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Quote of the Day:
"Ignorance worships boundaries; wisdom worships horizons."
– Eratosthenes (of Cyrene)
"We're all islands shouting lies to each other across seas of misunderstanding."
– Rudyard Kipling
"The truth has no defense against a fool determined to believe a lie."
– Mark Twain
1. (now two) Three Days Left to Support HRNK This Giving Tuesday (Request for Your Support)
2. Now the World Does Know: 2025 Reference Guide to Reports on Human Rights in North Korea
3. North Korea claims victory in 'war on religion'
4. South Korea's grand plan to join the AI big time
5. South Korean police say no reports of a Chinese public security officer operating in Seoul
6. North Korea Makes Russian Language Mandatory in Schools, Official Claims
7. Posters urging South Koreans to join Ukraine war slammed as ‘Russian hoax’
8. Lee to deliver special address on 1st anniv. of martial law declaration
9. N. Korea's Kim vows to bestow new strategic assets, duty on air force founding anniv.
10. N. Korean hacking group Lazarus behind 31 attacks over past year: report
11. S. Korea's economy still at crossroads year after failed martial law attempt
12. K-pop light sticks become new symbols of resistance in defiance of martial law
13. 1 year after martial law, S. Korea shows democratic resilience but reveals social divisions
14. Bill to ban protests near presidential office passes committee, drawing backlash
15. From 'soft no's to hidden anger: Why Koreans communicate indirectly
1. (now two) Three Days Left to Support HRNK This Giving Tuesday (Request for Your Support)
Please read the message below from Greg Scarlatoiu, the President and CEO of HRNK.
If you can only give to one organization on Tuesday, please consider the U.S. Committee for Human Rights in North Korea (HRNK).
Neither the Biden nor the current Trump administrations have provided financial support, yet the State Department has used HRNK reporting and research for many years.
Please think about the 26 million Koreans in the north who are suffering under the most despotic regime in the world and the worst human rights abusers committing crimes against humanity on a scale not seen since World War II.
De Oppresso Liber - let us help the oppressed free themselves.
"Unification first, then denuclearization; the path to unification is through information and human rights."
Three Days Left to Support HRNK This Giving Tuesday
https://www.hrnk.org/three-days-left-to-support-hrnk-this-giving-tuesday/
Dear Friends and Supporters of HRNK,
On Tuesday, December 2, please keep HRNK in your thoughts and prayers. We need your generous support. Defunded by the U.S. government under the previous and the current U.S. administrations, HRNK is facing an existential crisis. We have been telling the truth about North Korea’s crimes against humanity since 2001. State Department funding assisted our satellite imagery investigation of North Korea’s political detention, workers officially dispatched overseas, and information environment, beginning in October 2014. That support vanished in March 2023. Without your help, downsizing will occur, unfortunately to the point where the very existence of HRNK may be in jeopardy.
North Korea’s Kim regime procures the funds needed to fuel its nuclear and missile programs as well as other tools of death by oppressing and exploiting its people at home and abroad. To this day, 200.000 North Korean men, women, and children are imprisoned at North Korea’s kwan-li-so political prison camps, pursuant to the yeon-jwa-jae system of guilt by association. The Kim regime is more than a Korean peninsula or regional threat. The human rights-security nexus it has generated is now threatening international peace and security, through the exportation of instability and violence to Eastern Europe and the Middle East.
A UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) accredited NGO since April 2018, HRNK can continue the good fight only with your help.
Please donate to HRNK. In addition to your personal assistance, we implore you to put us in contact with any grant agency or other potential donors you may know, that may be willing to support our mission.
Our Board member David Maxwell made a most compelling case for support to HRNK, in two recent articles:
Why Committee for Human Rights in North Korea Must Be Funded – Now More Than Ever:
https://www.upi.com/Voices/2025/10/27/perspective-committee-for-human-rights-North-Korea/6181761599619
Regime Fears the Truth: How HRNK Gives World Its Most Powerful Weapon against North Korea:
https://www.upi.com/Voices/2025/11/10/perspective-human-rights-north-korea/5071762787247/
To fund HRNK, please mail a check to 1801 F Street NW, Suite 305, Washington, DC 20006 or use the following link:
https://www.hrnk.org/donate/
The best way we can answer your generosity is to continue to ardently seek freedom, justice, democracy, and economic opportunity for the people of North Korea.
Thank you for your kind consideration.
Have a Blessed Holiday Season,
Sincerely,
Greg Scarlatoiu
President and CEO, HRNK
2. Now the World Does Know: 2025 Reference Guide to Reports on Human Rights in North Korea
For scholars, researchers, policy staff, the press, and the public or anyone interested in the plight of 26 million Koreans suffering in the north.
Excerpt from the reference guide:
At its core, this reference guide challenges the notion that there is doubt or insufficient data to compel the strongest action by the international community to stop the North Korean regime from committing crimes against humanity.
Download the 97 page report at this link:
https://www.hrnk.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/11/Now-the-World-Does-Know-–-2025-Reference-Guide-to-Human-Rights-Reports-in-North-Korea.pdf
Now the World Does Know: 2025 Reference Guide to Reports on Human Rights in North Korea
https://www.hrnk.org/documentations/now-the-world-does-know-2025-reference-guide-to-reports-on-human-rights-in-north-korea/
Now the World Does Know: 2025 Reference Guide to Reports on Human Rights in North Korea is an extensive bibliographic resource that consolidates decades of evidence and research documenting human rights violations in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). Developed by the Committee for Human Rights in North Korea (HRNK), the guide demonstrates that despite the country’s secrecy and limited external access, a substantial and credible body of documentation exists —spanning numerous organizations, time periods, and methodologies showing the systematic and ongoing nature of crimes against humanity committed by the DPRK. It underscores that the world possesses ample evidence to act decisively in pursuit of accountability and justice for the North Korean people.
While not exhaustive, the reference guide strives to be as comprehensive as possible within clearly defined inclusion criteria. It organizes English-language publications into eight main chapters, covering reports by the United Nations, governments, and human rights organizations, as well as books, expert-recommended essential works, and other relevant resources. By mapping this broad body of knowledge—ranging from official UN documents to civil society research and policy analyses—HRNK aims to provide a clear, accessible foundation for policymakers, researchers, and the public to better understand the extent and continuity of human rights abuses in North Korea.
이제 우리는 알고 있다 NOW THE WORLD DOES KNOW 2025 REFERENCE GUIDE TO REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS IN NORTH KOREA
3. North Korea claims victory in 'war on religion'
Summary:
North Korea is boasting that it has “practically exterminated” underground churches and won its “war on religion,” according to Daily NK sources. Defectors and activists dispute this, saying small, secret Christian groups still exist but face intense repression. Although the constitution nominally guarantees religious freedom, the regime treats faith as an anti state crime and classifies believers as part of a “hostile class,” subject to discrimination, prison camps, torture, or execution. Crackdowns have intensified since the 2021 Youth Education Guarantee Act, with state security targeting border regions and returnees exposed to Christianity abroad, while Pyongyang’s showcase church remains purely for propaganda.
Comment: I really wish we could convince POTUS to take on religious freedom in north Korea. Given the focus on this in other regions of the world perhaps we should remind people that Pyongyang was once known as the "Jerusalem of the East" and once had a large Christian population due to the mission work of Christian Churches.
I asked my "research assistant" (AI) for background on Kim Il Sung's religious experience:
Kim Il Sung was born into a Christian, specifically Presbyterian, family. His maternal grandfather was a Protestant minister, and standard scholarly references describe the family as Presbyterian.
His father, Kim Hyong-jik, attended Sungshil School in Pyongyang, which was run by American missionaries, then taught at several Christian schools and even worked as a part-time Protestant missionary. Both parents attended church, and contemporary accounts indicate that young Kim Il Sung went to services in his youth before later rejecting religion and adopting atheistic communism.
For our information warfare experts: can we exploit this from an information and influence activities campaign?
And for the policy makers" Why don't we focus on religious freedom in the north as much as we do in other regions of the world?
And we should consider this: when there is regime collapse and the Korean people learn that the juche ideology (pseudo religion) was a lie, they are going to need some kind of faith to replace it. Wouldn't a formal faith (Christian, Buddhist, Confucian, etc) be useful for helping the people through what will be partially a faith based trauma?
North Korea claims victory in 'war on religion' – DW – 11/28/2025
Julian Ryall
11/28/2025
Pyongyang boasts of crushing underground churches, but defectors and rights groups say secret worship persists despite harsh crackdowns and severe punishments.
https://www.dw.com/en/north-korea-claims-victory-in-war-on-religion/a-74937436?maca=en-RSS_en_Flipboard-9487-xml-media
North Korea is continuing its crackdown on underground churches, with dissident media reporting that the authorities are "patting themselves on the back for bringing religion under control."
The Seoul-based DailyNK news site reported on November 18 that its sources within North Korea say the regime is confident that it has "practically exterminated" underground churches and worship groups.
However, defectors and human rights activists told DW they are confident that small groups and individuals who remain secretly committed to their faith still exist in the North.
"They have been targeted by the regime and many people have been detained, but we know there are still strong Christians who are worshipping in small groups or as individuals," said Song Young-Chae, a South Korean academic and activist with the Worldwide Coalition to Stop Genocide in North Korea.
"There are defectors who have arrived in South Korea this year and they say it is still happening and other defectors who still have contacts there say the same thing," Song told DW.
"We have our own contacts as well. I cannot provide you with more information as it would be dangerous for them, but we know they are still there."
Pockets of religious resistance
Pockets of religious resistance may be holding out, but there is little doubt they are being persecuted.
Article 68 of North Korea's constitution guarantees the freedom of religious belief, although in reality the regime strictly controls all religious activities as it sees the church as a threat to its power.
Instead of religious teachings, children are taught from an early age to worship the three generations of the Kim family that have ruled the nation with an iron fist since the founding of the nation in 1948.
Christians have long been targeted due to the perception that they are linked to Western influences, with anyone caught with a Bible, praying or involved in any form of illicit worship, liable for severe punishment.
Faith classified as anti-state
Anyone suspected of being a religious believer can also be identified as a member of the "hostile class," which leads to discrimination in terms of work assignments, education opportunities, where people can live and other social punishments.
The crackdown on religion has intensified since the enactment in September 2021 of the Youth Education Guarantee Act, which puts religious activities on the list of actions that are completely banned for young people. In line with the new law, the Ministry of State Security is stepping up its repression.
"There is no separate department dedicated to cracking down on religion, but counterintelligence departments classify religious activity as an 'anti-state crime' and investigate it themselves," the DailyNK report quoted a source in North Korea as saying.
"Provincial, city and county security agencies conduct autonomous crackdowns, and, in particular, there are intensive crackdowns in border regions, where outside information often enters."
Exposed to the outside world
There is added scrutiny of people who have studied abroad, those who have been working in foreign countries or those who attempted to flee but were forcibly repatriated, the source said.
"If they are caught engaging in religious activity after they return home, they are immediately arrested," with Protestants and Catholics sent to prison camps.
The claims chime with reports by charities such as Christian Solidarity Worldwide and government reports on human rights. In its 2025 annual report, the US Commission on International Religious Freedom identified North Korea as "a country of particular concern."
Germany and the church
Describing the North as "one of the worst religious freedom violators in the world in 2024," the report said Pyongyang "treats religion as an existential threat to the country" with Christians viewed as "collaborators of imperialistic forces and enemies of the nation and the revolution."
"Simply possessing a Bible, interacting with Christian missionaries, or engaging in worship can lead to severe punishment, including torture, forced labor, imprisonment, and execution," it said, adding that as of 2024, three South Korean missionaries captured in the North are still being held after at least a decade behind bars.
"There is simply no freedom of religion in North Korea," said Eunju Kim, who fled the North with her mother in the 1990s and is now a campaigner with the HanVoice refugee resettlement organization in Seoul.
Quiet defiance
"There is a church in Pyongyang, but it is only there so they can claim that people are free to practice religion when in truth anyone who does is punished," she said. "The state sees religion as a political crime and there are serious punishments and, in the worst-case scenario, execution."
But there are still some who choose to quietly defy the regime.
"They can ban religion, but they cannot stop people believing in Christ," Kim said. "People who experienced the church and Christianity in China before being repatriated to North Korea may still keep their faith and belief in God and some of them will continue to worship."
"They will do it silently, without letting anyone around them know because it is not safe," she added.
"There will be small groups, but many will be people praying by themselves."
Edited by: Keith Walker
flip.it
4. South Korea's grand plan to join the AI big time
Summary:
South Korea is racing to become a top three AI power alongside the US and China through a massive public private build out anchored on Nvidia hardware. A new government working group and National AI Strategy Committee are overseeing deployment of about 260,000 Nvidia Blackwell GPUs, expanding national GPU capacity roughly fivefold. Samsung, Hyundai, SK Group and Naver Cloud will each build AI factories of 50,000 or more GPUs for chips, smart manufacturing, robotics, autonomous driving and digital twins. Seoul’s focus is practical productivity and industrial competitiveness, not consumer chatbots, betting AI can reboot growth after tariffs and economic slowdown.
Comment: We should expect South Korea to be a leader in this area. It has the funding, knowledge, infrastructure, technical capabilities, and national level backing to excel.
South Korea's grand plan to join the AI big time - Asia Times
flip.it · Scott Foster · November 28, 2025
S Korea is well behind the AI times but a public-private push with help from Nvidia could quickly change all that
by Scott Foster
November 28, 2025
https://asiatimes.com/2025/11/south-koreas-grand-plan-to-join-the-ai-big-time/?utm
Less than a month after Nvidia announced the plan, the government of South Korea has called the first meeting of a working group that will supervise the radical expansion of the nation’s AI infrastructure and advance President Lee Jae-myung’s ambition of making South Korea one of the world’s top three AI nations, along with the US and China.
Lee also hopes that AI will spark new robust growth for the South Korean economy, which has recently been hit by Donald Trump’s tariffs and associated forced investment in the US. South Korean GDP grew 1.4% in 2023 and 2.0% in 2024, and the Bank of Korea now estimates that it will expand by only 1.0% in 2025.
Year-on-year growth accelerated from 0.6% in the second quarter of this year to 1.7% in the third, but that is still more like perpetually low-growth Japan than the “Asian Tiger” that South Korea used to be.
Chaired by Second Science Minister Ryu Je-myung, the working group includes senior executives from Samsung Electroncs, Hyundai Motor, SK Telecom and Naver Cloud. According to the Korean press, they discussed the deployment of 260,000 Nvidia Blackwell GPUs and ways to strengthen the nation’s AI ecosystem. When completed, this project will reportedly increase South Korea’s installed GPU capacity by about fivefold.
On September 8, President Lee officially launched the National Artificial Intelligence Strategy Committee, which oversees the implementation of national AI strategy and coordinates the activities of different parts of the government.
The committee is comprised of more than 30 private-sector members assigned to subcommittees in charge of AI infrastructure, data, applications, social adaptation, global cooperation, science and skills development, defense and security.
At the time, President Lee stated that, “Korea now stands at a great historical turning point — whether we become mere followers exposed to the risk of falling behind, or pioneers who seize boundless opportunities. If we move boldly forward and lead the future, artificial intelligence will serve as the key to advancing the structure of our industries, improving the quality of life for our people, and ushering Korea into a new era of prosperity.”
Lee supports a public-private strategy, changes to laws and institutions to facilitate the deployment of AI, and an approach that supports regional economic development. Altogether, it adds up to a make-or-break moment for his economic policy.
On October 30, at the APEC Summit in Gyeongju, Nvidia announced that it is working to expand South Korea’s public- and private-sector AI infrastructure with the deployment of 260,000 GPUs to the Ministry of Science and ICT (Information and Communication Technology), Samsung Electronics, Hyundai Motor, the SK Group, hyperscale data center operator Naver Cloud and other companies.
Explaining the concept, Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang said, “Korea’s leadership in technology and manufacturing positions it at the heart of the AI industrial revolution – where accelerated computing infrastructure becomes as vital as power grids and broadband. Just as Korea’s physical factories have inspired the world with sophisticated ships, cars, chips and electronics, the nation can now produce intelligence as a new export that will drive global transformation.”
Samsung is building a semiconductor AI factory equipped with more than 50,000 Nvidia GPUs to create digital twins that should improve the speed and yields of semiconductor manufacturing processes. Samsung is also using Nvidia technology to improve its Ballie home-companion robot. “Ballie is more than a home robot, it’s your buddy.”
Hyundai Motor Group and Nvidia are expanding their collaboration in autonomous driving, in-vehicle AI, smart manufacturing and robotics with a 50,000-GPU AI factory. The two companies are also working with the Korean government to build a national physical AI cluster, including a Nvidia AI Technology Center, Hyundai Motor Group Physical AI Application Center and regional AI data centers.
SK Group is designing an AI factory scalable to more than 50,000 GPUs which will be used to accelerate high-bandwidth memory design, improve yields and develop robotic self-optimizing semiconductor fabs at SK Hynix, and enable SK Telecom to provide industrial cloud digital-twin and robotics-innovatin services to startups, enterprises and government agencies.
Naver Cloud plans to deploy more than 60,000 GPUs to develop AI models for shipbuilding, energy, biotech and other industries, combining Naver digital twins and robotics with Nvidia’s 3D simulation and robotics technologies.
According to CEO Kim Yuwon, “This collaboration marks the beginning of the ‘physical AI era,’ where AI technology practically improves productivity, safety and efficiency in industrial fields.”
South Korea’s Ministry of Science and ICT plans to deploy up to 50,000 Nvidia GPUs to accelerate AI development for enterprises and industries, working with Naver and other local cloud-computing service providers.
Nvidia is also collaborating with Samsung, SK Telecom, Electronics and Telecommunications Research Institute (ETRI), Korea Telecom, LGU+ (formerly LG Telecom) and Yonsei University to develop intelligent, low-power AI-enhanced Radio Access Network (AI-RAN) technology.
The idea is to reduce computing costs and extend mobile device battery life by off-loading GPU computation to mobile telecom network base stations. In addition, Nvidia is working on quantum computing with the Korea Institute of Science and Technology Information and a venture-company incubation program run by Ministry of SMEs and Startups.
While the US spawns multiple generations of ChatGPT and rivals including PerplexityAI, Anthropic’s Claude and Google’s Gemini, South Korea’s strategy is to use AI to improve the productivity and competitiveness of the industries that drive its economy. It is an approach subject to practical rather than theoretical and ideological evaluation.
Korean industry can be counted on to make it work within the framework of corporate performance and cash flow management. Within two or three years, it should be clearer what it can deliver in the AI age.
Follow this writer on X: @ScottFo83517667
flip.it · Scott Foster · November 28, 2025
5. South Korean police say no reports of a Chinese public security officer operating in Seoul
Summary:
A viral video claimed to show a Chinese public security officer directing traffic in Seoul’s Hongdae district, fueling rising anti-China sentiment and shared by the pro-Yoon “Wings of Freedom” group. AFP fact-checking found no evidence he was a real officer. Seoul and Mapo police reported no such case. Reverse image searches showed the same man on Douyin and Bilibili described as a Halloween cosplayer on October 31. Longer footage shows crowded Hongdae streets with many costumes and regular Korean police. His uniform patch reads “master” in Korean, unlike genuine Chinese police uniforms, and similar outfits are sold online.
Comment: I think AFP is exposing its pro-China agenda (whether deliberate or as a useful idiot). It is using the most ludicrous example (e.g., Chinese policeman directing traffic in Seoul) to debunk other reports of the Chinese security elements operating in South Korea. The real security elements are likely acting much more covertly. We need to beware of China conducting unrestricted warfare and its three warfares in South Korea.
South Korean police say no reports of a Chinese public security officer operating in Seoul
Yahoo
Hailey JO / AFP South Korea
Fri, November 28, 2025 at 12:25 AM EST
3 min read
https://www.yahoo.com/news/articles/south-korean-police-no-reports-052551647.html?guccounter=1&guce_referrer=
As anti-China sentiment intensified in South Korea, a video was shared in posts that falsely claimed it showed a Chinese public security officer directing traffic and pedestrians in Seoul. Footage of the purported officer, however, circulated in the days after Halloween celebrations in posts calling him a cosplayer. South Korean police told AFP they received no reports of any Chinese officer operating in the area, and details of the man's uniform indicate it is not authentic.
"Chinese public security officer controlling traffic in Hongdae," reads Korean-language text superimposed on a Facebook reel shared on November 24, 2025, referring to an entertainment district in western Seoul known for its bars, clubs and nightlife.
The 12-second clip, which has been viewed tens of thousands of times, appears to show a police officer directing traffic and pedestrians on a busy street.
A red and blue sash draped across his upper arm features the emblem of China's Ministry of Public Security and Chinese phrases including "Public security stationed in South Korea" (archived link).
The name of the youth group "Wings of Freedom", which backs ousted president Yoon Suk Yeol and promotes unsubstantiated claims of electoral fraud, is shown above the video along with the Trump-esque slogan "Make Korea Great Again" (archived here and here).
Screenshot of the false Facebook post captured on November 26, 2025, with a red X added by AFP
Similar footage was shared on Instagram, and screenshots from the video also circulated there as well as on Nate Pann.
"Chinese cops, get lost and go back to your country!" read a comment on one of the posts.
Another asked: "Why didn't Koreans even say anything after seeing something like this?"
The posts surfaced as anti-Chinese sentiment intensified in South Korea, with street demonstrations, boycott campaigns and highly polarised online commentary prompting Beijing's embassy to warn its nationals to "remain cautious" while visiting the country (archived link).
But the Seoul Metropolitan Police and the Mapo District Police -- responsible for policing the Hongdae area -- told AFP on November 26 that they had not received any reports about a Chinese public security officer operating in the area.
'Halloween cosplayer'
A reverse image search on Google using keyframes from the falsely shared video led to similar clips circulating on Chinese video-sharing platforms Douyin and Bilibili (archived here and here).
According to these posts, the clips show a "Halloween cosplayer" in South Korea.
A subsequent keyword search on YouTube found footage of the purported Chinese public security officer in a longer video documenting Halloween in Hongdae on the night of October 31 (archived link).
The person filming the video noted that the man was cosplaying and said it was funny how committed he was to the act, directing pedestrians as if he were a real officer.
In the video, the streets were packed with people in a wide variety of costumes, including characters from anime and popular TV shows as well as people with horror makeup. South Korean police officers in navy and neon yellow uniforms can also be seen patrolling the area.
Details on the purported Chinese public security officer's uniform, visible in a clearer video posted on Douyin, show a badge on his chest that reads "master" in Korean (archived link). On genuine uniforms, the patch displays the name of the officer's affiliated region (archived link).
Screenshot from a Douyin video of the purported officer's uniform, with the Korean word for "master" on a chest patch highlighted and magnified by AFP
AFP found imitation uniforms are readily available on Chinese e-commerce sites (archived here and here).
AFP has previously debunked several false claims circulating in South Korea of purported Chinese infiltration and anti-China misinformation.
Yahoo
6. North Korea Makes Russian Language Mandatory in Schools, Official Claims
Summary:
Russia’s natural resources minister says Russian is now compulsory from 4th grade in North Korean schools, with expanded university ties and a planned language center in Pyongyang. The unconfirmed claim highlights deepening Moscow–Pyongyang cooperation, from education and planned labor transfers to arms supplies, troop deployments, and alleged joint cyber operations.
Comment: the KFR is taking a long term approach. People are policy. The regime expects their children to grow and be able to work with (or fight for) Russia.
North Korea Makes Russian Language Mandatory in Schools, Official Claims
kyivpost.com · Antonia Langford · November 27, 2025
It came after Politico reported last week that two of the world’s most active state-backed cybercrime units from Russia and North Korea were engaging in “unprecedented” cooperation.
https://www.kyivpost.com/post/65133
This picture taken on August 16, 2024 and released from North Korea’s official Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) via KNS on August 17, 2024 shows North Korean leader Kim Jong Un visiting the April 25 Hostel to learn about the preparations for the education of pupils from flood-hit areas, in Pyongyang. (Photo by KCNA VIA KNS / AFP)
The Russian language has become a compulsory subject in North Korean schools from the fourth grade, a Russian official said on Thursday.
Alexander Kozlov, Russia’s Natural Resources Minister, said at a meeting of the intergovernmental commission in Moscow: “I know that Russian has been introduced in schools in [North Korea] as a compulsory language for learning from the fourth grade.”
“In Russia, more than 3,000 school children are currently learning Korean. Most of them study Korean as a second or third foreign language,” he added.
Kozlov also said that North Korea has some 600 specialists in the Russian language and that the countries have deepened their higher education cooperation in the fields of banking, engineering, medicine and geology.
In turn, 300 university students in Russia study Korean, he continued.
Russia is also set to build a centre in North Korea for the provision of Russian-language education at Kim Chol Junior Normal University.
North Korean authorities have not commented on Kozlov’s remarks and it is unclear whether compulsory instruction in Russian has already begun.
It came after the Russian Embassy in Pyongyang said last week that it had been working to promote Russian language education for North Korean university students.
Since the start of the full-scale invasion, Russia and North Korea have deepened cooperation in political, military and economic domains.
Other Topics of Interest
Russia is reshaping cemeteries, memorials and public spaces in occupied Ukraine to impose a Kremlin-made past – glorifying separatist leaders, erasing Holodomor sites and recasting the war as destiny.
North Korea has supplied weapons to Russia and sent troops to the front line in Ukraine and to demine the Kursk region.
Russian President Vladimir Putin and North Korea’s leader Kim Jong Un have met on several occasions to celebrate the ties between Moscow and Pyongyang, including in Beijing in September, when Putin thanked Kim for the “sacrifices” of his troops in the context of the war.
Earlier this month, Ukraine’s military intelligence (HUR) warned that Russia was preparing to import as many as 12,000 North Korean workers to accelerate production of long-range Shahed-type attack drones at the notorious Alabuga Special Economic Zone in Russia’s Tatarstan.
Two of the world’s most active state-backed cybercrime units – Russia’s Gamaredon and North Korea’s Lazarus collective – have been observed sharing resources, according to Politico earlier this month.
Analysts at the cybersecurity firm Gen Digital found that the groups seem to be pooling tactics and infrastructure, indicating that they could be working together.
Michal Salat, the Director of Threat Intelligence at Gen Digital, told Politico that the discovery was “unprecedented.”
“I don’t recall two countries working together on [Advanced Persistent Threat] attacks,” he said, in reference to sustained, advanced intrusion campaigns usually orchestrated by nation-state actors.
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Antonia Langford
Antonia Langford is a journalist and freelance translator who has written for The Guardian, The Times, The Telegraph, The i, and many more. She has reported from Ukraine, Georgia, Armenia and Poland and is particularly interested in displacement, environment, language, authoritarianism and human stories.
kyivpost.com · Antonia Langford · November 27, 2025
7. Posters urging South Koreans to join Ukraine war slammed as ‘Russian hoax’
Summary:
Fake recruitment posters in South Korea promising high pay, citizenship and “the legal right to kill North Koreans” for joining Ukraine’s army were denounced by Kyiv as a Russian disinformation hoax. The incident coincided with Seoul’s first confirmation of a citizen killed fighting for Ukraine, amid deepening Russia–North Korea ties.
Comment part of the global information war we are in. The Dark Quad or CRInK is trying to exploit the information domain.
Posters urging South Koreans to join Ukraine war slammed as ‘Russian hoax’
Images of the posters posted online tout benefits including high wages and ‘the legal right to kill North Koreans’
Published: 2:42pm, 28 Nov 2025
SCMP’s Asia desk
Published: 2:42pm, 28 Nov 2025
An advertisement offering lucrative pay and citizenship to South Koreans willing to join Ukraine’s army has been rejected by Kyiv as a “Russian hoax”, even as Seoul confirmed for the first time the death of a citizen who fought against Moscow in the long-running war.
The conflict-stricken nation’s response came after photographs of posters plastered on a lamp post in Seongnam, South Korea’s Gyeonggi province, circulated online, detailing supposed enlistment benefits including high wages and choice of battalion.
The flyers also touted another perk: “the legal right to kill North Koreans”.
The materials featured contact information for the Ukrainian embassy in Seoul, which said some South Koreans had reached out to the mission after seeing the posters.
Ukraine’s foreign ministry quickly distanced itself from the images, denouncing them as a part of Moscow’s “disinformation campaign”.
A poster reportedly calling on South Koreans to join the Ukrainian army. Photo: Medium/alancallowjournal
“We officially refute this next Russian hoax – neither the Ukrainian foreign ministry nor the Ukrainian embassy in the Republic of Korea distributed such leaflets,” ministry spokesman Heorhii Tykhyi said, as quoted by The Korea Herald.
Kyiv’s diplomatic mission in Seoul told the publication that it kept receiving “calls from regular Koreans” asking about the job offer, and “we just inform them this is not the embassy’s area of work”.
The clarification on the purported enlistment drive came as a South Korean foreign ministry official confirmed on Thursday that a volunteer fighter from the country was killed in the war, which began with Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022.
A consular official from Seoul’s embassy in Kyiv attended a funeral in the Ukrainian capital on Tuesday for the South Korean man apparently killed during combat in the Donetsk region in May, according to the Yonhap news agency, adding that consular help was provided to the victim’s family.
Previously, Seoul had never confirmed reports of its nationals fighting for Ukraine, some of whom died in the war.
In September, Foreign Minister Cho Hyun said South Korea would “seriously consider” ways to help Ukraine in its post-war rehabilitation.
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un embracing a serviceman at a ceremony to award commendations to Pyongyang’s troops who fought in Kursk Oblast to help Russia in its war against Ukraine. Photo: AFP
The country’s nuclear-armed neighbour, North Korea, has supplied weapons and troops to Russia, which is studying a peace proposal put forward by the United States as President Donald Trump continues his push to end the nearly four-year-old war.
In August, North Korean leader Kim Jong-un honoured more than 100 soldiers from his country who were killed in the conflict, calling them “great heroes and patriots”.
President Vladimir Putin held a phone call with Kim that same month and commended North Korea’s help in “liberating” the Kursk region in western Russia in the war against Ukraine.
Moscow and Pyongyang have rapidly advanced their military ties in recent years.
8. Lee to deliver special address on 1st anniv. of martial law declaration
Summary:
POTUS Lee Jae Myung will give a special address marking the first anniversary of Yoon Suk Yeol’s short martial law declaration, praising citizens’ protests for restoring democracy. He will brief foreign media, stress unity, and meet leaders of all three branches to reflect on the crisis and future reforms.
Comment: Martial Law is going to affect Korea for a long time to come. Will it have a long term positive or negative effect? Can POTROK use the martial law debacle to unite the country or will he allow it to continue to divide the nation?
(LEAD) Lee to deliver special address on 1st anniv. of martial law declaration | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Kim Eun-jung · November 30, 2025
https://en.yna.co.kr/view/AEN20251130002451315?section=national/politics
(ATTN: UPDATES throughout with latest details; ADDS photo, byline)
By Kim Eun-jung
SEOUL, Nov. 30 (Yonhap) -- President Lee Jae Myung will deliver a special address later this week to mark the first anniversary of former President Yoon Suk Yeol's brief imposition of martial law, highlighting the public's role in restoring South Korea's democracy, the presidential office said Sunday.
Lee Kyu-yeon, the presidential secretary for communication and public relations, said the address, slated for Wednesday, will underscore "the people's efforts in transforming a moment of extreme chaos into peace" through their rallies.
Following the address, Lee will hold a press conference with about 80 foreign journalists under the theme "A Renewed Democracy: One Year On."
President Lee Jae Myung is seen in this undated file photo. (Yonhap)
"(President Lee) will reaffirm the restoration of Korea's democracy to the international community and deliver a message of national unity in the press conference," the secretary told reporters.
Lee will also host a luncheon with five key figures of the three powers -- National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-shik, Supreme Court Chief Justice Cho Hee-dae, Constitutional Court chief Kim Sang-hwan, Prime Minister Kim Min-seok and National Election Commission Chair Roh Tae-ak -- to reflect on the meaning of the martial law and discuss future tasks, the secretary said.
Lee Kyu-yeon, the presidential secretary for communication and public relations, announces President Lee Jae Myung's plan to deliver a special address on the first anniversary of former President Yoon Suk Yeol's short imposition of martial law during a press briefing at the presidential office in Seoul on Nov. 30, 2025. (Yonhap)
On the night of Dec. 3 last year, Yoon declared martial law in a live address from the presidential office, claiming the opposition party was paralyzing state affairs and that emergency measures were needed to root out pro-North Korea forces and defend the constitutional order.
Thousands of citizens took to the streets with nothing but K-pop glow sticks after the surprise martial law declaration that jolted the nation's hard-won democracy, rushing out as armed troops moved to seal off the National Assembly.
A year later, South Korea has restored political order and returned to normalcy, emerging as a notable example of democratic resilience despite the deep social divisions exposed by the crisis.
ejkim@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · Kim Eun-jung · November 30, 2025
9. N. Korea's Kim vows to bestow new strategic assets, duty on air force founding anniv.
Summary:
Kim Jong Un marked the KPA air force’s 80th anniversary at Kalma Airport, vowing to provide new strategic assets and a new duty tied to nuclear deterrence and airspace defense. He praised modernization, watched flight demonstrations, awarded the Kim Jong Il Order, and appeared with his daughter and heir Ju-ae.
Comment: The question is what are these new "Strategic assets?" Can aircraft delivered strategic weapons be effective? We should remember that the nKPAF is no match for combined ROK/US air power.
N. Korea's Kim vows to bestow new strategic assets, duty on air force founding anniv. | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Park Boram · November 30, 2025
https://en.yna.co.kr/view/AEN20251130000200315?section=nk/nk
SEOUL, Nov. 30 (Yonhap) -- North Korean leader Kim Jong-un has attended a ceremony marking the 80th founding anniversary of the country's air force, saying it will be given new strategic military assets and a "new important duty," state media reported Sunday.
Kim made the remarks during the celebration event held Friday at Kalma Airport of the 59th Kil Yong Jo Hero Flying Group of the Second Air Wing, to mark the founding anniversary of the Air Force of the Korean People's Army, the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) said.
Delivering a speech at the anniversary celebration, Kim said, "The Air Force will be given new strategic military assets and entrusted with a new important duty," although he did not specify what those strategic assets would be.
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un speaks at an event marking the 80th founding anniversary of the air force of the Korean People's Army at Kalma Airport on Nov. 28, 2025, in this photo published by the Korean Central News Agency on Nov. 30. (For Use Only in the Republic of Korea. No Redistribution) (Yonhap)
"The expectations ... for the Air Force which will play a role in the exercise of the nuclear war deterrent is very great, and that the Air Force should resolutely repulse and control all sorts of espionage acts and possible military provocations of the enemies to encroach upon the sovereign airspace," he noted.
As North Korea continues to push the modernization of its conventional military forces, the country is also focusing on bolstering its air force, unveiling its first live-fire air-to-air drill involving military aircraft in May and an airborne early warning and control aircraft system in March.
Kim's daughter and heir apparent, Ju-ae, accompanied him to Friday's event, marking her first media appearance since she traveled to China in early September with her father to attend a military parade in Beijing.
The event also included Kim watching a demonstration flight of the air force from an observation platform and an art performance, as well as awarding the Kim Jong Il Order to the air force, the highest order in the country.
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un (5th from L, front row) attends an event marking the 80th founding anniversary of the air force of the Korean People's Army at Kalma Airport on Nov. 28, 2025, in this photo published by the Korean Central News Agency on Nov. 30. (For Use Only in the Republic of Korea. No Redistribution) (Yonhap)
pbr@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · Park Boram · November 30, 2025
10. N. Korean hacking group Lazarus behind 31 attacks over past year: report
Comment: 31 is all that we know of.
N. Korean hacking group Lazarus behind 31 attacks over past year: report | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Kim Hyun-soo · November 30, 2025
https://en.yna.co.kr/view/AEN20251130001000315?section=national/national
SEOUL, Nov. 30 (Yonhap) -- North Korean hacking group Lazarus is suspected to have been behind at least 31 cyberattacks over the past year, a report showed Sunday, amid mounting speculation that the group was responsible for a recent massive cryptocurrency breach at South Korean crypto exchange Upbit.
AhnLab Inc., a local software security firm, made the assessment in its latest report, saying Lazarus topped the list of advanced persistent threat (APT) groups with 31 incidents from October 2024 to September this year.
Another North Korea-backed group, Kimsuky, followed with 27 cases, the same data showed.
By country, North Korea accounted for 86 hacking incidents, followed by China at 27, Russia and India at 18 each, and Pakistan with 17.
AhnLab noted that the actual number of attacks could be higher than disclosed due to the sophisticated methods used by APT groups.
The report comes amid suspicions that Lazarus was behind a breach that drained around 45 billion won (US$30.6 million) worth of cryptocurrency from Upbit last week.
Authorities said the techniques used in the latest heist were similar to those employed in a 2019 attack in which the group allegedly stole 58 billion won worth of Ethereum from Upbit.
An advertisement of South Korea's largest crypto exchange Upbit is put up at a subway station in Seoul on Nov. 28, 2025, after the company suffered massive losses from a suspected hacking attack by North Korea-backed Lazarus. (Yonhap)
sookim@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · Kim Hyun-soo · November 30, 2025
11. S. Korea's economy still at crossroads year after failed martial law attempt
Summary:
After Yoon’s failed martial law bid, South Korea’s economy is rebounding on Lee’s aggressive stimulus, AI driven semiconductor exports, and a major US investment deal, yet vulnerabilities persist: weak won, mounting debt, aging demographics, rigid labor markets, high household leverage, political trials, and heavy dependence on volatile US trade policy.
(News Focus) S. Korea's economy still at crossroads year after failed martial law attempt | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Kim Han-joo · November 30, 2025
https://en.yna.co.kr/view/AEN20251128001000320
By Kim Han-joo
SEOUL, Nov. 30 (Yonhap) -- South Korea continues to stand at a critical economic crossroads a year after an unexpected martial law bid tarnished Asia's fourth-largest economy that took decades to build, as emergency measures that helped navigate an ensuing crisis and changes in the global trade environment may begin to take a toll, local experts said Sunday.
After months of political turmoil triggered by former President Yoon Suk Yeol's short-lived martial law declaration last December and his eventual removal from office in April, the country is beginning to show signs of recovery. Yet experts caution that the economic scars from the upheaval remain amid uncertainties and structural challenges.
The abrupt martial law decree on Dec. 3, 2024, sent an immediate shockwave through the financial and foreign exchange markets.
The Korean won plunged to multiyear lows against the U.S. dollar, while the benchmark Korea Composite Stock Price Index (KOSPI) tumbled toward 2,300 points.
In this file photo, soldiers prepare to enter the main hall of the National Assembly in Seoul in the wee hours of Dec. 3, 2024, following President Yoon Suk Yeol's declaration of martial law, citing the need to root out pro-North Korean forces and uphold the constitutional order. (Yonhap)
Consumer sentiment sank, with private consumption slipping 0.1 percent in the first quarter of the year, driven largely by falling demand in service sectors, such as entertainment and hospitality.
Sweeping tariff measures introduced by U.S. President Donald Trump further strained South Korea's export-dependent economy.
Real gross domestic product (GDP), a key gauge of economic growth, contracted 0.2 percent in the first quarter, the first negative growth in nine months.
The downturn prompted major economic institutions, including the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the Bank of Korea (BOK), to nearly halve their 2025 growth forecasts to around 0.8 percent, citing weakening consumption and persistent uncertainty surrounding U.S. trade policy.
Financial authorities have continued to reassure investors, insisting the crisis would have limited impact and that South Korea's external credibility would remain intact.
Yet, the fallout proved unavoidable, leaving lingering uncertainty that continues to weigh on the economy, even to date to some extent, experts note.
The government's fiscal response, combined with the country's deep strength in exports, has reignited momentum after President Lee Jae Myung took office in June.
The new administration quickly implemented a secondary supplementary budget, expanded public spending and introduced large-scale consumption-boosting measures.
Partly due to aggressive fiscal policies, GDP grew 1.2 percent in the third quarter from the previous quarter, marking the fastest expansion in roughly a year and a half.
Private consumption rose 1.3 percent during the July–September period, marking the strongest gain since late 2022.
Experts attribute much of the rebound to the government's "consumption coupon" program, which provided direct cash handouts -- 150,000 won (US$102) to all citizens in July, followed by 100,000 won to roughly 90 percent of the population in September.
In this undated file photo, signs promoting the use of "consumption coupons" are hung from the roof at the Mangwon traditional market in western Seoul. (Yonhap)
Exports climbed 1.5 percent in the third quarter, driven by strong global demand for semiconductors and automobiles.
Semiconductor exports, in particular, surged amid booming demand for artificial intelligence (AI)-related chips, helping to restore investor confidence.
Financial markets also rebounded, with the KOSPI surging about 70 percent so far this year. driven by government-led market reform measures and optimism surrounding the AI boom.
Investor sentiment received another boost after Seoul and Washington finalized details of South Korea's $350 billion investment package in the United States, part of a broader trade agreement.
The deal, concluded during President Lee's meeting with Trump at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit in the southern city of Gyeongju, removed a significant source of uncertainty surrounding the country's export outlook.
"While this year's growth may not be greatly affected, the reduction in trade uncertainty could provide upside potential for next year's growth," Joo Won, senior economic researcher at Hyundai Research Institute, said.
Following such developments, the IMF and the BOK revised their 2025 growth forecasts upward to 0.9 percent.
The IMF noted that the economy entered a recovery phase in the second half of the year and expects more substantial improvements in 2026, praising the government's fiscal stimulus measures.
A financial data screen in the dealing room of Hana Bank in Seoul on Oct. 27, 2025, shows the benchmark Korea Composite Stock Price Index exceeding the 4,000 mark for the first time. (Yonhap)
As South Korea moves forward, the question is whether recent momentum can evolve into sustained long-term growth or whether unresolved economic vulnerabilities will resurface.
A turbulent presidential election and ongoing trials involving Yoon, along with several high-ranking soldiers and political figures, could undermine the foreign confidence returning to the markets, according to the local experts.
"While it is generally agreed that South Korea is one of the most well-trusted democracies in Asia and that its political stability has mostly returned under the new administration, confidence among foreign investors cannot be guaranteed," said a senior economics professor who requested anonymity.
The government's aggressive stimulus measures also raise concerns about financial imbalances.
The finance ministry previously projected that the managed fiscal balance, a key gauge of fiscal health calculated on stricter terms, could widen to 4.2 percent of the GDP under the new supplementary budget.
Yang Jun-seok, an economics professor at the Catholic University of Korea, cautioned that stimulus measures must be applied with far greater care.
"Unchecked spending could further strain national finances over the long term, especially as debt continues to mount," he said.
The Korean won, which has been among the world's weakest-performing currencies over the past year, continues to weigh on the economy.
Structural headwinds remain significant, as demographic changes, including population aging, rigid labor market and persistently high household debt, continue to affect South Korea's long-term growth prospects, they said.
Moreover, the country's recovery remains heavily reliant on semiconductors and AI-driven exports, raising concerns that should global demand weaken or competition intensify from rivals such as China and Taiwan, outbound shipments could quickly lose momentum.
"While financial authorities maintain that the martial law debacle had limited economic impact and would not leave lasting scars, South Korea stands at a critical juncture amid ongoing uncertainties and long-standing structural challenges," said the economics professor who asked not to be identified.
khj@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · Kim Han-joo · November 30, 2025
12. K-pop light sticks become new symbols of resistance in defiance of martial law
Summary:
One year after Yoon Suk Yeol’s failed martial law, K-pop light sticks have become enduring symbols of youth-led democratic resistance. Thousands of mostly young women and students confronted armed troops around the National Assembly, using music, social media, and peaceful mass gatherings to force rapid repeal of martial law and Yoon’s impeachment. The festive but disciplined protests overturned stereotypes of an apolitical generation, showed the power of popular legitimacy against quasi-coup behavior, and reaffirmed parliamentary authority. Light-stick protests now anchor a new narrative of Korean democracy centered on nonviolent civic mobilization and cultural soft power as tools against authoritarian relapse.
Comment: Democratic resilience. An interesting description of last year's history? My observation in Korea last December right after the impeachment was that the protests were far more civilized and disciplined than what we observed during the democracy movement of the 1980s. I will travel to Seoul in a few weeks so I will be interested to observe the current situation.
(News Focus) K-pop light sticks become new symbols of resistance in defiance of martial law | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Yi Wonju · November 30, 2025
By Yi Wonju
SEOUL, Nov. 30 (Yonhap) -- One year ago this week, thousands of citizens took to the streets with nothing but K-pop glow sticks after a surprise martial law declaration that jolted the nation's hard-won democracy, rushing out as armed troops moved to seal off the National Assembly.
In a moment of stark irony, colorful light sticks, usually used to cheer for K-pop idols at concerts, lit up the streets of Seoul as young people rushed to fight back against former President Yoon Suk Yeol's abrupt martial law declaration to defend democracy, turning a piece of pop-culture merchandise into a symbol of democratic defiance.
For many, the night of the Dec. 3 martial law evoked traumatic memories of the country's bloodshed struggle to defend democracy against decades of authoritarian rule. South Korean citizens had already witnessed 16 martial law declarations since the country was founded in 1948, but it was the first for the young generation that night.
In this file photo, young people carrying light sticks call for the impeachment of then President Yoon Suk Yeol during a rally in front of the National Assembly in Seoul on Dec. 7, 2024. (Yonhap)
The democracy that earlier generations had fought to achieve was at risk of vanishing overnight, all in the hands of a president democratically elected only two years earlier.
So when Yoon declared martial law, young people, many in their teens and 20s, flooded to the streets outside the National Assembly, determined to stop him from placing the country under military rule.
That night, Yoon dispatched 12 Blackhawk helicopters and nearly 1,500 military troops carrying pistols and rifles to block lawmakers from voting down the martial law declaration. A lawmaker later confirmed, citing data by the defense ministry, that the martial law troops were allegedly armed with some 10,000 rounds of live ammunition.
Yet the protestors refused to back down.
Footage of armed soldiers sealing off the National Assembly spread rapidly on social media, prompting thousands of people, many of them young women, to bring out their K-pop light sticks.
Unlike past protests in South Korea marked by fierce standoffs or candlelight vigils, the demonstrations, in the days that followed took on a peaceful, even festive air, with people singing along to K-pop songs and holding up their light sticks in solidarity.
For many young demonstrators, the glow of these neon light sticks -- a light that "never dims" as some describe it -- became a symbol of the country's resilience and a declaration that they would not surrender their democracy.
The younger generation in South Korea had typically been regarded as disinterested in politics and less engaged than their predecessors, but that perception changed during the martial law crisis.
Even in sub-zero temperatures, they continued to gather outside the National Assembly in the weeks following the declaration, demanding Yoon's impeachment and the disbandment of the then ruling People Power Party.
Within three hours of the declaration, 190 lawmakers out of the 300-member Assembly, some of whom were forced to jump over the Assembly's walls, convened a plenary session and voted in favor of a motion demanding the lifting of martial law. With the motion's passage, the martial law declaration became void just six hours after it was issued.
While the parliamentary vote formally ended the martial law, ordinary people came to represent the symbolic power that protected Korea's democracy.
During the turbulent 123-day period stretching from the night of the martial law to the Constitutional Court's decision to remove Yoon from office in April, light sticks became defining symbols of nonviolent protests that shaped a new chapter of Korean democracy.
Yoon was impeached 11 days after he declared martial law and was formally removed from office in April 4.
In his martial law decree, Yoon had sought to ban all activities of the National Assembly and political parties, control the media, and prohibit rallies, in a chilling preview of how swiftly the country's hard-fought democracy could have collapsed had it not been for the people who stood their ground, armed only with their voices and the glow of their light sticks.
In this file photo, a person holds a sign and a light stick during a candlelight rally calling for the impeachment of then President Yoon Suk Yeol in front of the National Assembly in Seoul on Dec. 8, 2024. (Yonhap)
In this file photo, people carrying colorful light sticks call for the impeachment of then President Yoon Suk Yeol during a rally in front of the National Assembly in Seoul on Dec. 13, 2024. (Yonhap)
julesyi@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · Yi Wonju · November 30, 2025
13. 1 year after martial law, S. Korea shows democratic resilience but reveals social divisions
Summary:
A year after Yoon’s surprise martial law, South Korea restored constitutional order through impeachment, a unanimous Constitutional Court ruling, and snap elections, avoiding widespread violence. Youth-led mobilization and parliamentary resolve demonstrated democratic resilience, yet deep polarization, rival street protests, and Yoon’s defiance exposed vulnerabilities. Executive overreach, fragile military and police neutrality, legislative obstruction, retributive lawfare, and media polarization persist. Ongoing trials of Yoon and associates keep tensions high. Nonetheless, successful APEC hosting, KOSPI’s surge above 4,000, and improved growth forecasts signal external confidence, underscoring the need for institutional reforms to secure durable stability and democratic legitimacy at home and abroad.
Comment: Again, democratic resilience? Yoon's supporters will disagree. What is an objective assessment? Whatever your position, it is not difficult to argue that Korea has done a number of important things in the last year and dealt with some real challenges successfully. But we will always see ideology trump objectivity from both sides of the political spectrum.
(News Focus) 1 year after martial law, S. Korea shows democratic resilience but reveals social divisions | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Lee Haye-ah · November 30, 2025
https://en.yna.co.kr/view/AEN20251128004700315
By Lee Haye-ah
SEOUL, Nov. 30 (Yonhap) -- A year after former President Yoon Suk Yeol's surprise declaration of martial law, South Korea has restored political order and returned to normal life, emerging as a striking example of democratic resilience despite the deep social divisions exposed by the crisis.
At 10:25 p.m. on Dec. 3, 2024, Yoon declared martial law, invoking a power that had not been used since the early 1980s when the nation was under military-backed rule. In a live address from the presidential office, Yoon said the opposition party was crippling state affairs and that martial law was needed to root out pro-North Korea forces and defend the constitutional order.
Citizens rally for the impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol in the southeastern city of Ulsan on Dec. 13, 2024. (Yonhap)
Over the next six hours, troops stormed the National Assembly compound, smashing their way in with hammers and rifles as parliamentary staff hastily stacked tables and chairs into makeshift barricades. Lawmakers raced to the chamber to vote on a resolution overturning the decree, passing it at 1:01 a.m. Yoon remained silent throughout. Finally, at 4:27 a.m., he addressed the nation once more -- this time to announce the end of martial law.
For many, the proclamation -- along with the brief but sweeping restrictions it imposed, from a ban on political activity to control of the press -- revived dark memories of the authoritarian decades when scores of citizens were killed or injured in the struggle for democracy.
But unlike before, a series of democratic processes got under way to restore order and normalcy without resorting to violent means.
After one failed attempt, the National Assembly passed a motion to impeach Yoon over the martial law declaration, sending the case to the Constitutional Court for a final verdict.
The court deliberated on the case for 111 days before upholding the impeachment in a unanimous decision, removing Yoon from office immediately and triggering a snap presidential election on June 3 to pick his successor -- now President Lee Jae Myung.
President Yoon Suk Yeol declares martial law from the presidential office in Seoul on Dec. 3, 2024, in this photo provided by the office. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
Behind the legal and political proceedings was a highly charged citizenry that mobilized to have their voices heard.
On the night martial law was declared, citizens rushed to the National Assembly to help block the advance of martial law troops. Those at home stayed up through the night, glued to their TVs and phones to try to make sense of the unfolding chaos while preparing to take action.
In the following weeks, masses of people, including many in their 20s, gathered in streets across the nation to rally for Yoon's impeachment. With K-pop music blaring and colorful light sticks in hand, the protests marked a clear evolution from the candlelight rallies that defined the impeachment of former President Park Geun-hye.
But in other corners of the country, sometimes only meters away, separate crowds of Yoon's supporters staged opposing rallies, underscoring the deep political divisions that run through the nation.
Tensions between the two camps came to a head in January when the former president's supporters stormed the Seoul Western District Court to protest its issuance of a warrant for his arrest.
Hundreds of people forcefully climbed over walls and broke windows while hurling plastic chairs and trash and spraying fire extinguishers at police officers stationed around the building.
Troops storm the National Assembly building in Seoul hours after martial law was declared on Dec. 3, 2024. (Yonhap)
Yoon's own defiance of the law continued to cast doubt on the health of the nation's democracy as he resisted the lawful execution of a warrant to detain him in January.
During the detention attempt, members of the Presidential Security Service confronted investigators from the Corruption Investigation Office for High-ranking Officials when they arrived at the official presidential residence to take him away for questioning.
The investigators eventually withdrew, but their second attempt at detaining him days later succeeded and Yoon was placed in custody until March, when a court ordered his release on the grounds that his subsequent formal arrest had been procedurally flawed.
While Yoon appeared at his trials, Lee took office immediately after his election with no transition period and a mission to stabilize the country, restore its standing in the international community and repair damage done to the economy.
Yoon was placed under arrest a second time in July after three special counsel teams were launched to investigate his martial law bid, his alleged interference in a probe into the 2023 death of a young Marine, and various corruption allegations surrounding his wife, Kim Keon Hee.
The couple's trials, and those of others implicated in the martial law case, are ongoing and the first rulings are expected to be out early next year.
President Yoon Suk Yeol's supporters climb over a fence at the Seoul Western District Court on Jan. 18, 2025, ahead of the court's issuance of a warrant to arrest him over his failed imposition of martial law. (Pool photo) (Yonhap)
Leif-Eric Easley, professor of international studies at Ewha Womans University in Seoul, said that while South Korea showed the world impressive democratic resilience, problems of executive overreach, legislative obstruction, retributive lawfare, and media polarization are far from resolved.
"Institutional reform is needed to address abuses of power, socioeconomic divisions, and lack of representation," he told Yonhap News Agency. "This is important not only for market confidence but also so the global success of democracies can check a rising network of assertive and authoritarian states."
The crisis exposed South Korea's democratic vulnerabilities, showing how the will of one leader could destabilize the system and how political neutrality remains fragile in the military and police.
But it also revealed democratic resilience, with clear signs the country was emerging from the crisis by the second half of the year, with its successful hosting of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in October, the unprecedented surge of the benchmark Korea Composite Stock Price Index (KOSPI) past the 4,000 mark that month, and the Bank of Korea's upward revision of its 2025 economic growth forecast for the country from 0.9 percent to 1 percent last week.
hague@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · Lee Haye-ah · November 30, 2025
14. Bill to ban protests near presidential office passes committee, drawing backlash
Summary:
A parliamentary committee approved a bill banning protests within 100 meters of the presidential office, closing a Yongsan legal gap but sparking backlash from minor parties and civic groups over police discretion, alleged rollbacks of assembly rights, and perceived betrayal of the 2024 anti-martial-law protest legacy in South Korea's democracy.
Excerpt:
If passed by the plenary, the revision would effectively bar protests near both the current Yongsan presidential office and the office that will reopen at Cheong Wa Dae.
Comment: Democratic resilience? The main point of all protests should be around the Presidential offices so the POTROK sees what the people are protesting for or against.
Bill to ban protests near presidential office passes committee, drawing backlash - The Korea Times
By Lee Hae-rin
- Published Nov 30, 2025 1:22 pm KST
The Korea Times · ListenListenText SizePrint
Shin Jeong-hoon, chair of the National Assembly’s Public Administration and Security Committee, strikes the gavel during a committee meeting at the National Assembly in Seoul, Nov. 17. Newsis
A bill that would expand no-protest zones to include the presidential office has cleared a key parliamentary committee, triggering backlash from minor parties and civic groups who say it rolls back fundamental freedoms.
The National Assembly’s Public Administration and Security Committee on Thursday approved amendments to the Assembly and Demonstration Act that would ban outdoor rallies and protests within 100 meters of the presidential office.
The current law already prohibits such gatherings within 100 meters of the presidential residence, the speaker of the National Assembly’s residence, the chief justice’s residence and the Constitutional Court president’s residence.
If passed by the plenary, the revision would effectively bar protests near both the current Yongsan presidential office and the office that will reopen at Cheong Wa Dae.
The change is meant to address what ruling bloc lawmakers have called a "legal blind spot" created when the presidential office was moved to Yongsan under the former Yoon Suk Yeol administration, separating the office and residence and complicating how police applied existing restrictions.
The bill introduces a conditional exception, allowing assemblies near the office if authorities determine that they will not interfere with official duties, grow into large-scale demonstrations or threaten the functions and security of nearby facilities.
Critics argue this amendment amounts to giving police broad discretion to decide which rallies can take place.
Rep. Yong Hye-in of the minor Basic Income Party voted against the amendment, calling it a "regressive revision" that undermines the freedom of assembly and contradicts the spirit of mass protests that has been a feature of Korean democracy.
She said it was "deeply regrettable that the revision to the Assembly and Demonstration Act introduced by a government that was able to launch only because people risked their safety to rush to the National Assembly on Dec. 3, 2024, is in fact, a bad bill that rolls back the freedom of assembly and demonstration."
Civic group People’s Solidarity for Participatory Democracy also condemned the bill, warning that leaving decisions to police judgment is unconstitutional and accusing the ruling Democratic Party of Korea of forgetting that past administrations were held to account through citizens’ right to protest.
The committee also passed a separate amendment to the Outdoor Advertising Act that would ban party banners promoting prejudice or hatred against specific groups based on nationality, religion or region.
Lawmakers further endorsed a bill to reinstate Constitution Day, July 17, as a national holiday, along with a revision to the special law on the Itaewon tragedy that would prohibit secondary victimization of the disaster’s victims and bereaved families.
The measures are set to take effect after review by the Legislation and Judiciary Committee and a final vote at a plenary session of the National Assembly.
The Korea Times · ListenListenText SizePrint
15. From 'soft no's to hidden anger: Why Koreans communicate indirectly
Summary:
In Korea’s hierarchical, group-oriented, high-context culture, open anger is stigmatized as immature and harmful to harmony, so people suppress it and express discontent indirectly. This produces widespread passive aggression in workplaces, romance, and friendships, often through silence, slow replies, ghosting, or veiled comments, which erodes motivation, damages relationships, and fuels psychosomatic “anger illness.”
Comment: An important cultural lesson for us. But I am not sure if this is universal any longer. I have many Korean friends who communicate very directly and there is no question of their position on issues.
From 'soft no's to hidden anger: Why Koreans communicate indirectly
koreaherald.com · Shin Ji-hye · November 30, 2025
https://www.koreaherald.com/article/10626473
In Korea’s group-oriented, hierarchical culture, confrontations are avoided, which often leads people to express negative feelings indirectly, turning frustration into passive-aggressiveness
Yonhap
A few weeks ago, Kim working for a government agency was reprimanded by his boss after a misunderstanding spiraled out of control. The boss, fresh from being scolded by his own superior, turned to Kim with anger in his eyes and demanded, “Do I have to go through this because of you?”
Kim froze. He knew the situation had been caused by an unforeseen complication, not by any mistake on his part. He wanted to say, “It wasn’t my fault,” but the words wouldn’t come out.
“If I talked back, I thought his voice would get louder. I didn’t want a scene in the office. It would have been even more humiliating,” he said. “So I stayed silent.”
But his silence left a mark.
Before the incident, Kim and his boss occasionally stepped out for a smoke together. Afterward, Kim started pulling away emotionally. When the boss asked him to join him, he lied that he had already gone. His motivation for work also deteriorated. He slowed down his work on purpose and left the office exactly at six, even if tasks were unfinished.
Sensing the shift, the boss approached him several times, asking whether he was upset. Kim responded with the familiar Korean phrase used to shut down confrontation: “I’m fine.”
Psychologists call this behavior passive aggression, indirect expressions of anger, hurt or resentment that allow people to avoid direct confrontation.
“Passive aggression is not unique to Korea,” said Hwang Mi-gu, psychologist and author of How Anger Becomes Energy for Life. “You see it in workplaces in the US and other Western societies as well. But in Korea, it becomes more pronounced not just in organizations but across all human relationships.”
Why?
In Korea, anger carries a strong negative image. Even though anger is a natural, survival-related emotion, it is often viewed as something to hide, according to Hwang.
“Anger is believed to damage group harmony, which Koreans deeply emphasize culturally,” Hwang said. “In order for a group to maintain harmony, individual anger must be concealed. Showing anger disrupts relationships, creates conflict and marks you as immature.”
As a result, people often suppress anger until it manifests in two unhealthy ways: hwabyeong (a psychosomatic “anger illness”) or passive-aggressive behavior.
Cultural psychologist Han Min explained that passive aggression flourishes in high-context cultures, societies where meaning is conveyed less through words and more through relationship history, tone, hierarchy, facial expressions and context.
Korea and Japan are classic high-context cultures, he said. “In high-context cultures, direct expression is frowned upon. So people resort to indirect ways of signaling discontent even when they are angry.”
Han said Japan is even more high-context than Korea, citing the so-called “Kyoto style” of communication: If a neighbor is bothered by piano noise, they won’t say, “Your piano is too loud.” Instead, they will hint indirectly: “Is your child preparing for a piano competition these days?”
Korea’s hierarchical culture heavily shapes its indirect speech patterns, according to Shin Ji-young, a professor at Korea University and author of "Language Sensitivity Class."
“There is a common belief that older people are automatically ‘above’ younger ones,” she said. “And younger people are expected to show deference. Here, deference often means avoiding clear, assertive language and speaking indirectly.”
A common example is the phrase “it seems like,” used even for one’s own subjective experience. Koreans even say, “It seems tasty” right after tasting something, instead of simply, “It’s tasty.”
Many Koreans know from experience that direct expression is often not accepted and can even backfire.
“The inability to speak directly sometimes builds frustration,” Shin said. “And that frustration often comes out in passive-aggressive ways.”
Silence, the most common form of passive aggression
“In Korea, silence is the most widespread type of passive aggression,” Hwang said.
Ghosting on KakaoTalk. Disappearing from a partner without explanation. Leaving a resignation letter without a word. All are familiar patterns. Even excluding someone from receiving a reaction emoji in a group chat is a form of passive aggression, she said.
Lee Han-byul, 31, says she often becomes passive-aggressive whenever she is in a relationship. Now, even after dating a man for nearly one year, she finds herself falling into the same pattern.
“He’s very independent and does not expect much from me,” she said. “But I’m the type who wants to share everything with a boyfriend and meet as often as possible. I think that is what a relationship is.”
Recently, her boyfriend had been tied up with work and family matters for two weeks. She wanted to tell him she felt neglected but could not.
“Instead, I replied slowly on purpose or gave short, dry answers,” she said. “I could see him trying to read my mood.”
She knows direct communication would be healthier. “I know I should say, ‘This is why I’m upset, and this is what I need.’ But in the moment, I just can’t.”
Part of her wishes he could simply “read her heart,” a sentiment many Koreans share.
Friendships are not immune either.
Kwon, who asked to be identified only by her surname, shared a moment when she acted passive-aggressively.
She met a friend she had known since college, along with several other acquaintances.
Kwon felt slightly irritated whenever the friend talked about her workplace. Although the friend did not intend it, Kwon felt she was bragging. She did not show her feelings at the time, but when the conversation shifted to relationships and dating, she began to lash out indirectly. She kept telling her friend that she should lower her standards if she wanted to get married — in front of the entire group.
After that gathering, Kwon never heard back from her friend.
“I know I became a little aggressive. But I thought she started it by bragging,” she said.
Passive aggression is not a sign of healthy relationships, psychologists warn.
Hwang said although it is named “passive” aggression, it is still aggression.
“Ultimately, the recipient feels attacked whether the anger is expressed directly or indirectly. No matter how much you swallow your anger, the other person can already sense it," she said. “You waste enormous energy trying to hide it while still feeling it inside.”
In this second season of "A to Z into the Korean Mind," we're turning to questions from our readers to spotlight the themes that most intrigue them about the Korean physche and lifestyle. This installment begins with a question from @arlyn.park on Instagram: "Passive aggressive and never saying what they mean" — Ed.
shinjh@heraldcorp.com
koreaherald.com · Shin Ji-hye · November 30, 2025
De Oppresso Liber,
David Maxwell
Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy
Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation
Editor, Small Wars Journal
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
Phone: 202-573-8647
email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com
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