Informal Institute for National Security Thinkers and Practitioners

Quotes of the Day:

“Man gives every reason for his conduct, save one, every excuse for his crimes, save one, every plead for his safety, safe one; and that one is his cowardice.”

– George Bernard Shaw

“If anyone tells you that a certain person speaks ill of you, do not make excuses about what is said of you, but answer, ‘He was ignorant of my other faults, else he would have not mentioned these alone.’”

– Epictetus

“The best people possess a feeling for beauty, the courage to take risks, the discipline to tell the truth, the capacity for sacrifice. Ironically, their virtues make them vulnerable; they are often wounded, sometimes destroyed.”

– Ernest Hemingway

1. “North Korean military suffers damage from Kursk missile attack” reports continue

2. ‘North Korea’s WikiLeaks’ exposes regime’s strategy on human rights criticism

3. Why non-Korean academics can’t help but praise South Korea

4. North Korea Getting New Air Defenses In Return For Supporting Russia In Ukraine: Official

5. Satellite images suggest North Korea expanding missile plant, researchers say

6. Russia 'likely' to transfer submarine tech to China, N. Korea: INDOPACOM Chief

7. Trump names key official in past diplomacy with North Korea as security adviser

8. Ukrainian military denies report that North Korean troops have entered Kharkiv

9. On the border: What it’s like to visit remote islands on North Korea’s doorstep

10. Seoul confirms casualties among North Korean troops in Russia

11. N. Korea's electronics black market: Foreign tech flows despite global ban

12. Economic crisis drives North Korean city dwellers to countryside

13. Mass exodus: N. Korean workers abandon posts in Chinese border city

14. N.K. troops disguised as 'indigenous' people in Far East for combat against Ukraine: report

15. S. Korea holds its own memorial to honor Sado mine victims after boycotting Japan-led event

1. “North Korean military suffers damage from Kursk missile attack” reports continue

"Successive reports" or circular reporting? Or psychological operations?

This is a Google translation of an RFA report.

“North Korean military suffers damage from Kursk missile attack” reports continue

Seoul - Hong Seung-wook hongs@rfa.org

2024.11.24

Three generals who were part of the North Korean military deployed to Russia stand next to Kim Jong-un in September. From the left in the white circle: Shin Kum-chol, Kim Yong-bok, and Ri Chang-ho.

Korean Central News Agency, Yonhap News

There are successive reports that Ukraine attacked the Kursk region of Russia with the ' Storm Shadow ' cruise missiles supported by the UK on the 20th (local time) , causing damage to North Korean troops deployed there .

According to Ukrainian media outlet RBC Ukraine and American military media outlet Global Defense Corporation , the social networking service (SNS) account Dosye Shpiona, which provides war-related intelligence, reported that 18 people were killed and 33 injured in the attack , including three North Korean soldiers .

According to this, the North Korean soldiers injured were two male officers and one female . The female was reported to be a medic, but it is also known that she may have been an interpreter .

The Global Defense Corporation also reported on the 21st that 500 North Korean soldiers were killed in the airstrike , but did not provide a source or basis for the information .

Earlier, Ukraine struck a target believed to be a military command center in the village of Marino near Kursk on the 20th with up to 12 Storm Shadow missiles .

2. ‘North Korea’s WikiLeaks’ exposes regime’s strategy on human rights criticism

More evidence on why we need to take a human rights upfront approach.

Excerpts:

These cables peel back the curtain on a regime that is more sensitive to human rights criticism than its defiant rhetoric suggests. Kim Jong Un’s personal involvement, the strategic use of nuclear status to deflect scrutiny and an evolving approach to U.N. human rights resolutions all point to a leadership that carefully monitors and reacts to international condemnation.

All in all, the cables show that Kim cares, but more about his country’s image on the world stage than improving the rights of its people.

For advocates and policymakers, the leaked documents highlight both the challenges and opportunities in addressing North Korea’s human rights record and suggest that persistent, well-coordinated efforts at forums like the U.N. can create friction within Pyongyang’s carefully managed diplomatic playbook.

By focusing on where the regime feels most vulnerable — its international image — advocates might find levers to push for incremental change.

‘North Korea’s WikiLeaks’ exposes regime’s strategy on human rights criticism

Cables released by high-level defector reveal Kim Jong Un’s personal efforts to shape country’s image on global stage

https://www.nknews.org/2024/11/north-koreas-wikileaks-exposes-regimes-strategy-on-human-rights-criticism/?t=1732536603

Ifang Bremer November 20, 2024

A DPRK representative at the U.N. in Geneva in 201, against a background of a North Korean watchtower | Images: U.N. and NK News

The release of previously undisclosed North Korean diplomatic cables has unmasked Kim Jong Un’s strategy for countering criticism of his country’s human right abuses, revealing a regime obsessed with shaping its image on the global stage.

Ri Il Kyu, a former political counselor at the North Korean Embassy in Cuba and one of the highest-level defectors to resettle in South Korea in years, took the cables with him when he escaped last year, and Seoul’s unification ministry published the first batch focusing on human rights issues on Friday.

The cables cover a period from 2016 to 2023, and Ri has promised that more are to come, dubbing the release of the intel as the “North Korean version of WikiLeaks.”

Several themes emerge from the first batch of these documents, including Kim Jong Un’s direct role in shaping human rights policy and the regime’s efforts to link its nuclear weapons to resisting reform, painting a picture of a state that sees international criticism not merely as an annoyance but as an existential challenge that demands a careful response.

Kim Jong Un delivers remarks to top officials. | Image: KCNA (Sept. 2, 2024)

KIM JONG UN’S INVOLVEMENT

The first theme that emerged from the cables is leader Kim Jong Un’s direct involvement in his country’s human rights policies. Rather than being a distant overseer, Kim gave clear orders on how overseas diplomats should handle international criticism.

A Feb. 2016 directive highlights Kim’s involvement. “Based on the order by the Respected Supreme Leader Comrade of February 11 2016, ignore anti-DPRK human rights resolution and disregard it during the 31st meeting of the U.N. Human Rights Council in Geneva,” the cable states.

Such orders from Kim indicate his sensitivity to international criticism at the U.N. — a forum North Korea places high value on. Pyongyang views these critiques as not just rhetorical posturing but threats to the regime’s stature, potentially destabilizing both at home and abroad.

However, it appears that condemnations of the DPRK’s rights record at conferences outside the U.N. framework do not hit the same nerve with North Korea’s leadership, as the cables provide no evidence to suggest that Pyongyang is similarly concerned about criticisms raised by independent NGOs or ROK government-organized conferences.

What Kim’s active involvement in directing responses to human rights concerns raised at the U.N. level does suggest is that sustained advocacy, if carefully targeted, could serve as a source of diplomatic leverage with the DPRK regime.

NUCLEAR WEAPONS AND HUMAN RIGHTS

Another striking theme in the cables is how North Korea ties its nuclear weapons program to its stance on human rights, revealing that the country’s leadership not only sees its nukes as a military deterrent against its adversaries, but as a tool for defying any perceived foreign meddling into state affairs.

A Feb. 2016 cable instructs diplomats to maintain confidence in their dealings with critics: “One should bear in mind that as we became a nuclear power state with a hydrogen bomb, we need to maintain a proud stance and ignore schemes on human rights resolutions.”

A subsequent cable emphasizes that diplomats should “carry out our struggle for human rights with confidence in a strategic manner as a country that has nuclear power.”

These directives show how Pyongyang views its nuclear status as a shield against criticism, projecting an image of unassailable sovereignty and a message to its diplomats — and the world — that possessing nuclear weapons provides a buffer, if not outright immunity, against external pressure.

North Korea’s direct linking of its nuclear status with countering human rights critique supports the stance of experts who insist that DPRK human rights issues and denuclearization are two sides of the same coin. Some have argued that Pyongyang’s willingness to improve its human rights could be seen as a metric of the regime’s overall commitment to reform, including its dedication (or lack thereof) to denuclearization.

However, others note that the regime has made minor progress in areas like rights for people with disabilities without making any concessions on its nuclear program, suggesting that improvements on these issues are not necessarily correlated.

While the cables don’t give a definitive answer to this debate, they suggest that DPRK’s nuclear armament has at least given Pyongyang more confidence to ignore international critique of its rights record.

Two North Korean soldiers crossing a railroad track | Image: NK News (April 2018)

CHANGING TACTICS

Finally, the cables reveal a notable shift in how North Korea handles human rights resolutions at the U.N.

Initially, Pyongyang ordered its foreign officials to lobby with allies to counter such resolutions through votes. This was a calculated maneuver to undermine the legitimacy of the resolutions, which can be adopted either through a formal vote, where member states express their positions, or by consensus, when all members agree during discussions without significant objections.

For example, a Jan. 2016 directive urged diplomats to “continue strong responses to anti-DPRK human rights resolutions at the United Nations,” emphasizing the importance of defeating resolutions in the U.N.’s “vote competition.”

However, by Feb. 2016, this strategy had shifted. New instructions ordered the diplomats to “stop the voting competition,” meaning they should no longer request a formal vote on such resolutions.

This pivot became evident weeks later when the U.N. Human Rights Council adopted a new resolution, condemning North Korea’s rights record. Instead of contesting the resolution through a formal vote, North Korea allowed it to pass by consensus — a move aimed at minimizing attention on the issue and avoiding the embarrassment of a resolution passing despite Pyongyang’s clear opposition.

“The Resolution on human rights co-sponsored by EU and Japan passed without vote with lackluster atmosphere,” a March 2016 cable noted, adding that “with the Supreme Leader’s strategy, we were able to push our enemies to the corner and created a turning point for our struggle on human rights issues with our strong stance to not participate in meetings that selectively talks about our human rights issues.”

For those seeking to draw attention to North Korea’s human rights abuses, these tactics underscore the importance of ensuring that resolutions at the U.N. don’t pass quietly or without meaningful scrutiny.

CRAFTING AN IMAGE

These cables peel back the curtain on a regime that is more sensitive to human rights criticism than its defiant rhetoric suggests. Kim Jong Un’s personal involvement, the strategic use of nuclear status to deflect scrutiny and an evolving approach to U.N. human rights resolutions all point to a leadership that carefully monitors and reacts to international condemnation.

All in all, the cables show that Kim cares, but more about his country’s image on the world stage than improving the rights of its people.

For advocates and policymakers, the leaked documents highlight both the challenges and opportunities in addressing North Korea’s human rights record and suggest that persistent, well-coordinated efforts at forums like the U.N. can create friction within Pyongyang’s carefully managed diplomatic playbook.

By focusing on where the regime feels most vulnerable — its international image — advocates might find levers to push for incremental change.

Edited by Alannah Hill

3. Why non-Korean academics can’t help but praise South Korea

Professor Robertson sounds bitter. I am glad he is focusing on academics and not practitioners.

Commentary

Why non-Korean academics can’t help but praise South Korea

Angling for the next research grant, fellowship, or invitation to a fancy event at a swank hotel around City Hall? Be sure to praise Korea!

https://www.junotane.com/p/why-non-korean-academics-cant-help-but-praise-south-korea?utm

Nov 24, 2024

South Korea comes across as the darling of non-Korean academics. From scholarly articles to international conferences, South Korea’s political and diplomatic maneuvers are showered with glowing accolades. It’s as if every foreign academic is competing in an unspoken game of "Who can praise Seoul the most?"

Is South Korea’s political and diplomatic success really that spotless, or are these scholars just angling for their next research grant, fellowship, or invitation to a fancy event at one of those swank hotels around City Hall?

Sure, South Korea has achieved impressive things, but the level of uncritical adoration it receives often feels less like rigorous analysis and more like a strategic career move wrapped in a veneer of intellectual admiration. Beneath the layers of compliments and buzzwords about "resilience" and "diplomatic finesse" lies a more cynical reality: sometimes, it pays—literally and figuratively—to stay on South Korea’s good side.

Let’s dive into why so many non-Korean academics are eager to keep the compliments flowing, even when the full story might be a bit messier than their polished papers suggest.

Reciprocity: The diplomatic dance of academia

South Korea isn’t just a nation—it’s a vital partner for many academics studying international relations, East Asian security, or democratic development. South Korean institutions are generous with grants, fellowships, and partnerships, offering academics unparalleled access to resources and insights. But this generosity often comes with unspoken rules: be respectful, be complimentary, and, above all, don’t make waves.

Criticizing South Korea’s political landscape or foreign policy—whether it’s the slow pace of reforms, scandals, or its sometimes inconsistent approach to regional diplomacy—can jeopardize these relationships. It’s far safer to stick to glowing reviews of South Korea’s "dynamic democracy" or its "remarkable resilience" in the face of geopolitical challenges. A little bit of praise goes a long way in keeping those doors (and funding streams) open.

From orientalism to overcorrection

Western academics have a long history of framing non-Western nations, including South Korea, as perpetually stuck in crises. Whether it was the Cold War narrative of South Korea as a battleground for superpower conflicts or its portrayal as a subordinate U.S. ally, much of the old academic discourse leaned heavily toward condescension.

Today, many scholars are keen to reverse this trend. By emphasizing South Korea’s political achievements—its transition to democracy, its ability to manage regional tensions, and its emergence as a middle power—they attempt to compensate for decades of skewed narratives. But in their rush to counter past bias, some scholars risk overcorrecting, portraying South Korea as an almost flawless actor in global politics.

Sure, Seoul’s diplomacy is impressive, but pretending it’s perfect? That’s another story entirely.

Selling the "middle power" narrative

Academics know their audience, and South Korea’s story sells—especially in the realm of international relations. Policymakers, think tanks, and media outlets love a good middle-power narrative, and South Korea fits the bill perfectly. South Korea put A LOT of money into building the narrative, and everyone was willing to run with it.

Want to get published or invited to the next security conference? Writing about how South Korea is a "model middle power" deftly balancing U.S. security guarantees with economic ties to China will do the trick. Want to turn heads in the development sector? Talk about South Korea’s transformation from aid recipient to aid donor. What nobody’s clamoring for are nuanced critiques of its foreign policy missteps or its struggles with domestic political gridlock. Those narratives are, shall we say, less marketable.

Career insurance: staying on Seoul’s good side

Let’s face it: praising South Korea is also a strategic move for career-minded academics. The country’s geopolitical importance makes it a key player in discussions on global security, East Asian diplomacy, and even tech-related foreign policy. Scholars who align themselves with South Korea’s positive narrative are more likely to secure high-profile opportunities: think keynote speeches, funding for research centers, or a coveted role as an expert commentator.

By contrast, being overly critical can be risky. No one wants to be the academic who gets blacklisted from a South Korean institution or finds themselves persona non grata in Seoul because they wrote a scathing op-ed about the latest political scandal. A well-placed compliment or two can go a long way toward ensuring a smooth professional journey. After all, it’s hard to get invited back to the table when you’ve flipped it over.

Dodging backlash and patriotic landmines

Critiquing South Korea’s politics and foreign policy isn’t just a professional risk—it can also provoke a strong public backlash. South Korea is a deeply patriotic country, and academics who wade into controversial topics—whether it’s tensions with Japan, the U.S. military presence, or domestic political scandals—often find themselves facing criticism, not just from the government but also from ordinary South Koreans.

For non-Korean scholars, this can be a minefield. Patriotic audiences might dismiss their critiques as misinformed, while South Korean institutions could interpret them as disrespectful. Even well-meaning critiques risk being seen as unfair or, worse, ungrateful. It’s much safer to stick to broad platitudes about "resilience" and "strategic foresight" than to delve into, say, the complexities of South Korea’s often divisive domestic politics.

Striking the (politically safe) balance

It’s not that South Korea doesn’t deserve its share of praise—it absolutely does. Its ability to navigate its unique geopolitical position, maintain democratic institutions (mostly), and project influence on the global stage is genuinely impressive. But when academics lean too heavily into the praise, they risk creating an overly sanitized picture of the country’s politics and foreign policy.

What’s the end result? Academic turdery - academic writing that’s like dog turds that turn white on the sidewalk in the summer sun, crumble, and blow away in the wind. Most of the semi-academic materials written with the support of either progressive or conservative government funding are not worth the glossy paper they’re nearly always written on. And the conferences… if you attend once, it’s understandable. More than once and you’re either a fool or a grifter who knows an easy mark.

Now, this is a massive generalization. There are good, honest, real research works out there. Just standing in the crowd and watching the ticker tape parade of compliment papers go by, makes it that much harder to find them.

4. North Korea Getting New Air Defenses In Return For Supporting Russia In Ukraine: Official

I am sure there is a lot of quid pro quo.

But how are those S-300 and S-400 weapons systems doing on the battlefield in Iran and Yemen and Russia and occupied territories of Ukraine? Can they defeat NATO and other western or allied (e.g., South Korean and Japan) air power?

North Korea Getting New Air Defenses In Return For Supporting Russia In Ukraine: Official

Advanced surface-to-air missiles may be the first major Russian arms headed to North Korea in return for its support in the war in Ukraine.

Thomas Newdick

Posted on Nov 22, 2024

twz.com · by Thomas Newdick

North Korea has received Russian air defense systems in return for its support of the Kremlin’s war in Ukraine, South Korean officials have declared. The transfer of these weapons is the latest development in the deepening military relationship between Pyongyang and Moscow, which has also seen more than 10,000 North Korean troops sent to Russia in recent weeks to fight against Ukraine.

According to Shin Wonsik, top security adviser for South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol, Russia has provided surface-to-air missiles and other unspecified air defense equipment. This will be used to reinforce the air defense of the North Korean capital, Pyongyang, Shin told a South Korean SBS TV program today.

Shin Wonsik, security adviser for South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol, while he was still serving as South Korean Defense Minister, in July 2024. Photo by Yoshikazu Tsuno/Gamma-Rapho/Pool/Anadolu via Getty Images Anadolu

While the specific type of air defense systems wasn’t disclosed, Lee Illwoo, an expert with the Korea Defense Network in South Korea, said that the S-400 surface-to-air missile system was most likely. This system, which combines long-range surface-to-air missiles, launchers, ground-based radar systems, and other components, is among the most advanced available anywhere. As well as being widely used by Russia, including in the war with Ukraine, they have been exported to Algeria, Belarus, China, India, and Turkey.

The S-400 has a maximum range of up to 250 miles and can tackle lower-end ballistic missile targets, as well as aircraft and cruise missiles. You can read more about the system and its capabilities here.

A diagram showing various typical components used within an S-400 battalion. RIA NOVOSTI

Overall, the S-400 would make sense for North Korea, especially in a strategic role for the protection of Pyongyang since the country otherwise lacks modern air defense systems in this class. The protection of the capital primarily relies upon mainly outdated surface-to-air missiles and anti-aircraft artillery. Meanwhile, North Korea is increasingly active in building its own types of air defense systems.

While North Korea claimed to have operationally fielded the domestically produced KN-06, also known as the Pongae-5, long-range surface-to-air missile system as long ago as 2017, the current status of this is unclear. Even if it has been more widely deployed, it is likely less capable than the S-400. The KN-06 is understood to be based on the Chinese HQ-9 system, which itself is derived from the Russian S-300 — an air defense system that is a generation behind the S-400.

North Korean leader Kim Kong Un watches a test launch of the KN-06 surface-to-air missile. North Korea State News

Potentially, other air defense equipment may have been provided by Russia, too. According to Kim Dae Young, a military expert at the Korea Research Institute for National Strategy, counter-drone equipment may also be of particular interest to North Korea, which faces a growing threat from South Korean and U.S. uncrewed aerial vehicles. At the same time, long-range S-300s or even Pantsir series short-range air defense systems would be useful for North Korea.

The threat posed by drones to Pyongyang in particular was recently highlighted when North Korea accused South Korea of using drones to scatter propaganda leaflets over its capital. Videos released by the North Korean authorities showed two different types of UAVs. That incident, which you can read about here, came after waves of excrement and trash-filled balloons launched by North Korea into the South, a campaign of disruption that started this summer, accompanying a period of worsening tensions on the peninsula overall.

Photos released by the North Korean state news agency KCNA last month appear to show drones, which it says were used to drop propaganda leaflets over Pyongyang. KCNA

South Korea refused to confirm whether or not it was behind the alleged drone flights.

As TWZ highlighted at the time, “The ability of drones — sophisticated or otherwise — to penetrate the heavily defended airspace over the North Korean capital will surely be a considerable worry to officials there and would appear to highlight deficiencies in the North’s best air defense coverage.”

Very likely, any military campaign launched by South Korea against the North would see extensive use of drones, including to confuse and overwhelm air defenses. This is especially relevant in the case of Pyongyang, which would be on the receiving end of decapitation strikes against the leadership.

A South Korean F-15K drops two Joint Direct Attack Munitions (JDAM) onto an island target in response to a North Korean IRBM launch earlier the same day Oct. 4, 2022. Photo by South Korean Defense Ministry via Getty Images

Whatever the types of air defense systems that have apparently now been supplied are, they will be a significant boost to the North Korean military — officially, the Korean People’s Army.

At the same time, it’s clear that Russia is in dire need of air defense systems, with the war in Ukraine putting significant stress on its existing surface-to-air missile stocks. Currently, there is a huge demand for such systems to protect the homeland as well as to defend airspace over the front lines. Presumably, it’s been determined that giving up some S-400s — or whatever other systems — is worth it for what they are getting in exchange from North Korea.

The arrival of new military hardware from Russia was long expected, by way of thanks for North Korea’s increasing support for the Kremlin’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine as well as the counteroffensive in Russia’s Kursk region.

New: North Korean troops have been spotted in Ukraine’s eastern Kharkiv region, a spokesperson for Ukraine’s military in the region told CNN. “I can confirm to you that, according to radio intercepts, North Korean units have been spotted in the Kharkiv region,” said Yevhen…

— Jim Sciutto (@jimsciutto) November 22, 2024

Pyongyang’s support for the war has seen the supply of a diverse range of weapons, including millions of badly needed artillery rounds and various kinds of other ammunition.

A recent assessment from the South Korean National Intelligence Service (NIS), based on intelligence provided by the Ukrainian Defense Intelligence Directorate (GUR), listed North Korean weapons collected from the battlefield, including claimed “122mm and 152mm shells, Bulsae-4 anti-tank missiles, short-range ballistic missiles such as the KN-23, and RPG anti-tank rockets.”

“Considering the size of containers loaded on cargo ships traveling between North Korea and Russia, it appears that a total of more than eight million 122mm and 152mm shells have been provided to Russia so far,” NIS concluded.

While all this equipment is in great demand from the Russian side, the deployment of North Korean troops in support of the offensive in Ukraine is an even more significant symbol of the growing military cooperation between Pyongyang and Moscow.

Last month, Lt. Gen. Kyrylo Budanov, head of the Ukrainian Defense Intelligence Directorate (GUR), told TWZ that there were nearly 12,000 North Korean infantry troops training in eastern Russia to fight Ukraine. Since then, there have been accounts of North Korean soldiers taking part in combat, including unconfirmed videos purporting to show fatalities. Earlier this week, The Wall Street Journal reported that a senior North Korean general had been wounded by a Ukrainian strike in the Kursk region.

North Koreans in Kursk region sleeping#Ukraine #Russia #NorthKorea pic.twitter.com/PAI0JMrkKJ

— The Global 202 (@theglobal202) November 22, 2024

Ever since North Korea stepped in to assist Russia, there has been a good deal of speculation as to what it might get in return.

As well as financial reward, including economic cooperation and energy shipments, it was long suspected that North Korea would likely benefit from Russian advanced weapons and technological expertise. There are reports out of South Korea that Russia may have already been helping North Korea develop a space-based surveillance system, as part of a quid-pro-quo arrangement. Surveillance satellites are one area in which North Korea has had some notable failures, while Russia has much more relevant experience.

There have been suggestions that Pyongyang might receive new Russian combat aircraft to overhaul its badly aging air force. The delivery of air defense systems could even be an indicator that fighters might be next for North Korea. Even if such a transfer were to involve older, surplus MiG-29 Fulcrums, these would likely be welcomed by Pyongyang.

North Korean Pukguksong-5 SLBMs on parade in early 2021. Korean Central News Agency www.twz.com

There have also been concerns that Moscow might provide North Korea with technologies to help accelerate its nuclear and long-range ballistic missile programs. Russia would also be a prime candidate to assist North Korea in pushing forward its submarine program, which also includes a growing family of submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs) as well as increasingly advanced submarine technologies.

While these remain possibilities, it appears that the first tangible benefits headed to the Korean People’s Army will be high-end air defense systems. With North Korean troops only starting to appear on the battlefield in support of Russia, it’s highly likely that Pyongyang’s assistance will continue, and even be stepped up, which will likely lead to more Russian arms heading to North Korea.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

twz.com · by Thomas Newdick

5. Satellite images suggest North Korea expanding missile plant, researchers say

Again, not a surprise.

Satellite images suggest North Korea expanding missile plant, researchers say

A satellite image shows a suspected missile assembly building under construction at the "February 11 Plant" near Hamhung, North Korea in this handout image obtained by Reuters on Nov 20, 2024. (Photo: Planet Labs PBC/Handout via REUTERS)…see more

25 Nov 2024 07:04PM

channelnewsasia.com

WASHINGTON: North Korea is expanding a key weapons manufacturing complex that assembles a type of short-range missile used by Russia in Ukraine, researchers at a US-based think tank have concluded, based on satellite images.

The facility, known as the February 11 plant, is part of the Ryongsong Machine Complex in Hamhung, North Korea's second-largest city, on the country's east coast.

Sam Lair, a research associate at the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies (CNS), located at the Middlebury Institute of International Studies at Monterey, said the plant was the only one known to produce the Hwasong-11 class of solid-fuel ballistic missiles.

Ukrainian officials say these munitions - known as the KN-23 in the West - have been used by Russian forces in their assault on Ukraine.

The expansion of the complex has not been previously reported.

Both Moscow and Pyongyang have denied that North Korea has transferred weapons for Russia to use against Ukraine, which it invaded in February 2022. Russia and North Korea signed a mutual defence treaty at a summit in June and have pledged to boost their military ties.

North Korea's mission to the United Nations did not respond to a request for comment for this story.

The satellite images, taken in early October by the commercial satellite firm Planet Labs, show what appears to be an additional assembly building under construction as well as a new housing facility, likely intended for workers, according to the analysis by researchers at CNS.

It also appears that Pyongyang is improving the entrances for some of the underground facilities at the complex.

A disused bridge crane that was in front of a tunnel entrance, blocking easy access, was removed, suggesting they might be placing an emphasis on that part of the facility, Lair said.

"We see this as a suggestion that they're massively increasing, or they're trying to significantly increase, the throughput of this factory," Lair said.

A satellite image shows a suspected construction of new worker housing at the "February 11 Plant" near Hamhung, North Korea in this handout image obtained by Reuters on Nov 20, 2024. (Photo: Planet Labs PBC/Handout via REUTERS)

The new assembly building is about 60 to 70 per cent the size of the previous building used to assemble missiles.

In 2023, state media published images, which Reuters has reviewed, showing North Korean leader Kim Jong Un walking through new buildings at the complex in Hamhung, where workers were assembling tail kits and nose cones for what appeared to be the KN-23, according to analysts.

In the past, publicly released videos from North Korean state media show that the complex has produced everything from tank wheels to the casings for rocket motors, Lair said.

LOW-FLYING MISSILES

The KN-23 was first tested in May 2019, and is designed to evade missile defences by flying on a lower, "depressed" trajectory, experts have told Reuters, making them potentially useful for Russia as it seeks ways to penetrate Ukraine's air defences.

Russia has fired thousands of missiles since the invasion. Leaning on North Korea for additional supplies could ease the strain on its own production facilities, Lair said.

North Korea's state news agency KCNA has reported that construction is underway at the Ryongsong Machine Complex.

This month, KCNA said the facility "is pushing ahead with the projects for attaining the goal for modernization planned for this year". The work includes rebuilding production facilities as well as assembling and installing equipment at machine workshops and a steel casting workshop, it said.

Researchers at SI Analytics, a South Korean satellite imagery firm that uses AI technology to scour images, also confirmed the new construction at the February 11 plant, saying in a report on Monday that some of the construction near the loading area would likely be used to conceal the future operations of the factory from satellites.

“Considering the presence of numerous construction materials, vehicles, and open-top freight cars loaded with materials around the site, the construction appears to be progressing rapidly,” the firm said. The report said the facility was used to produce ballistic missiles, without naming the KN-23.

Michael Duitsman, also a research associate at CNS, said it was possible that the new construction revealed in the satellite images could be a storage facility, but he believed it was more likely a new assembly building.

North Korean missiles account for a fraction of Russia's strikes during its war on Ukraine, but their alleged use has caused alarm in Seoul and Washington because it suggests an end of nearly two-decade consensus among UN Security Council permanent members on preventing Pyongyang from expanding its ballistic missile programs.

SI Analytics said on Monday it had also identified new construction at the nearby February 8 Vinalon Complex, which is believed to produce fuel for ballistic missiles. The construction may be aimed at boosting production of solid propellants or UDMH, an important liquid rocket engine fuel, the report said.

Joseph Dempsey, a military analyst with London's International Institute for Strategic Studies, said that North Korea's expansion of short-range ballistic missile facilities would likely be motivated mainly by a desire to boost the country's own arsenal.

He said it was unclear to what extent Pyongyang may have expanded production capacity to meet the demands of its new cooperation with Moscow.

More than 10,000 North Korean troops have been deployed to the Russian region of Kursk, where Ukraine launched a major cross-border incursion in August, according to Washington, Kyiv and Seoul.

The troops will fight as part of Russia's airborne unit and marines, with some already participating in battles in the Ukraine war, a South Korean lawmaker who sits on the parliamentary intelligence committee said on Wednesday.

Russia has not denied the involvement of North Korean troops in the war, which it has been waging in Ukraine since launching a full-scale invasion in February 2022.

channelnewsasia.com

6. Russia 'likely' to transfer submarine tech to China, N. Korea: INDOPACOM Chief

A key point: "as long as Xi and Putin remain in power."

Excerpts:

Paparo, the US admiral, proposed finding “opportunities” to “offset” or disrupt some of those budding ties. For example, Russia and North Korea’s relationship is a “bit of an annoyance” for China, and a potential avenue to explore as Western nations look to disrupt the relationship. At the same time, the flow of new defense tech to China and North Korea could be one avenue for the US to strengthen relationships between Pacific partners like Japan and South Korea, he added.

But appearing on the same stage as Paparo, Australia’s director-general of the Office of National Intelligence Andrew Shearer was not convinced, saying the strategic partnership will last at least as long as Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin remain in power.

“The idea of driving wedges between these two,” Shearer said, “is fanciful.”

In order to help disrupt the growing strategic partnerships, Shearer said the Western-aligned nations must “adjust our mindsets, shift our policies and boost our defense spending and become, frankly, more assertive.”

Russia 'likely' to transfer submarine tech to China, N. Korea: INDOPACOM Chief - Breaking Defense

“The idea of driving wedges between" Russia and China, Australia’s director-general of the Office of National Intelligence said, "is fanciful."

breakingdefense.com · by Ashley Roque · November 23, 2024

This pool photograph distributed by Russian state-owned agency Sputnik shows Russia’s President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping shaking hands during a meeting in Beijing on October 18, 2023. (Sergei Guneyev/AFP via Getty Images)

HALIFAX, CANADA — The growing ties between China, Russia, Iran and North Korea have been the source of Western leaders’ ire for several years, but seem to be reaching a new, critical level, where transfer of the highest level of military technologies between the countries, including key Russian submarine tech, may become routine.

The head of US Indo-Pacific Command, Adm. Samuel Paparo, told an audience today that in exchange for North Korean troops and artillery, Moscow “will likely” provide Pyongyang with missile and submarine technology.

And in exchange for China helping to rebuild “Russia’s war machine,” Paparo anticipates that Moscow will also be sharing submarine technology with Beijing, a move that has the “potential of closing American undersea dominance to the PRC.”

“Where one is resource poor, the others fulfill those resources. Where one has operational needs, the others are fulfilling those needs,” Paparo told the audience at this weekend’s annual Halifax International Security Forum.

That concerning relationship between those four governments was a major theme throughout the Canadian event, with widespread agreement that the Ukraine war has now breached the geopolitical walls between the European and Indo-Pacific theaters for good.

“Those who might believe that you can just isolate the [Russian-Ukraine] conflict or accommodate somehow with Russia, I believe that’s wrong,” Germany’s Minister of State Tobias Lindner told reporters today. “If you’re interested in security in the Indo-Pacific and all those issues you need to have a tough stance on Russia too.”

North Korea’s decision to send upwards of 10,000 military personnel and additional weapons to fight alongside Russia forces in Ukraine makes the case stronger, with Dutch Adm. Rob Bauer — chair of the NATO Military Committee — arguing here that it gives the DPRK a potential seat at the negotiation table in ceasefire negotiations, a new complicating factor in the 1,000 day war.

“Not only [do you] have to talk to Russia now, but you also have to deal with North Korea,” Bauer told an audience on Friday. “The North Koreans get technology and weapons systems and ammunition from the Russians as well… This is connecting the world in a way that we didn’t think was possible and it is connected to China.”

While China is not directly sending Russia weapons, Bauer argued that its transfer of key components, like semiconductors and machine tools, is keeping Russia in the fight.

“Without China, Russia would not be able to continue the war,” Bauer added. (Iran has been sending Russia weapons too, including missiles and attack drones.)

Can Ties Be Broken?

While Officials in Canada this weekend didn’t have a clear answer on just what to do about the growing ties between the four countries that they view as an existential threat, some advice and words of caution were offered up.

Paparo, the US admiral, proposed finding “opportunities” to “offset” or disrupt some of those budding ties. For example, Russia and North Korea’s relationship is a “bit of an annoyance” for China, and a potential avenue to explore as Western nations look to disrupt the relationship. At the same time, the flow of new defense tech to China and North Korea could be one avenue for the US to strengthen relationships between Pacific partners like Japan and South Korea, he added.

But appearing on the same stage as Paparo, Australia’s director-general of the Office of National Intelligence Andrew Shearer was not convinced, saying the strategic partnership will last at least as long as Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin remain in power.

“The idea of driving wedges between these two,” Shearer said, “is fanciful.”

In order to help disrupt the growing strategic partnerships, Shearer said the Western-aligned nations must “adjust our mindsets, shift our policies and boost our defense spending and become, frankly, more assertive.”

breakingdefense.com · by Ashley Roque · November 23, 2024

7. Trump names key official in past diplomacy with North Korea as security adviser

More on Alex. I am not sure this portends a return to talks with Kim. His responsibilities as Deputy NSA will go far beyond Korea. For example, Alex's expertise is well beyond Korea. See this report he authored on China in 2023. "Competition with China: Debating the Endgame" https://www.hudson.org/competition-china-debating-endgame-alex-wong

Trump names key official in past diplomacy with North Korea as security adviser

Alex Wong helped organize summits with Kim Jong Un and will now shape foreign policy as assistant to the president

https://www.nknews.org/2024/11/trump-names-key-official-in-past-diplomacy-with-north-korea-as-security-adviser/?popup=signin&login=auth_code

Ifang Bremer November 25, 2024

North Korean leader Kim Jong Un meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump in 2019 (left) and Alex Wong (right) | Image: The White House and the Department of State, edited by NK News

U.S. President-elect Donald Trump has named a former official who played a key role in his two summits with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un to advise him on national security, the latest sign that Trump could seek to revive diplomatic outreach to Pyongyang.

The former president announced his appointment of Alex Wong to serve as principal deputy national security adviser and assistant to the president on social media on Saturday.

Wong previously served as deputy special representative for North Korea and deputy assistant secretary for North Korea in the Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs at the State Department during Trump’s first term, roles that the president-elect directly referenced in his announcement.

“He helped me negotiate my summit with Korean leader, Kim Jong Un,” Trump wrote, adding that he also led efforts to implement the administration’s “Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy.”

During his previous tenure, Wong was a key figure in organizing the 2018 Singapore Summit between Trump and Kim Jong Un. He also participated in follow-up negotiations in Pyongyang in July 2018 and was involved in preparations for the 2019 Hanoi Summit.

In recent publications, Wong has cited his direct experience in negotiations with North Korean officials as the basis for his understanding of the country.

Last year, Wong wrote for the Hudson Institute that after meeting DPRK officials in Pyongyang, he became convinced that North Korea lacks a coherent strategy in its dealings with the United States. Wong contended that Pyongyang’s actions are often reactive and opportunistic, rather than part of a deliberate long-term plan.

“Good strategy depends on two things. First, it requires a capable bureaucracy that can survey the international landscape and prepare realistic policy options for the leader. Second, it requires a decisive leader. Neither of these requirements currently exists in Pyongyang.”

“To put it mildly, the array of government and party organizations in North Korea don’t work well together. They are siloed, underresourced and paralyzed by rivalry and paranoia,” Wong wrote, recommending the Biden administration “not overinterpret North Korea’s actions and statements.”

In a potential sneak peek into how he will approach North Korea in his upcoming role, Wong stated at the time that the Biden administration “should be calm in the knowledge that North Korea’s actions often don’t have a consistent intention behind them.”

“The Biden team should not fear going over the heads of North Korean diplomats and the rest of the bureaucracy,” Wong wrote, advocating for direct outreach to top-level leadership through

“unorthodox channels to seed ideas — whether they be inducements, warnings or new negotiation mechanisms — directly into Kim’s inner circle, if not with Kim himself.”

James Minnich, a former secretary of the U.N. Command Military Armistice Commission and a professor at the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies, told NK News that “Alex Wong’s appointment suggests intent to revisit dialogue left unfinished after the 2019 summit.”

“Wong has shown a strong grasp of North Korea’s complexities, balancing sanctions with diplomacy and integrating regional security dynamics. His expertise will be key in navigating North Korea’s expanded nuclear capabilities and closer ties to Moscow.”

But Minnich noted that the U.S. faces a completely different situation from 2019 as Trump devises North Korea policy for his second term.

“While Wong’s return would bring hope for dialogue, meaningful progress will require addressing the new realities of North Korea’s expanded arsenal and its increasingly entrenched position as a nuclear power. Diplomatic overtures must be coupled with a clear-eyed strategy that reflects these shifts,” he said.

However, Benjamin Engel, a visiting professor at Dankook University, expressed more skepticism about the possibility that Wong’s appointment signals Trump’s desire to renew engagement between Washington and Pyongyang.

“Obviously people are trying to read the tea leaves here and connect Wong with Trump’s seeming desire to restart negotiations or talks with North Korea. But Wong seems to have been more engaged on U.S.-China issues since leaving public office and his appointment should be seen in those terms first,” he said.

“Wong advocates for talks with North Korea, but not just for talks sake,” the expert noted. “He recognizes North Korea may not want to talk right now, and even sees the use of trying to continue to enforce sanctions so that North Korea will come to the table again.”

Wong himself wrote in favor of sanctions in his 2023 article for the Hudson Institute.

“The United States has immense capabilities to establish deterrence, apply full-spectrum pressure, and outline for North Korea the strategic rewards that would accompany denuclearization. We can — and must — do all these things,” he said.

“But we can’t decide for the North Koreans,” Wong added. “The regime’s internal failings have persisted for two generations. Now, a decade into the third, we’re still waiting for the regime —and Kim himself — to overcome them.”

Trump’s appointment of Wong comes after he named Mike Waltz, a former Green Beret and current member of the House Armed Services Committee, to serve as his national security adviser.

Experts told NK News that Waltz’ views appear to align with Trump’s past “maximum pressure” approach to the DPRK, while noting that his main focus has been on containing China — like many of Trump’s appointees.

Unlike nominees to lead the Department of Defense and CIA, Wong and Waltz do not require Senate confirmation to take up their roles.

Meanwhile, DPRK leader Kim Jong Un defiantly rejected negotiations with Washington at a major weapons expo last week, in his most substantive remarks on U.S. policy since Trump’s reelection.

“We have already explored every possible avenue of negotiation with the United States,” Kim said, adding that he reached a “clear conclusion” that the U.S. is maintaining an “unchangingly aggressive and hostile policy.”

Edited by Bryan Betts

8. Ukrainian military denies report that North Korean troops have entered Kharkiv

Ukrainian military denies report that North Korean troops have entered Kharkiv

Other officials confirm DPRK advisers are in Mariupol and its soldiers in Kursk, amid attention on scope of deployment

https://www.nknews.org/2024/11/ukrainian-military-denies-report-that-north-korean-troops-have-entered-kharkiv/?popup=signin&login=auth_code

Anton Sokolin November 25, 2024

North Korean paratroopers during infiltration drills at the Kangdong training ground in March, 2024 | Image: (KCTV March 16, 2024)

The Ukrainian military has denied that North Korean troops are in Kharkiv, contesting a report that Ukraine has spotted them in the region bordering Russia.

But officials have confirmed that DPRK officers are in Mariupol to assist the delivery of missiles and artillery and that troops are entering combat in Kursk, amid attention on whether North Korean soldiers will enter combat outside Russian territory.

CNN reported on Saturday that “North Korean units had been spotted in the Kharkiv region,” citing an official named Yevhen Romanov that it identified as a spokesperson for a union of military units in Kharkiv.

The U.S. outlet also cited Nazariy Kishak, commander of a consolidated unit of the 153rd Separate Mechanized Brigade, who reportedly told Ukrainian media that DPRK troops were already active in the Kharkiv area.

But Ukraine’s Kharkiv Operational-Tactical Group (OTG) dismissed the report as inaccurate the same day.

“The individual who served as the original source of this information is not an official spokesperson for the OTG and commented on the operational situation outside their area of expertise,” the unit said in a statement on Facebook.

The OTG added that the situation in the region has not undergone major changes and that Ukraine is holding back Russian offensives, urging media to rely solely on official sources from Ukraine’s armed forces for accurate information.

Meanwhile, CNN similarly reported that North Korean “technical advisers” have arrived in the Russia-occupied city of Mariupol in southern Ukraine for “unclear purposes.” An unnamed Ukrainian security source told the outlet that the personnel are wearing Russian uniforms but remain detached from the Russian units.

Pyotr Andryushchenko, an adviser to the exiled mayor of Mariupol, confirmed the presence of DPRK servicemen in the region in a TV interview Saturday, but he emphasized that his is not a new development, pointing to his earlier statement about DPRK soldiers building a training ground on the city’s outskirts.

“They’ve been here for a long time now — these instructors, these technicians,” he said, adding that DPRK instructors oversee the process of delivering weapons, like self-propelled artillery guns and other long-range artillery along with shells and missiles.

At the same time, the official noted the absence of North Korean combatants in the region: “We haven’t recorded military personnel directly, [such as] soldiers or entire units entering the area.”

“There’s about 10-15 people, mostly, as it seems, officers,” he said, citing eyewitness accounts that these officers have made visits to local stores with interpreters.

While noting their limited numbers, Andryushchenko referred to reports claiming that some North Korean officers have even been spotted further west in the vicinity of Melitopol, another Ukrainian city occupied by Russian forces.

The official previously confirmed the death of several DPRK soldiers in a missile strike Donetsk in October, although no official or open-source evidence of this has surfaced.

COMBAT IN KURSK

Meanwhile, Ukraine’s military chief commander has provided the latest confirmation of DPRK troops entering combat in Russia’s Kursk region, following reports that Moscow has amassed a 50,000-strong force to repel Ukraine’s incursion into the region.

“It has been reported that over 11,000 North Korean soldiers are now stationed in the Kursk region,” Anatoliy Barhylevych, chief of the General Staff of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, said in a televised interview on Sunday.

“There have already been noted clashes between them and our military personnel on the battlefield,” he added, stating that Kyiv “will present evidence” of such instances soon.

Speaking of North Korean troops stationed in Kursk, the lieutenant general characterized them as “general-purpose military units” whose soldiers are disguised as residents of Russia’s Far East and issued fake identification papers “for legalization.”

Barhylevych added that the DPRK reinforcements were trained at the Mulino Training Center — a multipurpose center built in Nizhny Novgorod in 2014 — and the Ryazan Guards Higher Airborne Command School to “carry out operations” in Ukraine.

The general didn’t mention Kyiv’s recent Storm Shadow missile strike on a suspected command center in the Kursk region, which reportedly wounded a senior DPRK general.

No official confirmation of the attack or its targets has emerged. Ukrainian media initially speculated that the strike wounded three North Koreans (including one female nurse), while one outlet reported an improbable death toll of 500 DPRK servicemen.

According to Barhylevych, Russia’s casualties in Kursk currently exceed those of Ukraine by the ratio of six or seven, with the Russian army reportedly suffering “colossal” losses in its attempts to repel the incursion.

Edited by Alannah Hill

9. On the border: What it’s like to visit remote islands on North Korea’s doorstep

Extensive photos at the link.

It has been more than two decades since I have visited P-Y Do. It does not look like it has changed much.

On the border: What it’s like to visit remote islands on North Korea’s doorstep

A new series walks readers through key locations on the inter-Korean border, starting with two islands in the Yellow Sea

https://www.nknews.org/2024/11/on-the-border-what-its-like-to-visit-remote-islands-on-north-koreas-doorstep/?popup=signin&login=auth_code

Chad O'Carroll November 25, 2024

A mine sign on Baengnyeong Island | Image: NK News, edited

North Korea has remained strictly off limits to most tourists for more than five years now, despite travel companies’ repeated announcements about Pyongyang’s plans to reopen.

But while it’s unclear when it will be possible to sightsee around Kim Il Sung Square again, adventurous travelers willing to venture off the beaten path can still glimpse the world’s most secretive country from a more visitor friendly destination — South Korea.

Many may assume a tour of the famous blue huts of the Joint Security Area is the closest they can get to the DPRK, but in reality there are locations all along the inter-Korean border that offer valuable insights into the shuttered country and the continuing division of the peninsula.

These sites range from windswept islands in the Yellow Sea to remote mountain peaks, offering reminders of war in places that showcase the resilience of nature.

In this new series, NK News will introduce some of the best places to visit in the border area, explaining what travelers can see and learn there and offering tips on what to do.

Part one will explore the isolated border islands of Yeonpyeong and Baengnyeong, a stone’s throw from North Korean shores and a past hotspot for conflict along the Koreas’ contested maritime border.

Locations covered in part one of series: Baengnyeong Island, Yeonpyeong Island and the Incheon Landing Museum | Image: Google Maps, edited by NK News

YEONPYEONG ISLAND

Yeonpyeong, a tiny island in the Yellow Sea, bears clear scars of a conflict that has never quite ended.

On Nov. 23, 2010, as North Korea’s young heir apparent Kim Jong Un was being groomed for power, the island found itself in the crosshairs of a sudden and brutal artillery barrage from the North — a response to South Korean live-fire exercises that the DPRK communicated prior objections to.

Over the course of several hours, North Korean shells rained down on Yeonpyeong Island, targeting both military and civilian areas. Two South Korean marines and two civilians were killed, dozens more were injured, and multiple homes and buildings across the island were reduced to charred rubble.

Smoke rises from Yeonpyeong Island following North Korea’s artillery shelling in Nov. 2010. | Image: Republic of Korea Armed Forces via Wikimedia Commons

The South Korean military responded with its own barrage, targeting North Korean gun positions along the coast, with the U.S. having to restrain the then Lee Myung-bak administration from going further and risking more escalation from Pyongyang.

In the days and weeks that followed, the South reinforced its military presence on Yeonpyeong Island and other frontline islands, deploying additional troops, tanks and artillery pieces. The incident also led to a hardening of attitudes in the South, with calls for a tougher stance against North Korean aggression.

Bunkers and tunnels are visible all over the island. | Image: NK News

More than a decade later, the legacy of the Yeonpyeong Island shelling can still be felt on this tiny, windswept island. Concrete bunkers and fortified military positions dot the landscape, a constant reminder of the threat from the North.

The island’s aging 1,780 civilian residents, most of whom make their living from fishing and farming, have learned to live with the constant presence of South Korean troops and the occasional sound of distant artillery fire.

Razor-wire fencing can be found all over the island. | Image: NK News

But Yeonpyeong Island’s strategic significance goes beyond its history of conflict. The island sits just a few kilometers from the Northern Limit Line (NLL), the de facto maritime border between the two Koreas.

The NLL, which was unilaterally drawn by the United Nations Command at the end of the Korean War, has never been officially recognized by North Korea, which argues that it should be redrawn further south. This dispute has led to numerous naval clashes and stand-offs over the years, as both sides seek to assert their claims to the rich fishing grounds around the island.

For visitors to Yeonpyeong Island, the island offers a unique window into life on the front lines of the Korean conflict.

Yeonpyeong Island Security Education Center is a must-visit as the key facility for memorializing the DPRK’s shelling of the island in Nov. 2010. The center has been built around key houses and properties heavily damaged during the shelling operation and offers a clear sense of the levels of destruction incurred.

Photos taken in and around the security exhibition center clearly show how North Korea indiscriminately targeted Yeonpyeong Island’s civilian population. | Image: NK News

From the Manghyang Observation Deck on the island’s northeast coast, visitors can gaze out across the waters of the Yellow Sea toward the North Korean mainland, just a few kilometers away.

Photos show the nearby North Korean city of Haeju, an immortality tower in a small DPRK village and a North Korean radio mast on an island outpost. | Image: NK News

On a clear day, the binoculars provided at the site offer a glimpse of the city of Haeju and the surrounding countryside, a stark reminder of the proximity of the enemy. But be warned that visibility is not always great.

Perhaps the most surreal sight on Yeonpyeong Island is the spectacle of Chinese fishing boats openly poaching in the waters around the island. These wooden ships, which range from small to medium-sized trawlers and crabbing vessels, take advantage of the tense stand-off between the two Koreas to plunder the rich crab and fish stocks in the area.

A Chinese vessel engaging in likely illegal fishing along the Northern Limit Line separating the two Koreas | Image: NK News (Sept. 2024)

The South (and North) Korean navies, bound by the constraints of the armistice agreement and the risk of escalation, can do little more than watch as the boats brazenly cast their nets just a few hundred meters from shore.

Packaging from North Korean products found on Yeonpyeong Island on Sept. 23, 2024 | Image: NK News

For those with a keen eye, Yeonpyeong’s beaches offer a more hands-on encounter with the reality of the divided peninsula.

The tides often bring in debris and rubbish from the North, ranging from mundane household items to more unsettling reminders of the conflict.

In recent years, visitors have found everything from North Korean ice cream and candy packaging to modern Korean Peoples’ Army caps and even the occasional propaganda leaflet.

But beware, mines often wash up too, and there are numerous warnings at Guridong Beach, the most accessible place to look for North Korean trash.

The beach also features a telephone for defectors who swim across the sea or come by boat to call for help immediately after they arrive. The sign welcomes arrivals to South Korea and requests they press the button on the phone so they can be guided to safety.

A sign welcoming defectors to the island of Yeonpyeong | Image: NK News

Another way to experience the proximity of the North on Yeonpyeong Island is simply to turn on a radio.

Without the extensive jamming infrastructure that exists on the mainland, North Korean broadcasts are easily picked up on the island, offering a rare unfiltered glimpse into the hermit kingdom’s propaganda and daily life. For a list of stations, visit Wikipedia and aim for broadcast locations nearer to the southern tip of the DPRK.

Tuning into DPRK radio from Yeonpyeong Island in Sept. 2023 | Image: NK News

It’s also well worth visiting the Yeonpyeong Peace Observatory Deck, a tower-like structure on elevated land in the center of the island. In addition to providing great views of North Korea, you can also see pretty much the entirety of Yeonpyeong Island, including the maze of ROK Marine military infrastructure, bunkers and tunnels as well as depots for heavy weapons storage.

The Yeonpyeong Peace Observatory Deck offers great views around the island, a coffee shop and an area for leaving messages in support of Korean unification | Image: NK News

But visiting Yeonpyeong Island is not without its challenges.

The island’s remote location and the unpredictable weather of the Yellow Sea mean that ferry cancellations are common, particularly outside of the peak months of spring and fall. In some cases, people have been stranded on the island for weeks during the summer monsoon season.

Passenger ferries from neighboring Incheon port are regularly subject to cancellation. | Image: NK News

Accommodation on the island is also limited, with most visitors staying in simple guesthouses. And while the island’s few restaurants and shops offer a taste of local life, visitors should expect a more rustic experience than they’ll find on the mainland.

Many of the residents are at an age where using walkers to get around is essential. In central locations, visitors can expect military guard posts and infrastructure everywhere. | Image: NK News

A sign welcoming visitors to Baengyeong Island | Image: NK News

BAENGNYEONG ISLAND

If Yeonpyeong Island feels like the edge of the known world, then Baengnyeong Island is the frontier beyond. This remote island, the northernmost point of South Korea, sits just 15 kilometers from the coast of North Korea’s South Hwanghae Province. In fact, Baengnyeong Island is closer to Pyongyang than it is to Seoul, a quirk of geography that underscores the island’s strategic significance.

Despite its proximity to the North, Baengnyeong Island is home to a community of nearly 5,000 people, most of whom make their living from fishing. The island also hosts a significant military presence, with a marine corps brigade, early warning radar installations and air defense artillery all stationed here.

Beaches on Baengyeong Island are often heavily guarded. | Image: NK News

It’s not uncommon to see navy vessels patrolling the surrounding waters, as well as dozens of arriving conscripts, a constant reminder of the tension that simmers just below the surface.

But Baengnyeong Island’s recent history has been marked by more than just military posturing. In March 2010, the island found itself at the center of one of the most serious incidents in recent inter-Korean relations, when the South Korean naval corvette Cheonan was sunk near its shores.

An international investigation later concluded that the ship had been torpedoed by a North Korean submarine, leading to the deaths of 46 South Korean sailors and a sharp escalation in tensions between the two Koreas.

Memorial tower to the sinking of the Cheonan, adjacent to a camera looking out for DPRK naval threats | Image: NK News

Today, a memorial tower on the western shore of Baengnyeong Island stands as a somber tribute to the fallen sailors of the Cheonan. Just 2.5 kilometers offshore, an annotated map marks where the ship went down, a chilling reminder of how close the specter of conflict looms over these waters.

On the northeastern shore, the Simcheonggak observation point offers views of the North Korean coastline just 15 kilometers away.

You should also be able to see small North Korean fishing vessels and occasionally naval vessels when you use the provided binoculars.

Distant views of North Korean territory can be seen, as well as examples of South Korean tanks and artillery units | Image: NK News

Perhaps the most interesting spot on Baengnyeong for those seeking to connect with the island’s history is the Eorigol Coastal Beach on the northern shore.

Here, visitors can tune into North Korean radio broadcasts and scour the tideline for trash and other items washed over from the other side.

Like Yeonpyoeng Island, the beach is also home to a poignant reminder of the ongoing conflict: a sign welcoming North Korean defectors who might make it ashore after making the perilous sea crossing.

Though some locals use the beach for fishing, there are multiple warnings about the risk of mines washing in from neighboring North Korea. | Image: NK News

But despite its somber history, Baengnyeong is also an island of surprising beauty. At 45 square kilometers, it’s substantially larger than Yeonpyeong, with a more developed infrastructure and a wider range of amenities for visitors.

Driving on Sagot Beach is possible as the sand is hard and compact, doubling as a landing strip in times of war | Image: NK News

The island boasts several beaches, including the picturesque Sagot Beach, which served as an airfield during the Korean War thanks to its unusually hard sand.

Jagged features of Dumujin on Baengnyeong Island | Image: NK News

For those seeking a more direct encounter with nature, Baengnyeong’s Dumujin area offers some of the most dramatic coastal scenery in the region, with jagged cliffs and crystal-clear waters that seem to defy the island’s grim geopolitical reality.

Of course, visiting Baengnyeong Island is also not without its challenges.

The island’s remote location means that ferry crossings from Incheon can take up to 4.5 hours, and cancellations due to bad weather or bad pollution are common.

The island’s isolation also means that supplies can run low if the ferries are unable to dock for several days in a row, a fact that visitors should keep in mind when planning their trip.

Marines arriving on Baengnyeong Island | Image: NK News

But for those willing to brave the journey, Baengnyeong offers a rare glimpse into life on the frontlines of a conflict that has shaped the Korean Peninsula for more than half a century.

Whether you’re exploring the island’s rugged coastline, sampling its famous seafood, or simply soaking up the surreal atmosphere of this northernmost outpost, Baengnyeong Island is a destination that will leave a lasting impression.

A relief at the museum dedicated to the Incheon landings | Image: NK News

INCHEON PORT

Before setting out to explore either of the frontline islands of the West Sea, visitors to Incheon would do well to spend a morning at the Memorial Hall for Incheon Landing Operation.

This compact but informative museum offers a crash course in the history of the Korean War, with a particular focus on the pivotal Incheon Incheon Landing Operation that turned the tide of the conflict in 1950.

The Incheon Landing, masterminded by General Douglas MacArthur, was a daring amphibious assault that caught the North Korean forces by surprise. On September 15, 1950, over 40,000 U.S. and South Korean troops stormed ashore at Incheon, quickly securing the city and cutting off North Korean supply lines. The operation was a big success, allowing the allied forces to recapture Seoul and drive the North Koreans back across the 38th parallel.

Military equipment from the Korean War on display includes F-86A Sabre Jet aircraft, Landing Vehicle Tracked (LTV), Modified Hawk Guided Missile, and M47 Patton tank, among others | Image: NK News

The Incheon War Memorial tells the story of this crucial battle through a series of exhibits and artifacts, including an impressive outdoor collection of vintage military hardware.

Visitors can get up close to a hulking M47 Patton tank, one of over 400 that the U.S. supplied to South Korea in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The museum also boasts an F-86D Sabre jet fighter, the legendary “MiG Killer” that claimed an alleged 792 enemy aircraft during the war, as well as a rare ZPU-4 14.5mm anti-aircraft gun, a fearsome weapon used by the North Koreans against both aircraft and tanks.

But perhaps the most relevant exhibit at the museum is the LVT Landing Vehicle Tracked, a relic of the U.S. Marine Corps’ island-hopping campaign in the Pacific during World War II.

These amphibious vehicles, which saw action in the Okinawa landings before being deployed to Korea, were a vital part of the Incheon Landing, ferrying troops and supplies ashore under fire.

Maps show how assets were assembled to conduct the landing operation | Image: NK News

As one explores the museum’s halls and reads the detailed accounts of the war’s progress, it’s hard not to be struck by the sheer scale and complexity of the conflict.

The exhibits trace the ebb and flow of the fighting, from the North’s initial surge down to the Busan Perimeter in the South, to the allied counter-offensive that pushed the front lines back to the 38th parallel, and finally to the grueling stalemate that settled over the peninsula after the entry of Chinese forces in the winter of 1950.

Entry is free and the museum is perfect to check before an afternoon sailing to either of the West Sea islands or on your way back to Seoul should you take a morning sailing back to the mainland from either one.

Edited by Alannah Hill

10. Seoul confirms casualties among North Korean troops in Russia

I am still waiting to read assessments of the quality of the nKPA forces and their fighting abilities. We still need to know who they are being employed.

Seoul confirms casualties among North Korean troops in Russia

South Korea’s confirmation comes after media report of 500 North Koreans killed by British missiles.

https://www.rfa.org/english/korea/2024/11/25/north-korea-russia-casualties/

By Taejun Kang for RFA

2024.11.25

A sign reading as “Kursk for you!” with the Z letter, a tactical insignia of Russian troops in Ukraine, is pictured the outside the village of Bolshoe Zhirovo, Kursk region, which borders Ukraine, on May 26, 2023. (Olga Maltseva/AFP)

TAIPEI, Taiwan – South Korea’s National Intelligence Service, or NIS, said on Monday it had “specific intelligence” that North Korean forces in Russia had suffered casualties but it did not comment on a media report that 500 North Koreans had been killed in a Ukrainian attack with British missiles.

The U.S. and South Korea have said that North Korean troops had been fighting against Ukrainian forces in Kursk. The U.S. has estimated more than 10,000 North Korean soldiers had been sent to Kursk and they had begun combat operations alongside Russian forces.

Neither Russia nor North Korea have confirmed the presence of North Korean troops.

Videos circulated by pro-Russian war bloggers indicated that up to 12 British Storm Shadow missiles struck a target believed to be a command headquarters in the village of Maryno on Wednesday.

The site might have been used by North Korean and Russian officers, the defense news publisher Global Defense Corp reported.

South Korea’s NIS, while confirming it had “specific intelligence” to confirm North Korean casualties, did not provide any estimated casualty toll. It said it was closely monitoring the situation.

Separately, The Wall Street Journal, citing Western officials, said the attack on the command headquarters also killed one high-level North Korean official.

Ukraine’s military confirmed the use of the British missile, while Britain has not commented.

Anti-air missiles, air defense equipment

South Korea’s top security adviser said that in exchange for sending its troops to help Russia, North Korea had received anti-air missiles and other air defense equipment.

“Russia is believed to have provided equipment and anti-air missiles to strengthen Pyongyang’s vulnerable air defense system,” National Security Adviser Shin Won-sik said during an interview with the South Korean broadcaster SBS on Friday.

“Following North Korea’s failed military spy satellite launch on May 27, Russia had already declared its intention to support satellite-related technologies [to the North], and it reportedly supplied various military technologies,” Shin said.

“We believe that there has also been economic aid in various forms,” he added.

South Korean Defense Minister Shin Won-sik talks during a meeting with Japanese Defense Minister Minoru Kihara (not pictured) at the Defense Ministry in Tokyo on July 28, 2024. (Andronkiki Christodoulou/AFP)

When asked about the possibility of the Russia-Ukraine war expanding into a wider war, Shin said it was unlikely.

“Especially, it is very difficult for Russia to actually use nuclear weapons,” Shin said.

On the possibility of North Korea sending additional troops to Russia, Shin said: “We cannot completely rule that out, but we have no confirmed information at this stage.”

“Russia currently does not have the multiple rocket launcher system and it remains to be seen whether all or part of the operational troops will go, but if all the assigned personnel were to go, it would be around 4,000 people at most,” he explained.

The NIS confirmed last week that North Korea had exported additional artillery ammunition and launchers to Russia, including 170-millimeter self-propelled howitzers and 240 mm multiple rocket launchers, which raised a speculation that Pyongyang might send an additional artillery unit to Russia.

N. Korea's electronics black market: Foreign tech flows despite global ban - Daily NK English

North Korean companies are offering package deals for customers who buy a smartphone, laptop computer and smartwatch together

By Mun Dong Hui - November 25, 2024

dailynk.com · by Mun Dong Hui · November 25, 2024

Electronic goods from overseas are being openly sold inside North Korea. U.N. sanctions on North Korea prohibit the import and export of electronic goods. (Daily NK)

Despite the international ban on directly providing, selling, or transferring electronics with military applications to North Korea, foreign-made mobile phones, laptop computers, and smartwatches are still being openly sold within the country.

Advertisements on a North Korean electronic payment app (Samhung Electronic Wallet 1.6) that was recently accessed by Daily NK contain sales information and specifications about a variety of foreign-made electronic goods and parts including mobile phones, smartwatches, fitness trackers and graphics cards.

The U.N. Security Council banned the export of industrial machinery to North Korea with Resolution 2397, but North Korea has continued to import electronic goods and parts from overseas.

Electronic goods from overseas are being openly sold inside North Korea. U.N. sanctions on North Korea prohibit the import and export of electronic goods. (Daily NK)

In February 2023, Sobaek Mountain Information Technology Exchange Center advertised computers equipped with NVIDIA’s GeForce RTX 3060 12 gigabytes graphics card.

In July 2023, Civilization Trading Company announced it was selling computers equipped with Intel’s Celeron N5095 quadcore processor (2.0-2.9 gigahertz), 12 gigabytes of low-power double data rate RAM, and a 256 gigabyte solid-state drive.

In October 2023, Pyongchon Pongnam Electronic Goods Store promoted sales of laptop computers at affordable prices. Various models were listed as being available, including several older versions of the Lenovo Thinkpad X250 (i7, 5th generation; i5, 6th generation; and i5, 7th generation), as well as the Dell i5, 12th generation.

Those were not the only companies advertising electronics. The Mangyongdae Jusung Store had products by Asus, HP and Toshiba; Paeksa Central District Store carried notebooks equipped with NVIDIA’s RTX 3050 and 3060 graphics cards; and Victory Technology Exchange Company sold Intel Core i5 12th generation CPUs, 16 gigabytes of RAM, and 512 gigabyte solid-state drives.

The advertisements on the app suggest that electronic goods and parts from various countries, including the U.S., China and Japan, are being sold inside North Korea. But it is unclear how exactly these goods and parts are entering North Korea.

Electronic goods from overseas are being openly sold inside North Korea. U.N. sanctions on North Korea prohibit the import and export of electronic goods. (Daily NK)

Daily NK also confirmed that foreign-made smartwatches are being sold in North Korea. Pyongchon Dawn Store advertised that it was selling Huawei’s TalkBand B5, B6 and B7 and its X5 and X7 smartwatches. Huawei smartwatches were also being sold at Red Street Kumhung Store, which offered free delivery with an order.

Special deals for buyers of tech packages

North Korean companies were also offering package deals for customers who buy a smartphone, laptop computer and smartwatch together.

Myohyang Information Technology Product Development Company offered special deals for new arrivals at college and other students advancing to the next level of education on the Day of the Sun (the birth anniversary of Kim Il Sung on April 15, North Korea’s biggest holiday) in April 2023.

Electronic goods from overseas are being openly sold inside North Korea. U.N. sanctions on North Korea prohibit the import and export of electronic goods. (Daily NK)

A package including a Myohyang 9017 mobile phone, a Lenovo laptop (Core i5 7th generation, 8 gigabytes of RAM, 512 gigabyte solid-state drive), Bluetooth-enabled clock K20, and a set of three premium shampoo and body wash products was being sold at the discounted price of 107,800 foreign currency-convertible won (around $980), down from 141,240 won (around $1,284).

The most expensive electronics package consisted of a Myohyang 9017 mobile phone, a Dell GS laptop (Core i7 9th generation, 32 gigabytes of RAM, NVIDIA GTX 1660 Ti 4 gigabytes, and a 2 terabyte solid-state drive) and Bluetooth-enabled clock K20, discounted from 245,300 won (about $2,230) to 207,350 won (about $1,885).

In addition, Puksae Electronics Store was selling the Chongsong 234 smartphone for 64,900 won (about $590) and Bluetooth-enabled watch B5 for 19,800 won (about $180). The smartphone and watch could be purchased together for the discounted price of 79,200 won (about $720).

The Chongsong 234 is one of North Korea’s newest smartphone models. It is equipped with the MT6789 processor by Taiwanese chipmaker MediaTek, a 7.78-inch AMOLED screen and a 4,100 milliampere-hour battery and is capable of accessing 4G data networks.

Daily NK works with a network of sources in North Korea, China, and elsewhere. For security reasons, their identities remain anonymous.

Please send any comments or questions about this article to dailynkenglish@uni-media.net.

Read in Korean

dailynk.com · by Mun Dong Hui · November 25, 2024

12. Economic crisis drives North Korean city dwellers to countryside

Do people perceive a slight bit more "freedom" is available in the countryside (which is key to survival)?

If only we could bring the Four Freedoms to north Korea:

The Four Freedoms are a set of four fundamental freedoms that President Franklin D. Roosevelt (FDR) outlined in a 1941 State of the Union address:

Freedom of speech

Freedom of worship

Freedom from want

Freedom from fear

Excerpts:

“In the past, rural-to-urban migration was common, but urban-to-rural movement was rare,” the source said. “Now, with mounting economic hardships, moving to the countryside has become a survival strategy for many city dwellers.”

“People inevitably choose to move to the countryside as the best way to survive and avoid starving to death immediately, even if your children must live as farmers,” he continued. “This phenomenon isn’t just appearing in South Hamgyong province, but in North Pyongan and Ryanggang provinces as well.”

He added: “Most urban families struggle to stay in cities, fearing their children would be trapped in rural poverty forever. Merchants now wistfully long for pre-COVID days, the phrase becoming almost like a common refrain.”

Economic crisis drives North Korean city dwellers to countryside - Daily NK English

While North Korea strictly controls migration to cities, relocation to rural areas faces fewer restrictions

By Lee Chae Eun - November 25, 2024

dailynk.com · by Lee Chae Eun · November 25, 2024

North Korean farmers working in North Hamgyong Province in early September, 2019. (Daily NK)

Urban residents in North Korea’s city of Hamhung are relocating to rural areas like Hongwon and Riwon counties due to severe economic hardships making city life unsustainable. The migration trend reflects growing difficulties in sustaining urban livelihoods.

According to a source in South Hamgyong province recently, the exodus of Hamhung residents to the countryside became noticeable in late October.

Many individuals moving to the countryside are merchants who earned their livelihood by selling goods in markets. The recent increase in exchange rates and escalating prices have caused these merchants, who were already struggling to make ends meet, to experience a decline in earnings. This has placed them in a dire situation where they are unable to afford even basic necessities like food.

With winter approaching, their situation has grown even more dire since they must prepare fuel for heating and cooking. In the end, many have decided to move to the countryside where, at least, they can make a living, the source said.

“From late October to early November, two households in one neighborhood watch unit in Hamhung’s Songchongang district moved to the countryside. One household sold their home and moved to Hongwon county, while the other rented out their home for 100 to 150 Chinese yuan ($14-21) a month and moved into a relative’s home in Rakwon county,” he said.

“These families struggled the most in that neighborhood, and with winter approaching, they decided to move to the countryside when they couldn’t prepare winter supplies,” the source continued. “This is because Hongwon and Ragwon counties are by the seaside, and they can earn a living by plucking fish from nets or sorting catches when boats come in.”

Moving from the countryside to the city is very difficult in North Korea, where freedom of movement is restricted. However, moving from the city to the countryside is relatively easy.

Countryside residents usually work the land, so rural residents do whatever they can to move to the city for their children, but few people want to move from the city to the country, so moving one’s residence to a rural community is relatively easy.

“In the past, rural-to-urban migration was common, but urban-to-rural movement was rare,” the source said. “Now, with mounting economic hardships, moving to the countryside has become a survival strategy for many city dwellers.”

“People inevitably choose to move to the countryside as the best way to survive and avoid starving to death immediately, even if your children must live as farmers,” he continued. “This phenomenon isn’t just appearing in South Hamgyong province, but in North Pyongan and Ryanggang provinces as well.”

He added: “Most urban families struggle to stay in cities, fearing their children would be trapped in rural poverty forever. Merchants now wistfully long for pre-COVID days, the phrase becoming almost like a common refrain.”

Daily NK works with a network of sources in North Korea, China, and elsewhere. For security reasons, their identities remain anonymous.

Please send any comments or questions about this article to dailynkenglish@uni-media.net.

Read in Korean

dailynk.com · by Lee Chae Eun · November 25, 2024

13. Mass exodus: N. Korean workers abandon posts in Chinese border city

Is China changing its attitude toward north Korea or is the economic value of these workers no longer attractive?

Mass exodus: N. Korean workers abandon posts in Chinese border city - Daily NK English

While North Korean workers are returning home en masse from Liaoning province, there are no signs of anything similar happening in Jilin province

By Seulkee Jang - November 25, 2024

dailynk.com · by Seulkee Jang · November 25, 2024

A North Korean bus with "Myohwangsang Tour Company" written on its side passing over the Sino-North Korean Friendship Bridge from Sinuiju to Dandong on Oct. 15, 2019. / Image: Daily NK

Thousands of North Korean workers are departing China’s border city of Dandong without replacement, with approximately 4,000 leaving in October alone.

“This month, about 2,000 North Korean workers have already been sent home. That amounts to an average of 200 or so workers going home every day. Seven minibuses have been chartered to take them back across the border every day,” a source in China told Daily NK recently.

According to the source, some 6,000 North Korean workers have returned home over the past two months.

So far, North Koreans working at smaller factories, with workforces of 200 people or less, are the main targets for repatriation. These North Koreans were generally working at factories that make garments or assemble electronic devices.

According to U.N. Security Council Resolution 2397, North Korean workers on assignment overseas were supposed to go back to North Korea by Dec. 22, 2019. However, North Korea has kept substantial contingents of workers in such countries as China and Russia.

After the North Korean government closed its borders in January 2020 because of COVID-19, North Koreans who were working overseas were stuck in their assignments, unable to return home.

When North Korea and China resumed passenger train service last year, North Korean authorities began bringing workers home, prioritizing people struggling with health issues or marked for special observation because of trouble adjusting to life overseas.

For the past year, North Korea had been repatriating small numbers of workers who were unable to perform their duties. Since last month, however, the country has been repatriating large groups of ordinary workers without any health issues.

Mass exodus seems limited to Liaoning province

The sudden departure of so many North Korean workers is a subject of some interest to the local Chinese. “Two hundred workers returning to North Korea each day has the impact of a daily factory closure here,” one person was quoted as saying.

With so many North Koreans returning home, some Chinese factory owners with North Koreans on their payrolls are in danger of going out of business.

But since the Chinese government is involved in the repatriation of those North Korean workers, Chinese factory owners are reluctant to voice opposition or ask for relief.

“The Chinese government has been taking steps to repatriate North Korean workers in Liaoning province as its relations with North Korea grow chilly. So far, I haven’t heard of any plans to send more North Korean workers to Liaoning province,” the source said.

While North Korean workers are returning home en masse from Liaoning province, there are no signs of anything similar happening in Jilin province.

North Korean workers are not currently being given assignments in Dandong or other parts in Liaoning province, but hundreds of workers are being sent to Tumen and Nanping, both cities in Jilin province.

Daily NK works with a network of sources in North Korea, China, and elsewhere. For security reasons, their identities remain anonymous.

Please send any comments or questions about this article to dailynkenglish@uni-media.net.

Read in Korean

dailynk.com · by Seulkee Jang · November 25, 2024

14. N.K. troops disguised as 'indigenous' people in Far East for combat against Ukraine: report

Old news?

Do these "disguises" really work?

N.K. troops disguised as 'indigenous' people in Far East for combat against Ukraine: report | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Minji · November 25, 2024

SEOUL, Nov. 25 (Yonhap) -- A group of North Korean soldiers disguised as "indigenous people" of Russia's Far East have engaged in combat with Ukrainian troops in Russia's western border region of Kursk, according to a Ukraine news report.

Citing Kyiv's top military officer, RBC Ukraine on Sunday (local time) reported that more than 11,000 North Korean soldiers are already stationed in the Kursk region and have take part in battles against Ukrainian troops.

"These are mostly general military units. They are disguised as indigenous people of the Far East. They have the appropriate documents," Anatolii Barhylevych, the chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, was quoted as saying.

"They are trained to conduct operations in the European part," he said.

The report came amid growing security concerns over military cooperation between North Korea and Russia, with South Korea and U.S. officials confirming that the North has sent more than 10,000 troops to Russia in support of its invasion against Ukraine.

Last week, Seoul's spy agency said North Korean troops are believed to have been assigned to Moscow's airborne brigade and marine corps, with some of them already entering combat following local adjustment training.

The National Intelligence Service (NIS) also said that North Korean troops, having entered combat, may have suffered casualties or wounds, adding that efforts are under way to determine the details of the combat circumstances and the extent of the damage.

On Sunday, the NIS said that it is closely looking into intelligence that casualties have occurred among North Korean troops in its first confirmation of such a development.

RBC Ukraine earlier reported that about 500 North Korean soldiers were killed "as a result of the Storm Shadow missile strike on the Kursk region," citing Global Defense Corp., a defense news publisher.

This Oct. 19, 2024, footage posted on X, formerly Twitter, by the Centre for Strategic Communication and Information Security of Ukraine shows what appears to be North Korean soldiers receiving gear from Russian soldiers. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)

mlee@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Minji · November 25, 2024

15. S. Korea holds its own memorial to honor Sado mine victims after boycotting Japan-led event

Despite the improved ROK-Japan relations and trilateral security coordination, the historical issues will always intrude.

(3rd LD) S. Korea holds its own memorial to honor Sado mine victims after boycotting Japan-led event | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Woo Jae-yeon · November 25, 2024

(ATTN: ADDS more details in last 3 paras; UPDATES with minor edit in 13th para)

By Kim Seung-yeon and Lee Minji

TOKYO/SEOUL, Nov. 25 (Yonhap) -- The South Korean government held its own ceremony in Japan on Monday to honor Korean forced labor victims from an old Japanese mine complex, after boycotting a Japan-hosted event over Tokyo's apparent insincerity in delivering on its pledge to remember the victims.

Foreign ministry officials from Seoul and nine family members and relatives of the victims gathered at a site that used to be a lodging for Korean forced laborers, near the Sado gold and silver mines, on Sado Island, off Japan's west coast, officials said.

South Korean Ambassador to Japan Park Cheol-hee attended the event.

Monday's ceremony came a day after South Korea boycotted a memorial organized by the regional Japanese government for Sado mine forced laborers, including Koreans, citing "disagreements" that could not be resolved between the two governments in time for the event.

South Korean Ambassador to Japan Park Cheol-hee (C) pays tribute to the victims of Japan's wartime forced labor from the Sado mine complex during World War II, on Sado Island, off Japan's west coast, on Nov. 25, 2024. Seoul officials and the family members held a separate memorial ceremony to honor the victims after boycotting a Japan-hosted event over what South Korea called "disagreements" on the issues related to the event that were unable to be resolved with Japan. (Yonhap)

"I bow my head and express my deepest condolences to the souls of the Korean workers who were forcibly mobilized to the Sado mine 80 years ago," Park said in a memorial address.

"It is beyond our imagination to grasp how many nights you endured, holding on to the hope of returning to your beloved family and homeland ... Behind the history of the Sado Mine lies the tears and sacrifices of these Korean workers, and we will never forget this," Park said.

Park also extended his heartfelt condolences to the victims' families, calling for the event to serve as "a true day of remembrance" for all Korean forced labor victims who suffered "unspeakable pain under harsh conditions."

"We sincerely hope this memorial ceremony brings some comfort to the deceased workers and their bereaved families," Park said.

"To make sure that the painful history 80 years ago is not forgotten, South Korea and Japan must commit to making genuine efforts together," he added.

Japan voiced regret over South Korea boycotting its memorial event.

"It is regrettable that South Korea did not participate," Japanese Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshimasa Hayashi said in a press conference.

"We have worked closely with local authorities and maintained respectful communications with the South Korean government," Hayashi said.

This file photo, taken July 28, 2024, shows the inside of the Sado mine complex. (Yonhap)

Announcing the decision just a day before the event, Seoul indicated that it had to do with the fact that Tokyo had decided to send a vice foreign minister who reportedly has a history of attending the Yasukuni Shrine honoring the war criminals from World War II to the event as the government representative.

The shrine, seen as a symbol of Japan's militaristic past, has long been a source of tension, with South Korea strongly opposing visits or offerings made by Japanese government officials.

Akiko Ikuina, the parliamentary vice minister, said in her memorial speech during Sunday's event that "many people from the Korean Peninsula" worked at the mines. There was no mention of forced mobilization for labor or Japan's colonization of Korea.

Regarding Ikuina's attendance, Hayashi said the decision was made given her role in public relations, culture and Asia-Pacific affairs at the foreign ministry.

"We believe there were no issues with this decision," he said.

South Korea's memorial ceremony proceeded with a silent tribute and a wreath-laying for the victims.

On Sunday, the foreign ministry in Seoul said holding the separate ceremony "reflects the government's firm determination" that it will not compromise with Japan on historical issues.

"Based on this principle, we will continue to strive to advance bilateral relations in a way that will serve the interests of both South Korea and Japan," the ministry said.

Late Monday, the South Korean foreign ministry provided further details on its decision to boycott Sunday's event, saying that Japan's memorial address "fell short of the level agreed upon" between the two nations regarding the Sado mines' UNESCO World Heritage inscription.

The statement marked the first time Seoul specifically pointed out Japan's memorial ceremony failed to fully reflect Seoul's position, thereby contradicting the spirit of the agreement between the two countries.

Also it came after Japan's Kyodo News issued a correction to its report on Ikuina's visit to the Yasukuni Shrine in August 2022, underscoring Seoul's decision was not limited to the controversy surrounding her visit to the Shrine.

Rows of seats are empty during a memorial ceremony for wartime forced labor victims from the Sado mine complex, held on Sado Island, off Japan's west coast, on Nov. 24, 2024, after South Korea decided not to attend the event in protest of Japan's pick for its government representative who has a record of visiting the Yasukuni Shrine, honoring war criminals from World War II. (Yonhap)

elly@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Woo Jae-yeon · November 25, 2024

De Oppresso Liber,

David Maxwell

Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy

Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation

Editor, Small Wars Journal

Twitter: @davidmaxwell161

Phone: 202-573-8647

email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com

De Oppresso Liber,

David Maxwell

Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy

Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation

Editor, Small Wars Journal

Twitter: @davidmaxwell161

email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com

If you do not read anything else in the 2017 National Security Strategy read this on page 14:

"A democracy is only as resilient as its people. An informed and engaged citizenry is the fundamental requirement for a free and resilient nation. For generations, our society has protected free press, free speech, and free thought. Today, actors such as Russia are using information tools in an attempt to undermine the legitimacy of democracies. Adversaries target media, political processes, financial networks, and personal data. The American public and private sectors must recognize this and work together to defend our way of life. No external threat can be allowed to shake our shared commitment to our values, undermine our system of government, or divide our Nation."

Access NSS HERE

Company Name | Website