repeatedly failed to appear for questioning. Yet, her attorneys pointed out she had already submitted formal explanations of nonattendance, citing conflicts with parliamentary schedules, and that the warrant process was procedurally flawed.
Then, in a striking turn, the Seoul Southern District Court granted her petition for a writ of habeas corpus on Saturday and ordered her release. The court did not declare the arrest warrant unlawful, but ruled that continued detention was unnecessary at this stage.
For critics, the decision underscored that her detention was driven more by political motivation than legal justification.
Unable to remove her through ordinary dismissal, the government abolished the very institution she led. And now, with her brief detention and contested release, it has sent a blunt message: Resistance will be met not with debate, but with prosecution.
South Korea's fraught relationship with media freedom
This episode cannot be understood in isolation. South Korea has long struggled with the balance between government influence and press independence. In the decades since democratization in the late 1980s, journalists and regulators have fought to build space for pluralism, resisting both direct censorship and more subtle forms of pressure.
The KCC, created in 2008, was meant to be an independent arbiter, shielding regulatory decisions from partisan politics. Its mission was to oversee broadcasting, telecommunications and digital platforms, while maintaining a commitment to neutrality.
That promise was always fragile. Successive administrations have tried to tilt oversight in their favor. But the sequence of abolishing the KCC and briefly detaining its chair represents something qualitatively new: the outright dismantling of an institution and the criminalization of its leadership. This is not simply interference. It is institutional demolition.
The risks of politicized oversight
When a communications regulator becomes an arm of the ruling party, the consequences ripple across the public sphere. Decisions about broadcasting licenses, spectrum allocation and guidelines for public broadcasters are no longer neutral. They become tools of political engineering.
Consider the role of public broadcasters in covering elections, protests or corruption scandals. A regulator aligned with government priorities can pressure networks to soften criticism, elevate sympathetic voices or stifle dissent. Even the appearance of such influence erodes public trust.
The chilling effect on future regulators is equally alarming. If one commissioner can be detained and publicly humiliated for crossing political lines, how many others will dare to push back? The very logic of independent commissions -- that they serve as buffers between politics and the public interest -- collapses. Self-censorship replaces oversight.
This is how democracies weaken -- not through a single coup or decree, but through incremental steps that make dissent legally precarious and independence politically impossible.
Ramifications beyond Seoul
The risks extend far beyond Korea's borders. The country has long prided itself on being a model democracy in East Asia -- vibrant, pluralistic and resilient. Its democratic credibility underpins alliances, trade and soft power.
If international observers conclude that Korea's institutions are sliding toward partisan capture, the consequences will be felt in foreign investment, diplomatic trust and global reputation. Questions about press freedom resonate strongly with democratic partners in Washington, Brussels and Tokyo.
Domestically, the precedent may be even more corrosive. Once it becomes acceptable to dismantle a regulator and arrest its chair, other commissions -- overseeing culture, environment, education or elections -- also may be targeted. What begins with media oversight could spread across the bureaucracy, hollowing out checks on executive power.
And the cycle is not easily broken. Today's ruling party may believe it is consolidating control. But tomorrow's government will inherit the same tools. The logic of retribution will deepen polarization, ensuring that neutrality in governance becomes ever more elusive.
What is at stake
No democracy can survive without independent institutions. That is especially true of agencies overseeing communication, where freedom of expression collides most directly with state power.
If Lee Jin-sook had indeed committed clear, demonstrable violations, due process should have been pursued in a transparent and measured way. But when prosecutions align so neatly with political restructuring -- when the abolition of an institution and the arrest of its chair occur within days of each other -- doubts about motive are unavoidable.
The burden of proof in such cases must be extraordinarily high. Otherwise, the law risks becoming a weapon against dissent.
Lee's case is therefore not about one individual's fate. It is a test of South Korea's democratic architecture. Will its institutions stand firm against partisan capture, or will they bend to the will of those who currently hold the parliamentary majority?
If her arrest -- and subsequent contested release -- becomes precedent, South Korea may discover that its vibrant press and pluralistic debate, the envy of much of Asia, have been traded for a more pliant, obedient public sphere.
The question is not whether Lee Jin-sook is innocent or guilty. It is whether a democracy can remain healthy when its regulators are stripped of their institutions, detained and then released only after judicial intervention.
11. Kim Jong-un hails Putin as ‘closest comrade’ in birthday message
Just two comrades against the world.
Kim Jong-un hails Putin as ‘closest comrade’ in birthday message
koreaherald.com · Byun Hye-jin · October 7, 2025
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un and Russian President Vladimir Putin hold talks in Beijing on Sep. 3. (Korean Central News Agency - Yonhap)
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un has sent a congratulatory birthday message to Russian President Vladimir Putin, describing him as his “dearest comrade,” underscoring deepening bilateral ties.
According to North Korea’s state-run Rodong Sinmun on Tuesday, Kim wrote, “My most intimate comrade Vladimir Putin, I extend my warmest and most heartfelt congratulations to you on your meaningful birthday.”
Praising Putin’s “wise leadership and patriotic devotion,” Kim said that under the Russian leader’s guidance, “the Russian Federation has become a world-class power with strong political stability and robust national strength, proudly taking the lead in creating a multipolar world.” Kim added, “Pyongyang and Moscow will always stand together and our friendship will be eternal and indestructible.”
Kim voiced confidence that the “alliance between North Korea and Russia, now entering a new heyday, will continue to flourish, driven by the warm friendship and close comradeship bonds” between the two leaders. Kim asserted that the partnership would make a “significant contribution to building a just and multipolar international order.”
Sources noted that Kim’s message highlighted the close personal rapport between the two leaders, reflecting the strengthening political and military ties between Pyongyang and Moscow.
Referring to his recent meeting with Putin in Beijing during China’s commemoration of the 80th anniversary of its “Victory Day,” Kim recalled, “We will continue to fully support the Russian people’s just struggle to defend their national sovereignty, territorial integrity and security interests.” Kim emphasized that Pyongyang considers this support as a “brotherly duty” and vowed to “remain faithful in upholding the implementation of the bilateral treaty.”
The two leaders last met on Sep. 3 in Beijing, where they reaffirmed their commitment to further elevate bilateral relations. Since signing the Treaty on Comprehensive Strategic Partnership in June last year, North Korea and Russia have expanded cooperation across military and economic fronts, reinforcing what both describe as a “blood-sealed alliance.”
Meanwhile, North Korea has reportedly dispatched approximately 14,000 troops to Russia since late last year, with additional deployments reportedly discussed during their latest summit -- including possible North Korea’s participation in mine-clearing operations in Russian territories.
hyejin2@heraldcorp.com
koreaherald.com · Byun Hye-jin · October 7, 2025
12. Former PEO, Ships, Retired U.S. Navy Rear Admiral Tom Anderson Joins Hanwha Defense USA as President of U.S. Shipbuilding
Is Hanwha going all in on US shipbuilding?
Former PEO, Ships, Retired U.S. Navy Rear Admiral Tom Anderson Joins Hanwha Defense USA as President of U.S. Shipbuilding - Seapower
seapowermagazine.org · Seapower Staff
Release From Hanwha
ARLINGTON, Va., Oct. 6, 2025 – Retired U.S. Navy Rear Admiral and former Program Executive Officer, Ships Tom Anderson has joined Hanwha Defense USA as President of U.S. Shipbuilding.
Anderson served in the U.S. Navy for 34 years, including leadership roles as PEO, Ships and acting Commander, Naval Sea Systems Command (NAVSEA), where he was responsible for acquiring, maintaining and modernizing the U.S. Navy’s ships.
Over the course of his career, he served in a variety of industrial, fleet, program office and headquarters assignments in ship design and construction, maintenance, budgeting and requirements for the Navy’s ships, submarines and systems.
Anderson will be responsible for the execution of Hanwha’s U.S. shipbuilding programs and shipyard operations, including developing the company’s strategy for future shipbuilding programs as well as building the company’s shipbuilding infrastructure and associated workforce to accommodate future growth.
“Tom has had a distinguished and impactful naval career, and we are delighted to bring his deep industry expertise, creative thinking, and demonstrated leadership to Hanwha,” said Mike Smith, President and CEO of Hanwha Defense USA. “This is a pivotal time for the Navy and U.S. shipbuilding writ large. Tom brings a wealth of experience and unique perspectives that will accelerate the delivery of novel solutions to our customers’ most elusive industrial base challenges.”
“Hanwha’s global defense strategy is focused on our evolution into a multi-domestic company that brings leading technology, deeper partnerships and sovereign capacity to each of the markets we serve,” said Michael Coulter, Hanwha Global Defense President and CEO. “I am excited to welcome Tom to our team as we continue to invest in capacity in the United States.”
Last December, Hanwha—a global conglomerate with a world-class shipbuilding arm—acquired the Philly Shipyard for $100 million. With the acquisition, Hanwha is focused on revitalizing the Hanwha Philly Shipyard as part of its wider goal of increasing U.S. maritime capacity and the U.S. maritime industrial base.
Drawing on its decades of shipbuilding expertise and know-how, Hanwha is making significant investments in expanding its Philadelphia shipyard’s capabilities with technological advancements, workforce training and smart systems, creating significantly more shipbuilding capacity and thousands of new skilled manufacturing jobs in the U.S.
13. Pacific Allies Need U.S. Support
We must effectively manage our "silk web" of friends, partners, and allies - our bilateral alliances, and multilateral and unilateral organizations and groupings. They are key to US national security.
But how could these Senators overlook Korea?
This omission will likely be interpreted in the Korean press as a form of "Korea passing."
Pacific Allies Need U.S. Support
What we learned in the Philippines, Taiwan and Palau.
https://www.wsj.com/opinion/pacific-allies-need-u-s-support-acdc32fc
By Roger Wicker and Deb Fischer
Oct. 6, 2025 4:19 pm ET
Soldiers in Hsinchu, Taiwan, July 10. Photo: ann wang/Reuters
We set out across the Indo-Pacific in August to assess U.S. military readiness and consult with allies. In the Philippines, Palau and Taiwan, we found partners determined to resist Chinese coercion and willing to share the burden.
In Taiwan we spoke with President Lai Ching-tse and senior officials. They understand the gravity of the threat and are responding with urgency to meet it. Mr. Lai has committed to increasing defense spending and mobilizing the public behind a resilience plan.
In Manila, President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. has placed restoring the alliance with the U.S. at the center of his foreign policy and deepened cooperation with Japan, Australia and Taiwan. With a fleet that dwarfs the Philippine navy, China has tried to use its muscle to dominate the South China Sea. Manila has stood firm.
In Palau, China is working to undermine the government of President Surangel Whipps Jr. by exporting criminal elements and applying economic pressure. Palau is allied with the U.S., and Mr. Whipps refuses to switch diplomatic recognition from Taiwan to Beijing.
Our allies are resolute and determined to resist China, and the U.S. is indispensable to that mission. Our military presence in Guam, Palau, Hawaii and the Philippines forms the kind of logistics chain that wins wars. Tougher infrastructure, backup communication cables and stockpiled supplies are crucial to victory.
Over the past few years, we have worked closely with Adm. Samuel Paparo, who commands U.S. forces in the Pacific. We have sought to understand his requirements and cut through the bureaucracy that has for years prevented key investments in the Western Pacific. The defense investments in this year’s reconciliation law are designed to deliver capabilities relevant to the China fight, focusing on space capabilities, logistics systems, and low-cost weapons. The legislation expands munitions lines and will lead to more than a dozen new weapons production lines.
The new law also strengthens our ability to operate from Guam and accelerates construction projects in Palau and at the Filipino military bases from which U.S. forces operate. These investments are complemented by historic new funding for strategic economic competition with China, including the creation of an Economic Defense Unit and supercharging the Office of Strategic Capital.
A strategy based on peace through strength is the best approach for deterring China, Russia and Iran—the axis of aggression. It requires sustained defense spending that equals 5% of gross domestic product.
Some have said this is too costly—but we can’t afford an underresourced military. We don’t get to pick the threats we face, only how to respond. The axis requires a comprehensive strategy that accounts for the contributions of our partners and is backed by the resources necessary to execute it.
Mr. Wicker, a Mississippi Republican, is chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee. Ms. Fischer, a Republican, is a U.S. senator from Nebraska.
Appeared in the October 7, 2025, print edition as 'Pacific Allies Need U.S. Support'.
14. Criticism of Washington's $350 billion investment demand 'not anti-Americanism,' says Seoul's top envoy
From watching some of the Korean YouTube videos, there is strong opposition to the $350 billion "bill" that is combined with the debacle of the Georgia Ice Raid. There is a strong and growing anti-American sentiment that has the message that the US is a dangerous place (they will throw you in jail) and that Korean are not welcome (they will throw you in jail).
Tuesday
October 7, 2025
dictionary + A - A
Criticism of Washington's $350 billion investment demand 'not anti-Americanism,' says Seoul's top envoy
https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/news/2025-10-07/national/diplomacy/Criticism-of-Washingtons-350-billion-investment-demand-not-antiAmericanism-says-Seouls-top-envoy/2415445
Published: 07 Oct. 2025, 17:32
- LEE JAE-LIM
- lee.jaelim@joongang.co.kr
Cho Hyun, minister of foreign affairs, speaks during an interview with the JoongAng Sunday at the Sejong governmental complex on Oct. 1. [KIM SANG-SUN]
As South Korea struggles to finalize a trade deal with the United States, the negotiation deadline set ahead of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit is fast approaching. Foreign Minister Cho Hyun remains confident that a mutually beneficial agreement can be reached — one that aligns with both nations’ interests and ultimately strengthens the South Korea-U.S. alliance.
“We are conducting negotiations based on national interest as our top priority, seeking to produce a package that benefits both sides,” Cho said in an interview with the JoongAng Sunday, JoongAng Ilbo's weekend edition, on Oct. 1. “We are striving to achieve mutually beneficial results before the APEC summit later this month.”
Regarding domestic criticism over Washington’s reported demand for a $350 billion prepayment, Cho cautioned against interpreting the criticism as anti-American sentiment.
“It is not correct to frame this as an anti-American mood when the government is doing its utmost in negotiations,” he said. “The alliance must be strengthened not only in security but also economically, so that neighboring countries will not take South Korea lightly.
Since taking office in July, Cho has faced one of the country's most complex sets of foreign policy challenges in recent years. The South Korea-U.S. tariff negotiations became an urgent issue, while visa-related tensions following the Georgia detention case also drew public attention.
At the same time, South Korea has been working to recalibrate its relations with China, Japan and North Korea amid rapidly changing regional dynamics — a task Cho described as no easy feat.
Cho Hyun, minister of foreign affairs, speaks during an interview with the JoongAng Sunday at the Sejong governmental complex on Oct. 1. [KIM SANG-SUN]
He cited political scientist Graham Allison’s "Destined for War" and former Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd’s "The Avoidable War," saying these works underscore the need for realistic diplomacy in an increasingly turbulent international landscape.
“In today’s difficult global environment, we can only survive by pursuing realistic diplomatic solutions,” Cho said. “That is why the new administration is emphasizing pragmatic diplomacy.”
The following are excerpts from the interview, edited for length and clarity, in which he discusses diplomatic strategies and ongoing trade issues in detail.
Q. The ongoing South Korea-U.S. tariff negotiations appear to be facing difficulties.
A. The $350 billion package was largely agreed upon before the August summit between President Lee Jae Myung and U.S. President Donald Trump, and it was reaffirmed during the meeting.
At that time, we made it very clear to the U.S. side that South Korea is not Japan — any agreement that places a burden on our people, whether it’s a memorandum of understanding or a treaty, must go through the National Assembly.
However, after the summit, the United States added a few demands that we found difficult to accept.
President Lee has been firm about three principles: no backroom negotiations, prioritizing national interests and commercial reasonability. We are now exchanging proposals and are in the midst of a give-and-take process.
Is there a negotiation red line or final position that South Korea will not compromise on?
We are working to produce a mutually acceptable, win-win package before the APEC Summit later this month. If a full currency swap is difficult for the United States to accept, there are alternative options we could explore.
The United States is under pressure from a rising China, while South Korea risks losing ground in manufacturing competitiveness if we stand still.
Because our interests align in many areas, it’s possible to protect our national interests while also strengthening the alliance.
The visa issue also drew public attention after the Georgia detention incident. What progress has been made?
The detention of our citizens in that case was unacceptable. I was scheduled to meet U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, but the meeting was delayed by a day. When we met, President Trump personally ordered that the situation be resolved, saying that they should be allowed to continue their work and transfer their technology.
I demanded three things: the immediate release of those detained, no handcuffs at the airport and no disadvantages for returning to the U.S. later.
We received firm commitments on all three. We are also continuing discussions on institutional improvements, such as new visa categories and expanded quotas.
Cho Hyun, minister of foreign affairs, speaks during an interview with the JoongAng Sunday at the Sejong governmental complex on Oct. 1. [KIM SANG-SUN]
China frequently comes up in discussions between South Korea and the United States. How do you view China’s role for South Korea?
Some say China is a “difficult neighbor,” but I disagree. China is an important one. Our political systems are clearly different, but with a population of 1.4 billion and as a major economic power, China is a nation with which we must learn to coexist — cooperating where possible and pursuing mutual benefit.
Expanding the South Korea-China Free Trade Agreement to include the services and finance sectors is part of that effort. At the same time, there are principles that must be upheld. Our government strongly protested China’s illegal installation of structures in the Yellow Sea for that reason.
We should avoid unnecessary provocations on both sides. In that context, I also believe that anti-China demonstrations in South Korea should be restrained.
You visited Japan before traveling to the United States. Was there a particular reason for that order?
That visit should have already dispelled the so-called “pro-China, anti-Japan” narrative. Japanese politicians welcomed the unexpected move, and the United States also expressed appreciation several times after I explained the reasoning.
Historical issues undoubtedly exist, and Japan must engage in self-reflection and face them with humility.
That said, while we must continue to address historical issues firmly and patiently, it is also time to seek future-oriented relations between Korea and Japan.
Given today’s rapidly changing international environment, there are many areas — such as science and technology, economic cooperation and cultural exchange — where collaboration is both possible and necessary.
I also expect high-level private-sector dialogue channels, such as the Korea-Japan Forum, to become more active.
Some worry that the government is giving up on North Korea's denuclearization. How do you respond to that?
Our government’s goal of achieving a nuclear-free Korean Peninsula remains unchanged.
What matters now is easing military tensions and restoring mutual trust so that the current state of hostility can be transformed into one of peaceful coexistence. The United States also maintains its fundamental position in support of denuclearization.
The upcoming APEC summit will bring together several major leaders. What are your expectations?
We expect Trump, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Japan’s new prime minister to attend. Given President Trump’s style, a surprise meeting with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un cannot be ruled out. If that happens, Korea will actively support the process.
What reforms are you planning within the Foreign Ministry?
Some outdated habits from the Cold War era still linger in our diplomatic culture. I intend to drastically reduce unnecessary reports and excessive protocol.
Instead, we will streamline administrative work and transform the ministry into a more policy-oriented organization. I plan to reorganize things so that younger diplomats can focus more on policy development and creative solutions, rather than paperwork.
This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.
BY PARK SHIN-HONG [lee.jaelim@joongang.co.kr]
15. Korean fury over Tesla battery error builds as gov't mulls subsidy review
Tuesday
October 7, 2025
dictionary + A - A
Korean fury over Tesla battery error builds as gov't mulls subsidy review
https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/news/2025-10-07/business/industry/Korean-fury-over-Tesla-battery-error-builds-as-govt-mulls-subsidy-review/2415187
Published: 07 Oct. 2025, 10:14
- SARAH CHEA
- chea.sarah@joongang.co.kr
Korea JoongAng Daily
Korean fury over Tesla battery error builds as gov't mulls subsidy review
6 min
Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI
A Tesla is charged at a Supercharger in southern Seoul. [YONHAP]
[EXPLAINER]
The Korean government is weighing a subsidy cut for Tesla over unresolved battery errors that have rendered some three-year-old models unchargeable, escalating scrutiny of the EV giant’s commitment to consumer protection.
This comes as Tesla owners in Korea grow increasingly furious — first over the battery errors, and again over what they describe as the EV firm's “irresponsible” response.
Owners have begun rallying online, demanding recalls or free battery replacements, and have even filed a petition with the National Assembly, garnering over 14,000 signatures, which has prompted Korea’s transport and environment ministries to monitor the issue.
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“We cannot continue offering subsidies to vehicles that disadvantage consumers; We will even consider pulling subsidies depending on Tesla’s countermeasures,” an official who heads the EV subsidy program at the Environment Ministry told the Korea JoongAng Daily.
“We’ve asked Tesla Korea to provide a detailed explanation, but have failed to receive a response so far.”
Tesla sold 29,750 units in Korea last year, making it the third-largest imported car brand, behind BMW and Mercedes-Benz. Notably, in the first half of this year, the Model Y was named the country’s top-selling EV, with 15,432 units sold, even beating the EV6 and Ioniq 5 from homegrown brands Kia and Hyundai Motor.
BMS_a079 alert in Tesla reads ″Unable to charge. Maximum charge level reached,″ in a photo shared by a Korean owner in an online community. [SCREEN CAPTURE]
What’s the matter?
Tesla owners in Korea — mostly those driving Model 3 and Model Y Long Range variants produced in 2020 and 2021 — are increasingly vocal about a recurring issue: the BMS_a079 error, which limits the battery’s maximum charge level to some 50 percent.
This error, accompanied by the message “Unable to charge — maximum charge level reached,” occurs when Tesla’s Battery Management System (BMS) detects a fault within the high-voltage battery. To prevent battery overload and reduce the risk of fire, the system restricts the maximum charge to 50 percent.
The BMS, often described as the “brain” of an EV, monitors critical factors such as voltage and temperature to optimize battery performance and alerts users of any anomalies that require prompt attention.
However, the severity and manifestation of this issue vary widely, with some owners experiencing charge limits as low as 20 percent or 30 percent, while others are capped at roughly 50 percent. In some instances, the error triggers an immediate restriction, and for others, the limitation develops gradually over time.
With the issue now also appearing in the recently launched Juniper Model Y in April, concerns are growing that it may affect an increasing number of Teslas in the future.
The problem was formally raised through a public petition submitted to the National Assembly, garnering support from 14,008 people between Aug. 12 and Sept. 11.
A banner made by Tesla owners in Korea demanding the EV giant to come up with compensation for the continuous BMS error [SCREEN CAPTURE]
A patchwork fix
What has angered many owners even more is how Tesla Korea has handled the issue — customers are offered “remanufactured” batteries as replacements.
A Tesla remanufactured battery is rebuilt using salvaged cells from older packs to restore functionality, often meeting factory specs. While offered as warranty replacements or cheaper alternatives, concerns remain about reduced capacity, shorter lifespan and inconsistent quality.
“The error warning first showed up on June 27, and my car’s battery was replaced with a remanufactured one. But the same error returned just three months later,” said a Model 3 owner in Korea’s largest Tesla owners’ community, which has over 330,000 members. “After the first replacement, my full-charge range dropped from 450 kilometers to 408 kilometers.”
“With this current issue, Tesla feels like a bad-faith company now,” another user wrote. “Back in 2020 and 2021, when trust in EVs was still fragile, we supported Tesla with a purchase. And now, they’re pushing early production defects onto customers and walking away.”
For vehicles no longer under warranty, customers must bear the full cost of a replacement, which is approximately 30 million won ($22,000). Tesla’s battery and drive unit warranty covers 8 years or 160,000 kilometers for the Model 3 and Y.
A total of 2,080 Teslas have experienced the BMS issue in Korea, with 846 being Model 3s and 1,234 being Model Ys, according to a report from Democratic Party lawmaker Park Sang-hyuk’s office, citing data from the Korea Consumer Agency.
“The root cause has been identified as an imbalance in the battery cells’ state of charge,” Tesla Korea said. “We have requested new battery packs from our North American headquarters and plan to expand staffing at our remanufacturing center to increase supply capacity.”
Tesla's new Model Y Juniper, which launched in Korea in April. [TESLA]
Tesla’s chronic service woes
Tesla’s cavalier approach to after-sales service is far from a new problem.
The number of Teslas registered in Korea soared by 650 percent from 15,000 units in 2020 to 112,000 in 2025. Its sales have also jumped 137 percent to 1.7 trillion won last year.
Yet, the company operates only 14 service centers nationwide. Notably, eight provinces, including the populous Daejeon and Ulsan regions, lack any Tesla service facility at all.
Consequently, service times have become excessively long. Between August 2020 and September 17, 2025, Tesla Korea recorded 4,637 repair cases related to BMS issues, and the average repair time was 23.4 days, according to data submitted to the National Assembly’s Land, Infrastructure and Transport Committee.
Some repairs have dragged on for as long as 926 days, with only 24.5 percent of cases resolved within seven days, and 24 percent took more than 729 days. There were 124 cases where repairs took 16 months, and three instances between six months and a year. Alarmingly, 10 cases of BMS errors were reported on vehicles with fewer than 250 kilometers on the odometer, and multiple owners reported recurring repairs on the same vehicle.
BY SARAH CHEA [chea.sarah@joongang.co.kr]
16. Kim Jong Un demands major health sector ‘reform’ at Pyongyang hospital opening
Strong criticism. Wasn't this hospital supposed to be built at "Chollima speed" during COVID in 2020?
But will Kim put his money where his mouth is and divert resources from nuclear and missile development for health care for the Korean people in the north (or perhaps only for the elite Korean people in Pyongyang)?
Kim Jong Un demands major health sector ‘reform’ at Pyongyang hospital opening
North Korean leader calls health ministry worthless, vows to build second ‘modern’ general hospital in capital
https://www.nknews.org/2025/10/kim-jong-un-demands-major-health-sector-reform-at-pyongyang-hospital-opening/
Colin Zwirko October 7, 2025
The official opening ceremony for the Pyongyang General Hospital took place on Oct. 6 | Image: Rodong Sinmun (Oct. 7, 2025)
North Korean leader Kim Jong Un severely criticized the country’s Ministry of Public Health and called for health sector “reform” at the opening ceremony for the Pyongyang General Hospital on Monday, according to state media.
The Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) reported that Kim vowed to build a second large general hospital in the capital in the near future to account for its large population, while repeating promises to build similar facilities in every provincial capital and eventually modern clinics in all towns.
The ceremony marks the official start of operations at the Pyongyang General Hospital — what Kim called the country’s “first true hospital in every respect” — though he suggested staff will conduct training for a month until opening to the public sometime in November.
Construction began next to the Taedong River in the city center in March 2020, where Kim called the project a top priority that must open by Oct. 2020 to solve the problem of the country completely lacking any modern health facilities.
Kim Jong Un appears to inspect staff uniform designs after severely criticizing original designs in his speech Monday | Image: Rodong Sinmun (Oct. 7, 2025)
Main lobby of the Pyongyang General Hospital | Image: Rodong Sinmun (Oct. 7, 2025)
During an inspection last month, he blamed the five-year delay on his loss of control of the project to various party officials who sought “fame” and personal benefits through schemes related to construction.
In a lengthy speech to event attendees on Monday, Kim appeared to suggest he would disband the Ministry of Public Health and replace it with something else not yet decided.
“Frankly, it is an indisputable fact that under the current Ministry of Public Health nothing can be done and not a single step can be taken,” he said. “What can you expect from people who have let hospitals and the health foundation sink for over half a century and left them unattended?”
Citing an example, Kim said he “was astonished and severely criticized” the ministry over their inability to even design staff uniforms for the new hospital, saying uniforms looked like “white sacks” and “caretakers’ uniforms or beauticians’ service attire” and that people in other countries would be able to do the task more easily.
“From that single fact alone, one can easily surmise what caliber of people are gathered at the present Ministry of Public Health — they not only lack common sense and basic concepts but even the will to try anything,” he said.
Kim Jong Un delivers a speech at the official hospital opening on Oct. 6. The ambulances behind Kim appear with Ford branding but were built in and imported from China. | Image: Rodong Sinmun (Oct. 7, 2025)
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“Even if certain institutional mechanisms have become customary over decades, today they have lost vitality and no longer truly benefit the people; organizational systems and unreasonable operating methods that fail to meet changing realities and have become obstacles to health development must be fundamentally reformed without further delay and with decisive action.”
Kim added that he has “determined that we must inevitably organize some kind of group or research institute,” presumably related to taking power away from the health ministry, but without elaborating.
A new architectural design institute focused solely on medical facilities will also be established, he said, revealing that parts of the Pyongyang hospital had to be rebuilt due to problems and that “there remain at least some small points of regret” in its final design.
On the overall health sector’s “present material and technical foundations,” Kim said in his speech that it is “more fragile than any other sector, and among them hospital facilities lag the furthest behind.”
Despite the problems with the capital hospital project, he said Monday that the project “always occupied the very top place in my heart” since he called it the country’s “most urgent” task in March 2020.
At the same time, NK Pro has reported extensively on Kim’s various projects around the country to build new mansions or remodel existing ones and import dozens of foreign luxury cars in recent years while appearing to put the hospital on the backburner.
These actions demonstrated the DPRK leader’s ability to avoid sanctions and secure payment and transportation of large prohibited items, which could have been used on foreign medical equipment or construction materials.
Ceremony attendees tour the hospital | Image: Rodong Sinmun (Oct. 7, 2025)
The North Korean leader appeared to revive the project in early 2024, calling for the facility to be opened last year, but last month claimed it had only been delayed by “one and a half years.”
Photos from inside the hospital published in the last month have shown that it is stocked primarily with Chinese hospital beds and equipment as well as advanced European devices, raising significant questions about the capacity and true purpose of a top hospital bed plant backed by Kim and other related factories.
North Korea also imported multiple U.S. Ford brand ambulances made by China’s ChangLi Special Automobile Company, according to NK News analysis of photos published Tuesday.
Kim appeared to rationalize the use of foreign materials in the new hospital by saying that the “development of the medical instruments and pharmaceutical industries has stalled and regressed because of officials paralyzed by extreme shirking of responsibility and self-preservation.”
He also explicitly prioritized nuclear weapon development over the health sector in recent years. On Monday, he promised the population that building hospitals will now be just as important, saying it is “no less crucial than building national defense to protect the people’s safety from threats of war” and that “constructing the health foundation should rightly be prioritized as a national affair among national affairs.”
It is not yet clear if health care will be available to all people and offered free of charge at the new Pyongyang hospital, including at other facilities that will open in the future, though Kim called the hospital a “heartfelt gift given intact to the people.”
Construction started earlier this year on three pilot project hospitals of different sizes that are scheduled to open in the coming months as well, meant to serve as models for building 20 hospitals annually for the next decade starting next year until one exists in all 200-plus counties.
Kim said his overall health sector reform plans will be discussed at the upcoming Ninth Party Congress set to take place likely in January.
Edited by Kristen Talman
17. North Korean tech company registers office for ‘market research’ in Vladivostok
North Korean tech company registers office for ‘market research’ in Vladivostok
Firm likely affiliated with Red Star Technology Exchange Company is first DPRK entity to set up shop in Russia this year
https://www.nknews.org/2025/10/north-korean-tech-company-registers-office-for-market-research-in-vladivostok/
Anton Sokolin October 7, 2025
A North Korean programmer writing code | Image: KCTV (Aug. 22, 2022)
North Korea’s flagship operating system developer has registered a branch office in Russia “for market research,” becoming the first DPRK entity to openly set up shop in the country since last year as the two states seek to expand cooperation while flouting global sanctions.
A North Korean company likely affiliated with Red Star Technology Exchange Company opened its representative office under the name “Bulgunbyol Technology Trading Company” in a private house in Vladivostok on Sept. 24, with the help of the DPRK Chamber of Commerce.
The entity is seeking to conduct market and public opinion research in Russia, according to documents by the Federal Tax Service, with its name containing Bulgunbyol (or 붉은별 in Korean) meaning “Red Star” suggesting a strong link with the DPRK’s major software developer.
Bulgunbyol Technology Trading Company’s auto-translated corporate profile filed with Russian tax authorities on Sept. 24, 2025 | Image: Russia’s Federal Tax Service, edited by NK News
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The new records come a year after NK News uncovered several dozen North Korean firms, government organizations and financial institutions registered as conducting business in Russia despite sanctions blocking most DPRK commercial activities overseas.
Cybersecurity researcher Junade Ali raised concerns about Bulgunbyol/Red Star supplying IT workers to Russia, which could “not only present risks to the sanctions regime, but also pose a significant cybersecurity risk” to global companies, “particularly those operating in critical national infrastructure.”
He told NK News that this new office highlights how this risk isn’t only one faced by tech giants, “but all organizations must be wary of accidentally hiring North Korean IT workers, whether on freelance platforms or those who interview on remote platforms.”
“We do see North Korea exporting software engineers and other IT workers around the world. Alarmingly, we see these workers using false identities to provide services remotely to companies without disclosing their identity.”
RED STAR OS
Pyongyang-based Red Star specializes in developing the country’s homegrown Red Star operating system (OS), the most recent known version of which (Red Star 4.0) was released in 2018-2019.
Little is known about its features, though it was reported to be used for server management and is presumed to function like any other OS, providing access to the DPRK’s intranet — a local network cut off from the global internet — as well as office and other programs.
Originally based on Linux, the OS was developed in the early 2000s by the Korea Computer Center, with its desktop design closely resembling that of Windows variants. The system eventually progressed to its 3.0 iteration to mimic Apple’s macOS environment, shedding its Windows look in 2013.
Chris Monday, a Russia expert at Dongseo University, pointed out that Red Star was first reported to the West by a Russian student blogger in 2010, suggesting some early Russian interest in DPRK computer technology.
That year, Mikhail Kosheev, a Russian student at Kim Il Sung University, offered a rare look into Red Star 2.0, reviewing the OS’s software, such as the Naenara browser, as well as email, antivirus, office and other services, gaining attention globally and in the ROK.
The Red Star logo on the starting screen | Image: ashen-rus.livejournal.com
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NK News ran a three-part series on his LiveJournal blog and student years in Pyongyang, before he joined RasonConTrans and followed his father (consul general in Chongjin) into diplomacy, eventually serving as first secretary at the Russian Embassy in the DPRK and interpreting at high-level meetings between Kim Jong Un and Vladimir Putin.
Researcher Ali explained that it is unlikely the DPRK would seek to sell its Red Star OS to Russia, as it is “heavily tailored to a North Korean environment,” rather focusing on exporting IT specialists for their global operations.
“Given the surveillance technology used in domestic technology, it wouldn’t be marketable to countries where there’s a greater extent of freedom,” he said, adding that the OS’s “own domestic cryptographic certificates aren’t compliant with the usual web of trust the outside world uses.”
Instead, the “actual use” is part of the “program supplying IT workers …, including through freelance platforms and applying for remote work,” the expert assessed, citing a recent report by the Okta cybersecurity firm uncovering multiple cases of DPRK-linked cyber actors fraudulently obtaining jobs in foreign firms in an array of industries from health care to banking, AI and government.
HQ AND SANCTIONS
More than a decade after launching the OS, Red Star appears to have established a physical foothold in Russia, openly employing DPRK nationals in violation of U.N. Security Council resolutions banning North Korean citizens from earning income overseas.
Federal Tax Service entries state that the “Bulgunbyol” branch is currently manned by five DPRK workers led by the office’s head Kim Chol Yon (or Yong). The firm’s declared charter capital is 300,000 euros ($350,000), according to the documents.
The firm’s incorporation in Vladivostok follows Kumryun Trading Corporation’s registration of a branch office in the city in Aug. 2024. Kumryun, also with five employees, listed its capital at nearly $3.5 million and set up shop at a $1.6-million mansion compound — a trait common among DPRK businesses in Russia often opting for private houses as operational bases.
Notably, “Bulgunbyol” shares its address with the Vladivostok branch of Korea Rakwon General Trading Corporation, which set up its operations at the same private house overlooking an adjacent cargo processing terminal and the city’s harbor in 2017.
Bulgunbyol Technology Trading Company’s auto-translated corporate profile filed with Russian tax authorities (continued), with its address highlighted in yellow | Image: Russia’s Federal Tax Service, edited by NK News
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The Rakwon branch employed some 50 people in 2018 despite the U.N. ban requiring DPRK overseas laborers to return home by the end of 2019. The firm also filed for trademark protection with Russian authorities in April, following its 2021 ad boasting of running multiple joint ventures in China and Russia in violation of sanctions prohibiting such partnerships.
Researcher Monday called Bulgunbyol’s address a “legal fiction” likely intended to obscure its activities, while adding that the registered entity is “clearly an IT company.”
The expert noted that DPRK state TV often shows citizens using Windows, suggesting the indigenous OS may not be widely adopted and that Pyongyang could be seeking Russian help to improve it.
Monday added that Russia is currently promoting its Max messenger as “an all-in-one ID, payment and social media system” to boost its online surveillance over citizens akin to the DPRK’s use of Red Star to monitor online behavior and control information flows, flagging possible areas of cooperation.
Maiko Takeuchi, a former member of the U.N. Panel of Experts overseeing DPRK sanctions, described Red Star’s operations as a typical example of a grey area in the application of sanctions.
“North Korean citizens are not allowed to earn income overseas,” she explained, adding that “in effect” the firm is in breach of U.N. sanctions, even though the U.S. and Japan usually interpret the U.N. ban on opening branches abroad only in the context of financial institutions.
Citing North Korea’s track record of “unethical activity,” researcher Ali similarly warned that some of Red Star’s work could involve “cryptocurrency laundering, cybercrime or the supply of other forms of labor,” but stressed that it is too early to say to what extent.
Edited by Alannah Hill
18. Kang Kyung-wha takes up post as ROK envoy to US amid push for North Korea talks
We should start a pool - will there be US- north Korea talks?
Kang Kyung-wha takes up post as ROK envoy to US amid push for North Korea talks
Former foreign minister, who played key role in 2018-19 diplomacy with Pyongyang, pledges to strengthen alliance
https://www.nknews.org/2025/10/kang-kyung-wha-takes-up-post-as-rok-envoy-to-us-amid-push-for-north-korea-talks/
Joon Ha Park October 7, 2025
Kang Kyung-wha during her inauguration as South Korea’s ambassador to the U.S. at the ROK Embassy in Washington on Oct. 6, 2025 | Image: Embassy of the Republic of Korea in the USA
Kang Kyung-wha, the former ROK foreign minister who helped steer diplomacy with North Korea from 2018-19, took up her post as Seoul’s new ambassador to Washington on Monday, amid renewed speculation about the potential revival of U.S.-DPRK talks.
In her inaugural address at the South Korean Embassy, Kang said “the foundation of our pragmatic diplomacy lies in the ROK-U.S. alliance,” pledging to strengthen cooperation across security, economic and advanced technology sectors.
Kang described the Lee Jae-myung administration as a “people-centered government” that “prioritizes democracy, common sense and pragmatism,” stating that those principles guide Seoul’s diplomacy.
She emphasized that South Korea would respond “nimbly to complex global challenges” through a national interest-driven, practical approach to foreign policy.
Formally appointed on Oct. 1 as Lee’s first ambassador to Washington, Kang also met with U.S. State Department Chief of Protocol Monica Crowley on Monday and presented a copy of her credentials, officially beginning her duties.
The South Korean Embassy had been led by a chargé d’affaires for more than 80 days following the departure of former Ambassador Cho Hyun-dong in July. Kang’s appointment makes her the first woman to serve in the role.
The 70-year-old’s return marks a new chapter for one of South Korea’s most recognizable diplomats. Appointed in 2017 as the country’s first female foreign minister, Kang became a central figure in the Moon Jae-in administration’s “Korean Peninsula peace process.”
South Korean President Moon Jae-in and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un during the inter-Korean summit on April 27, 2018 | Image: ROK Presidential Archives
Serving in the role until 2021, Kang directed Seoul’s foreign policy through a rare period of engagement that included multiple inter-Korean summits and direct talks between DPRK leader Kim Jong Un and U.S. President Donald Trump.
She became the first sitting ROK foreign minister to visit North Korea in Sept. 2018 for the inter-Korean summit between Kim and Moon. But U.S.-DPRK talks later fell through in Feb. 2019 in Hanoi, largely stunting the Moon administration’s peace initiative.
Her experience dealing with the Trump administration during its first term could prove useful for coordinating policy on North Korea and broader alliance issues, particularly as Trump and Lee push to renew U.S.-DPRK dialogue.
Speaking to reporters after arriving in Washington on Sunday, Kang said she was “excited to return to the diplomatic field to serve the national interest,” adding that she plans to draw on her experience both as foreign minister and as president of the Asia Society in New York.
Addressing prospects for renewed U.S.-North Korea talks, Kang said President Lee “has expressed strong support for Washington’s willingness to engage with Pyongyang,” and that Seoul will continue to deliver that message through diplomatic channels.
“Ultimately, it is up to North Korea to come forward,” she said, emphasizing the need for close coordination with U.S. officials.
However, Kang’s immediate agenda is expected to focus less on North Korea and more on pressing bilateral issues — including unresolved tariff and trade negotiations, visa concerns affecting South Korean workers in the U.S. and coordination on defense and industrial supply chains.
Edited by Bryan Betts
19. Australia deploys patrol aircraft to monitor North Korea’s maritime smuggling
There is international support and contributions to counter north Korean proliferation and other illicit activities. Could we be doing more? Could we execute a real strategic strangulation campaign and cut Kim off from his resources?
News
Australia deploys patrol aircraft to monitor North Korea’s maritime smuggling
P-8A Poseidon operating out of Okinawa to track Pyongyang’s sanctions evasion through ship-to-ship transfers
https://www.nknews.org/2025/10/australia-deploys-patrol-aircraft-to-monitor-north-koreas-maritime-smuggling/
Shreyas Reddy October 7, 2025
An Australian P-8A Poseidon long-range maritime patrol aircraft | Image: Royal Australian Air Force
Australia has deployed a long-range surveillance aircraft to monitor North Korea’s maritime smuggling activities funding the regime’s nuclear and missile programs in violation of U.N. sanctions, according to Japan’s foreign ministry.
A Royal Australian Air Force P‑8A Poseidon maritime patrol aircraft is operating out of Okinawa’s Kadena Air Base from early to mid-October to track activity including illegal ship-to-ship transfers involving DPRK-flagged vessels, the ministry said in a press release on Friday.
Japan welcomed Australia’s continuing contribution to multilateral efforts to counter Pyongyang’s sanctions evasion operations and work toward the “complete, verifiable and irreversible” dismantlement of North Korea’s weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missile programs.
This marks the 16th time since 2018 that Australia has deployed a maritime surveillance aircraft under Operation Argos, Canberra’s commitment toward the implementation of U.N. Security Council sanctions targeting the illicit maritime activities funding Pyongyang’s nuclear and missile development. Australia has also dispatched naval vessels on 13 occasions for the same purpose.
The P-8A’s arrival comes half a year after Australia last dispatched the Poseidon to monitor DPRK ship-to-ship transfers, and follows multiple ship and aircraft deployments by the U.K. and Canada in the past month.
Pyongyang relies heavily on ship-to-ship transfers to smuggle sanctioned goods such as oil and coal beyond U.N.-designated limits, and has allegedly carried out such operations to supply weapons to Russia for its war against Ukraine on multiple occasions since 2023.
Regular patrols in the waters around Japan used to play an important role in gathering evidence of North Korea’s maritime smuggling operations for the U.N. Panel of Experts monitoring DPRK sanctions implementation.
However, a Russian veto led to the Panel’s dissolution last year, eliminating a critical source of intelligence on Pyongyang’s sanctions evasion techniques. The Multilateral Sanctions Monitoring Team that replaced it — of which Australia is a member — did not incorporate findings from maritime patrols in its inaugural report in May.
North Korea typically condemns such sanctions monitoring visits as part of what it claims to be a U.S.-led strategy to target the DPRK and aggravate regional tensions, and rejects U.N. sanctions as “unlawful” infringements on its sovereignty.
Pyongyang has previously condemned Australia for pursuing “hostile acts” under U.S. guidance through these surveillance operations, warning that Canberra will face a security “crisis” because of such “rash acts.”
Australia’s sanctions monitoring operations have also run afoul of China in recent years.
Last May, Canberra accused a Chinese fighter jet of endangering Australian personnel by firing flares toward an MH-60R Seahawk helicopter monitoring North Korean smuggling operations in the Yellow Sea.
However, Beijing claimed the Australian helicopter sparked the incident by “approaching Chinese airspace to provoke and threaten China’s maritime and aerial security” under the pretext of enforcing U.N. sanctions.
“It highlights some of the challenges that are faced with sanctions enforcement in the Yellow Sea given China’s good relations within the DPRK, and that some vessels seeking to violate the U.N. sanctions may be Chinese-flagged and operated,” Donald R. Rothwell, a professor of international law at the Australian National University, told NK News at the time.
Edited by Bryan Betts
20. The Korean Emperor and the American Princess: Part 2
Fascinating Korean history.
The Korean Emperor and the American Princess: Part 2 - The Korea Times
By Robert Neff
- Published Oct 7, 2025 7:00 am KST
The Korea Times · ListenListenText SizePrint
Throughout the world, dinners have long been popular for discussing business and politics, and Korea was no exception. Having arrived in Seoul on September 20, 1905, Alice Roosevelt, the 21-year-old daughter of American President Theodore Roosevelt, was honored the following day with a banquet at the palace hosted by Emperor Gojong.
Willard Straight, a member of the American legation in Seoul, recorded the occasion in vivid and denigrating detail. He noted that Alice was “treated with more consideration than has ever been shown to visiting royalty before.” Straight described how “the Emperor brought [the young American woman] in on his arm and sat at the same table with her.” The Crown Prince was also present, presiding over his own table.
Straight himself was seated at a smaller table, “sandwiched in with prominent Korean officials, many of whom had by special order of the Emperor got themselves into European clothes for the first time and who certainly did look, and from their appearance feel, like Hell.”
An outdoor party in Seoul held in honor of Alice Roosevelt’s visit. Courtesy of the Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections, Cornell University Library.
Amused by the discomfort of his Korean counterparts, Straight nonetheless paid close attention to the Emperor’s regard for his guest. “It was a strange and wonderful sight to see Miss Roosevelt on the Emperor’s arm, or rather he on hers, as they came into the banqueting hall,” he wrote. Despite being a diplomat, Straight’s private letters were anything but diplomatic. He quipped that the banquet hall “looked more like a boarding house parlor than anything else.”
When it came to the food, however, all he bothered to write was: “We had Korean chow.”
Years later, Alice offered her own recollections of the event: “We lunched with [the Emperor and the Crown Prince] in the European part of the [palace]. We were received in an upstairs room, and then the squat Emperor did not give me his arm, but took mine, and together we went in a hurried wobble down a very narrow staircase to an unnoteworthy, smallish dining room.”
Like Straight, she barely mentioned the meal, noting only that Korean food was “served in Korean dishes and bowls ornamented with the imperial crest. Those I used were afterwards presented to me.” She drank from a gold cup, while Straight and his peers used silver.
Gordon Paddock, secretary of the American legation in Seoul, and Senator Francis Newlands with Korean entertainers and other guests. Courtesy of the Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections, Cornell University Library.
Recent articles in the Korea Times have shed light on the “Korean chow.” The banquet included 17 dishes, among them yeolgujatang — a type of royal hot pot made from a variety of meats, mushrooms and scallions. Other dishes included:
Goldongmyeon – noodles tossed with assorted ingredients and seasoning
Jangkimchi – a soy sauce-based water kimchi made with cabbage and radish
Hwayangjeok – skewered vegetables and meat arranged by color
Jeonbokcho – thinly sliced abalone simmered in seasoned soy sauce
Jeonyueo – white fish dipped in flour and egg before being pan-fried
Pyeonyuk – thinly sliced boiled beef brisket
One can only wonder if the Americans might have been more impressed with a dinner given to a Japanese official:
“Asparagus tips soup; roast fish with mushrooms; pigeons with olives; duck liver pâté in aspic; braised fillet with truffles; asparagus spears with Hollandaise sauce; roast leg of lamb; salad; pineapple ice cream; cheese; assorted desserts; coffee; Cognac and liqueurs.”
The Imperial Guesthouse, next to the palace, where many of the American delegation stayed while in Seoul in 1905. Courtesy of the Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections, Cornell University Library.
Alice’s entertainment in Seoul was not limited to the imperial banquet. The very next day, a women’s luncheon was held in the garden at Changdeok Palace in honor of Alice and of the other women in the delegation. “The wooden paths and colored pavilions were decorated with American and Korean flags.” According to one American newspaper:
“The occasion was a notable one, inasmuch as it [was] the first time in the history of the country that a woman of the palace [had] entertained foreigners. Two missionaries, Mrs. Bunker and Mrs. Underwood, acted as interpreters. A toast to Miss Roosevelt was proposed by Om, the Emperor’s consort, who was hostess at the luncheon.”
It was an interesting account, but it was not entirely true. Prior to the assassination of Empress Myeongseong in October 1895, foreign women, including wives of diplomats, missionaries and even the mother of an American advisor to the Joseon government, were often entertained in the palace.
Senator Francis Newlands in Seoul in 1905. Courtesy of the Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections, Cornell University Library.
That evening, Alice was honored again at the American legation, where Korean military musicians and dancers performed before a crowd of diplomats, Korean officials, missionaries and businessmen. In the following days, more dinners and receptions were hosted in her honor at the British, German and Japanese legations.
Years later, Alice recalled: “The Korean and Japanese officials entertained us industriously, but as Seoul was a small place and we were all of ten days there, official parties finally ceased, and we began to feel like old residents.”
One day she spent the whole afternoon “riding through the city and suburbs on the American-built electric car line.”
Emperor Gojong and his son, Crown Prince Sunjong. Courtesy of the Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections, Cornell University Library.
Horseback riding was one of Alice’s favorite pastimes, and she later wrote of spending many afternoons on horseback in the city and along the slopes of nearby Mount Bukhan. In her memoirs, she wrote, “We rode nearly every afternoon getting home at dusk; the mountains sharp against the western sky.” But like many foreigners, she found the Korean ponies less than welcoming – especially to foreigners.
“I don’t think the native ponies liked foreigners; they frequently tried to bite us as we mounted. I recollect one that seemed to have a particular aversion to me. First, making sure that it was securely held by its groom, I would stand about ten feet off and make a face at it. The pony would respond by laying back its ears, baring its yellow teeth, and struggling to shake off the groom in its effort to get me at me.”
At least once she was in the saddle, she managed to stay there — something not all foreigners could claim. Some could only mount their ponies if the animals were blindfolded, and once the cloth was removed, the vicious little creatures would lunge, buck or snap at their riders with unnerving ferocity.
On September 28, Emperor Gojong granted Alice a “farewell audience and presented her with his photograph, to which was affixed his autograph.” The Crown Prince followed suit. There were other valuable gifts, too, as members of the delegation were also showered with tokens of the Korean monarch’s appreciation, “including tiger skins, silver and brassware and embroideries.”
Despite the honor, Alice admitted she was weary of such formalities. She later wrote that she “was more than fed up with official entertaining, with being treated, one might say, as a ‘temporary royalty.’” While she acknowledged that the role gave her the chance to experience things unavailable to most, she confessed that “how real royalty can stand it, in season and out, is hard to imagine.”
The following day, Alice and her party left Seoul for Busan aboard a special train. To ensure their comfort, the American Minister, Edward Morgan, arranged for several Chinese male servants to travel with them and prepare meals in the baggage car. Recent heavy rains, however, had washed out part of the line, forcing the train to halt overnight in Daegu.
Alice was to stay at the Presbyterian Mission, but her arrival could not have been more awkward and potentially scandalous. During the journey, someone spilled a whiskey and soda on her, leaving her reeking of alcohol. Worse still, as she stepped off the train with her small black dog under her arm, her cigarette case tumbled open, scattering cigarettes at the feet of the waiting missionaries. “I arrived in an atmosphere of alcohol and tobacco,” she later recalled, and considering her hosts were missionaries, she found it thoroughly mortifying. To her relief, the missionaries were unfazed, receiving her warmly and showing a genuine curiosity about her visit.
The following morning, the delegation resumed their journey to Busan and departed the Land of the Morning Calm. Alice’s own peace was short-lived, soon broken by a storm of criticism that would haunt her for years. She was accused of misconduct during her visit — not by the American missionaries, but from within the royal palace. That condemning voice is the subject of our next article.
My sincere appreciation to Diane Nars for her invaluable assistance and to Cornell University Library for its extensive online collection of Willard D. Straight’s photographs and postcards.
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De Oppresso Liber,
David Maxwell
Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy
Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation
Editor, Small Wars Journal
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
Phone: 202-573-8647
email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com
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