​Quotes of the Day:

"There are no great limits to growth because there are no limits of human intelligence, imagination, and wonder."

– Ronald Reagan

"The world of reality has its limits; the world of imagination is boundless."

– Jean-Jacques Rousseau

"A man does what he must - in spite of personal consequences, in spite of obstacles and dangers and pressures - and that is the basis of all human morality."

– John F. Kennedy

1. The 2024 War on the Rocks Holiday Reading List

2. South Korea marks 45 years since 1979 coup and military dictatorship

3. North Koreans indicted in scheme using IT workers to funnel money for weapons programmes

4. Global credit appraisers say S. Korea's credit rating remains stable

5. Debate erupts over President Yoon's martial law declaration

6. [Full Text] President Yoon Suk-Yeol’s Address to Koreans Explaining Why He Declared Martial Law, Why It was Lawful, What Forces He is Fighting Against; Vows to Fight to Defend the Constitution and the Citizens

7. Trump calls N.K. role in Russia's war 'complicating' factor, says he gets along 'very well' with Kim

8. What Does Assad’s Fall Mean For North Korea?

9. Yoon's approval rating sinks to all-time low of 11 pct: poll

10. N. Korea reports martial law turmoil in S. Korea for 2nd day

11. Ukraine targets North Korean troops with psychological warfare

12. US, South Korean airpower display will return over Osan after 6-year hiatus

13. North Korea on U.S. list of 'state sponsors of terrorism' again this year

14. N. Korean college students face punishment for questioning S. Korean politics lecture

15. Interest in North Korea Human Rights Act Reauthorization Bill Passing During U.S. Congress Session

16. How civil society can pursue a free, unified Korea after martial law debacle

1. The 2024 War on the Rocks Holiday Reading List

​A lot of great book recommendations. Here are my two (descriptions below):

The Black Box: Demystifying the Study of Korean Unification and North Korea, Victor Cha.

Training for Victory: U.S. Special Forces Advisory Operations from El Salvador to Afghanistan, Frank Sobchak.

https://warontherocks.com/2024/12/the-2024-war-on-the-rocks-holiday-reading-list/

The 2024 War on the Rocks Holiday Reading List - War on the Rocks

warontherocks.com · by WOTR Staff · December 12, 2024

Every year we kick off the holiday season with a roundup of books recommended by the War on the Rocks team. Enrich your friends’ libraries, get a family book club going, or treat yourself to something new. We hope you enjoy!

Kerry Anderson

MBS: The Rise to Power of Mohammed bin Salman, Ben Hubbard. This book came out in 2020 so isn’t brand new, but it offers thorough research and balanced insights from journalist Ben Hubbard into the rise of the Saudi crown prince. Given MBS’s important role in the modern Middle East and beyond, this is an essential book to understand his background and vision.

The Iran Wars: Spy Games, Bank Battles, and the Secret Deals that Reshaped the Middle East, Jay Solomon. This book also isn’t new, dating back to 2016, but it offers crucial reporting on U.S.-Iran relations under the George W. Bush and Barack Obama administrations. Solomon weaves together Iran’s role in the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq as well as the development of its nuclear program.

Benjamin Armstrong

To Fix a National Character: The United States in the First Barbary War, 1800–1805,Abigail Mullen. The First Barbary War has been the focus of a number of books, including by hosts of Fox & Friends. However, Abby Mullen’s new look at the conflict is going to rapidly become the “go-to” book. Looking at the American efforts in the Mediterranean in width, depth, and with context, she broadens the traditional military history to include the diplomatic, economic, and political histories involved. The book offers us important insights on how navies, maritime security, asymmetric military campaigns, and undeclared wars integrate with all of the elements of national power, and helped define the Early American approach to the world.

Too Far on a Whim: The Limits of High-Steam Propulsion in the US Navy, Tyler Pitrof. Today we read a lot about technological innovation, adaptation, and the integration of new ships and ship designs into the navies of the world. We regularly see articles about “conservative” military bureaucracies. But what about when a military goes all-in on a new technology that actually doesn’t end up working as advertised? Tyler Pitrof’s new book on the innovations in steam propulsion during the interwar years flips much of what we’ve known about the technological history on its head. Tyler upends decades of received wisdom, showing that “high steam” didn’t actually work and that it had profound operational implications in the Pacific during World War II. This book is a must-read for those interested in how new technologies impact operations and strategy for the navies of the world.

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Nora Bensahel

Orbital, Samantha Harvey. This little gem of a novel just won the prestigious Booker Prize for its lyrical meditation on our world and those who view it from above. It takes place during a single day in the lives of six people aboard the International Space Station, with the minimalist plot providing access to their innermost observations and plots. When David Barno and I recommended this lovely book on our summer vacation reading list, we wrote that the “elegantly breathtaking language borders on poetry, describing the otherworldly experience of astronauts encountering one sunrise and sunset after another, broken by stunning vistas of a fragile Earth slowly unfolding below — a glimpse of eternity.” It’s an equally good pick for your winter holidays, as you huddle indoors, warm yourself by a fire, and ponder how our small blue planet fits within the immensity of the universe.

All the Beauty in the World: The Metropolitan Museum of Art and Me, Patrick Bringley. I grew up just a few blocks away from the Met, and when I was in sixth grade I spent at least one day each weekend exploring the treasures of its vast collection. I’d wander for hours without a map, and when the closing bell rang at 4:45pm, I’d ask one of the security guards to help me find the nearest exit. Bringley spent a decade as one of those guards, after a family tragedy led him to quit a promising career at The New Yorker and process his grief in one of the most beautiful places in the world. You don’t need to know anything about art to appreciate this slim volume. Indeed, I most enjoyed reading about the close-knit community of 500 guards, hailing from dozens of countries, whose daily lives unfold alongside some of the greatest artworks ever made.

Claude Berube

Napoleon: A Life, Andrew Roberts. This is, perhaps, the second-best biography I’ve read. Meticulously researched, Roberts provides a better understanding of this complex Corsican and how, with very little, he rose to power. At the time, I was teaching at the US Naval Academy and made sure my students were aware of how voracious a reader Bonaparte was, especially in his formative years, and how that enabled him to succeed.

Biographical series on Lyndon Johnson (4 thus far: “Path to Power,” “Means of Ascent,” Master of the Senate,” and “The Passage of Power“), Robert Caro. This, not the previous entry, is the best biography I’ve encountered – truly it is second to none. Johnson came from nothing and just on pure willpower, a photographic memory when it came to anything political, and a deviousness to achieve his goals. This is the only biography where no redeemable qualities are attributed to the subject; Johnson was a pure political animal who achieved each rung on the political ladder by using people, even those closest to him. Caro notes that long before Johnson stole the 1948 Senate election, he was doing so in college and later as an aide on Capitol Hill. Still this story is impressive and tells us much behind the scenes of DC politics and policy-making in the mid-20th century.

Brad Carson

AI Snake Oil, Arvind Narayanan and Sayash Kapoor. While I often disagree with the authors’ views about generative AI, their criticism of predictive AI – that it just doesn’t work a lot of the time – is an underappreciated criticism. As we rely on these technologies, we usually debate whether or not they are fair; but a more fundamental question is, Do they even work?

On Settler Colonialism, Adam Kirsch. Timely, provocative, and worth reading to understand the intellectual roots of activism about Gaza on university campuses – and far beyond.

Ryan Evans

This Earthly Globe: A Venetian Geographer’s Quest to Map the World, Andrea Di Robilant. Understanding power and politics requires understanding history. Too often, the history studied by those of us in national security is limited to that of the last 200 years, perhaps with a smattering of Thucydides. Over the last three years, I’ve taken a mild interest in the experiences of the Venetian empire, so when I spotted this book in my local bookshop, I was quick to snag it. Through the prism of the life, times, and remarkable work of the geographer and civil servant Giovambattista (what a name!) Ramusio, this book offers a window into Venetian ambitions and statecraft. It explores how this maritime empire grappled with the Age of Exploration and shifting trade routes, which posed both opportunities and threats to its fortunes. Ramusio emerges as a crucial figure in the generation and propagation of knowledge of the world – most notably through his monumental and anonymously published collection of travel accounts and maps.

Planning for Protraction: A Historically Informed Approach to Great-Power War and Sino-US Competition, Iskander Rehman. Speaking of looking beyond the history of the last two centuries for critical lessons, Rehman has established himself as someone who can substantively and originally engage with diverse historical periods, from the height of Rome to the Middle Ages to the Cold War, in a way that not only appeals to the generalist but passes muster with specialists of those period. This sort of erudition and versatility is rare and it is on vivid display in this book. As listeners of the podcast know, I have been long concerned over America’s strategic cultural obsession with short, decisive wars when they are such a historical rarity, which has led me to recommend Cathal Nolan’s Allure of Battle more times than I can remember. Rehman’s book on protracted war between great powers joins the same small but growing pantheon of books that serious strategists simply must read.

The Lonely City: Adventures in the Art of Being Alone, Olivia Laing. In 1887, Ferdinand Tönnies’ seminal work, Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft (Community and Society), introduced a dichotomy between two types of social organization: one defined by close and cohesive bonds of traditional life and the other defined by impersonal and transactional relationships typical of the industrial cityscape. Many people have since written about the loneliness of modern life, but this 2016 book by Laing is my favorite of the genre. She depicts the city as an irreplaceable source of both isolation and creativity, where loneliness fuels some of the most extraordinary art ever made. Why did I select this book for this list? Among those of us who work in national security – from soldiers to scholars to leaders of state – there is an art to what we do. There is also a lonely quality to it, whether one is toiling in the archives or grappling with a consequential decision about life and death.

Madeline Field

Sparks: China’s Underground Historians and Their Battle for the Future, Ian Johnson. While the Chinese Communist Party’s rewriting of its history books is well-documented, little light has been shed on the individuals trying to stop it. Johnson’s book highlights these counter-historians and their efforts, contextualizing them within history, geography, and modern events. It is equal parts informative and moving, and well worth a read.

The Demon in the Freezer: A True Story, Richard Preston. Preston weaves together two separate storylines- the efforts of the Smallpox Eradication Program in the 1970s and the events of the 2001 Anthrax Attacks- to make a compelling case for the prospect of biological warfare, aided and abetted by remaining stocks of smallpox in Russian and American freezers. The book, released almost 25 years ago, is a must-read for anyone interested in bioterrorism and infectious disease. Post-pandemic, however, its conclusions are more thought-provoking than ever.

Richard Fontaine

The Achilles Trap: Saddam Hussein, the CIA, and the Origins of America’s Invasion of Iraq, Steve Coll. This gripping account starts in Saddam’s early years and runs through the 2003 U.S. invasion. Relying on internal, Nixon-like tapes of Saddam’s cabinet meetings, the volume adds new details and perspectives to a tragic story.

Fundamentals: Ten Keys to Reality, Frank Wilczek. This is a book on modern physics and cosmology – what we know about the universe and how we know it. It’s not a rehash of high school and college-level physics but rather a conceptual and philosophical dive into the nature of reality. Wilczek is a Nobel-prize-winning theoretical physicist with a talent for clear and compelling writing. Good stuff.

Amos Fox

Routledge Handbook of Proxy Wars, edited by Assaf Moghadam, Vladimir Rauta, and Michel Wyss. Considering the frequency of proxy strategies and range of proxy actors at work in armed conflict today, the Routledge Handbook of Proxy Wars provides an excellent place to turn to help understand modern proxy wars. As the book makes clear, modern proxy wars differ significantly from those of the Cold War period, and thus we require fresh analysis to help appreciate 21st-century proxy war, the strategy that fuels it today, and the relationships that can exist between principals and proxies. The Routledge Handbook of Proxy Wars should sit atop anyone’s reading list if they are attempting to understand the geopolitics of the Middle East and eastern Asia, the prevalence of private military companies, and state-to-state sponsorship in modern armed conflict.

Advanced Land Warfare: Tactics and Operations, edited by Mikael Weissman and Niklas Nilsson. Has modern technology accelerated a fundamental change in the nature of war? Does drone warfare represent a new, game-changing method of warfighting, or do existing models of operation, command and control, and combined arms continue to thrive? These are two of the primary considerations addressed in Advanced Land Warfare. With contributions to the editor volume from the likes of Jack Watling, Jim Storr, and Olivier Schmitt, the answers to those questions are compelling and varied. This book is a must for anyone interested in probing the future with existing warfighting methodologies to identify potential changes and continuities in land warfare.

Ulrike Franke

The Wizard of the Kremlin, Giuliano da Empoli. It is fiction, but then not really. Guiliao da Empoli has written a fictional encounter with “Vadim Baranov”, nicknamed the Tsar, the man behind Vladimir Putin. Baranov is fictional but clearly inspired by Vladislav Surkov, who, for several years, was Putin’s man in the shadow. A fascinating read about Russia and Putin’s rise.

Freedom. Memoirs 1954 -2021, Angela Merkel. Former German chancellor Angela Merkel’s memoirs had been eagerly awaited by the German and international political commentariat. Many were hoping – though not necessarily expecting – excuses and explanations for what are now seen to be Merkel’s biggest mistakes, from abandoning nuclear power (faster), authorising the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline, her handling of the 2015 refugee crisis in Europe, or the Minsk II agreement on Ukraine. She does not admit mistakes, and the readers are left with many questions – but her 700 page memoirs are still an interesting view into German history, from her youth and early adulthood in the Democratic Republic, the beginning of the united Germany, and of course her 16 years in office.

T. X. Hammes

Superpower Interrupted: The Chinese History of the World, Michael Shuman. Shuman provides a coherent rendition of the continuity of the fundamental Chinese narrative that China is a rightful superpower. He traces the continuity of that strategic belief through over 3000 years of Chinese dynasties.

The Dark Path: The Structure of War and the Rise of the West, Williamson Murray. Murray provides a majestic narration of the five major revolutions that have shaped the character of warfare today. Scholars and practitioners seeking to understand the major changes taking place today will find this a thought-provoking and valuable work.

Nicholas Hanson

Invisible China, Scott Rozelle and Natalie Hell. This book explores the stark disparities between urban and rural populations in China and their implications for the country’s future development. The authors argue that while China’s urban centers have experienced rapid economic growth and modernization, rural areas, which house the majority of the population, lag significantly behind in education and economic opportunities. This urban-rural divide jeopardizes China’s long-term stability and economic growth, as the rural population lacks the skills needed to transition to a modern, high-tech economy. Drawing on extensive data and field research, the book highlights the urgent need for investment in education and human capital in rural China to sustain the nation’s rise.

Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right, Arlie Russell Hochschild. This book examines the emotional and cultural foundations of political conservatism in the United States, particularly in the Deep South. Through extensive fieldwork in Louisiana, Hochschild seeks to understand Tea Party supporters’ underlying grievances and worldviews. The book explores economic stagnation, environmental degradation, and a sense of displacement and isolation, revealing how cultural values and emotional experiences shape political identities. By empathizing with her subjects, Hochschild provides a nuanced account of the polarization in American politics, bridging ideological divides through understanding.

Frank Hoffman

Beyond Ukraine: Debating the Future of War, edited by Tim Sweijs and Jeffrey Michaels. An early effort to identify issues about the changing character of warfare, including insights from ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine. Contains a diverse array of different visions of future conflict. Key contributions from Azar Gat, Audrey Kurth Cronin, T.X. Hammes, Antoine Bousquet, and Tony Echevarria.

Melting Point. High Command and War in the 21st Century, Kenneth. F. McKenzie, Jr. While most General’s memoirs are poorly crafted and self-serving, readers will find that Melting Point is an invaluable and smartly written book. McKenzie looks back at his time as Commander, U.S. Central Command during several Middle East conflicts with an emphasis on the campaign in Afghanistan. Melting Point contains insights on the endgame in Kabul for those trying to understand how that war unraveled. Any professional who aspires to higher command or expects to provide strategic and operational staff support to a senior commander will benefit from a study of this work.

Burak Kadercan

Oceans Rise Empires Fall: Why Geopolitics Hastens Climate Catastrophe, Gerard Toal. In his new book, Gerard Toal, a leading political geographer and an expert on the concept of geopolitics, deals with the intricate relationship between geopolitics-as-practice and climate change. In an argument that both travels across and transcends Geography (both political and physical geography), International Relations Theory, and strategic studies, Toal suggests that traditional forms of geopolitics not only undermine efforts to address climate change, but they also render it a secondary thought for the leading powers in global politics. Toal’s new book is a most welcome entry to the interdisciplinary and unconventional approaches to international security.

On Wars, Michael Mann. Following his four-volume magnum opus, The Sources of Social Power (1986, 1993, 2012, 2013), Mann turns his full analytical attention to the concept of war. Mann’s theoretical ingenuity and empirical reach is impressive, as the book travels across numerous time periods and geographies, from ancient Rome and China to the World Wars, or from the American Civil War to recent conflicts in the Middle East and beyond. Mann’s thesis is simple and very pertinent to the study of international politics and security studies: While most analyses on the causes and conduct of armed conflicts focus on a form of “rational actor assumption,” Mann makes a strong case for the inherent “irrationality” of wars, which are driven more by societal dynamics and historical contingency, as opposed to some universal geopolitical “logic” which itself is based on a version of rational actor assumption.

Sameer Lalwani

Unit X: How the Pentagon and Silicon Valley Are Transforming the Future of War, Raj M. Shah and Christopher Kirchhoff. In Unit X, two US national security insiders offer an account of the motives, development, resourcefulness, antibodies, and near-death experiences of the Defense Innovation Unit-Experimental (DIUx) across three administrations, resembling the challenges of a defense startup’s minimum viable product. The book also effectively presents a rough, first-cut history of US defense technology competition over the past decade, drawing a throughline from new government institutions (DIU, NSCAI, the Chips Act), to new defense industry players (Palantir, Anduril, Capella Space), to their utility in evolving national security challenges (ISIS, DPRK missiles, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, cross-Strait deterrence). Readers will find Unit X a case study in government adaptation while policymakers can draw insights for future technology ventures like DIANA, AUKUS, or INDUS-X.

Rick Landgraf

Oceans Rise Empires Fall: Why Geopolitics Hastens Climate Catastrophe, Gerard Toal. The title of this book is derived from the chorus of a song from the musical Hamilton, which aptly summarizes the climate emergency which defines our present. Toal argues that even though we are approaching a tipping point in a global environmental catastrophe, powerful states, including the United States, remain fixated on economic and military competition against rival world powers. Tragically, this competition appears more important than the necessary collective action against potentially irreversible climate change.

Economic War: Ukraine and the Global Conflict between Russia and the West, Maximillian Hess. This book offers a thoughtful analysis about the ongoing global economic clash between Russia and the West over finance, energy, and capital markets. Max reminds us that the power of the dollar and its central role in global financial markets gives the United States an unmatched ability to wage economic war on Russia and its friends. However, there is significant risk that politicians in Washington could abuse the dollar’s power for purposes that are not in the interests of the people of the United States, nor of its allies or partners across the globe.

Carrie Lee

On Obedience, Pauline Shanks Kaurin. This is a terrific exploration of the duties and obligations of military officers to obey and be loyal to their oaths to the Constitution. It is an absolute must-read for military officers anxious about the future, and anyone struggling with what it means to swear an oath to an idea, rather than a person.

Just and Unjust Wars, Michael Walzer. A good re-read right now about ethical responsibilities in war. It’s in need of an update to account for both our more sophisticated understandings of civil-military relations and contemporary conflict, but that’s all the more reason to sit with this text for a while and think deeply about how the world has changed since its initial publication.

David Maxwell

The Black Box: Demystifying the Study of Korean Unification and North Korea, Victor Cha. This is a must read for all those who know a new strategy is needed to solve the “Korea question” (i.e., the unnatural division of the peninsula) after nearly four decades of failed denuclearization policy. This innovative book provides never before collected and analyzed data to look at the critical issues surrounding unification. While Cha is cautionary about predictions, for those who believe that the path to denuclearization goes through unification (e.g., the freedom of the Korean people in the north as they seek their human right of self-determination), this work can serve as the foundation for a strategic estimate to support strategy and campaign development for the pursuit of a free and unified Korea by the Korean people.

Training for Victory: U.S. Special Forces Advisory Operations from El Salvador to Afghanistan, Frank Sobchak. While U.S special operations forces pursue a high-tech future (e.g., the “triad” of SOF, Cyber, and Space) there is one foundational Special Forces capability that will remain enduring across the spectrum of conflict from peace through strategic competition and the gray zone, to before, during, and after large scale combat operations. That is the ability to conduct campaigns “through, with, and by” indigenous forces and populations and partner militaries. Frank Sobchak objectively analyzes five case studies to provide critical lessons and insights for future advisory operations: El Salvador, the Philippines, Colombia, Iraq, and Afghanistan. While the focus is on Special Forces, the author recognizes that to build viable host nation partner forces with a broad range of capabilities requires more than Special Forces, thus this book is of value to all those who will participate in advisory operations in the future.

Bryan McGrath

The Demon of Unrest, Erik Larson. I have only lately discovered Larson’s work, which is exceptional. This history of events leading up to the reduction of Fort Sumter tracks events in Charleston, Washington, and in eventual Confederate State Capitals with equal depth.

The Glorious Cause: the American Revolution 1763-1789, Robert Middlekauff. A superb history of the politics, economics, and military operations of this most meaningful of eras in human history. I find great comfort in returning to the first things as it were, diving deeply into exactly what it is my political ideology seeks to conserve.

Douglas Ollivant

Land Between the Rivers: a 5,000 Year History of Iraq, Bartle Bull. In this work of brightly polished prose (by my friend and occasional co-author), Bull sweeps through five millennia of history, showing the central role of Iraq in events from Gilgamesh, through the Greeks and then Islam, to the fall of the monarchy in Baghdad in 1958. By ending the story before US entanglements begin, Bull shows us a different Mesopotamia than is carried in our modern imagination. Watch the central storyline move from Uruk to Ur to Nineveh to Babylon to Selucia and to Kufa before finally settling in Baghdad.

The City and its Uncertain Walls, Haruki Murakami. Not one but two libraries; a woman who disappears suddenly; a mysterious figure who may or may not be a ghost; alternative dimensions; and yes, a hole in the ground. Murakami arranges his usual tropes in ways utterly unexpected and wildly thought-provoking. Another masterful but remarkably accessible novel from a perennial favorite for literature’s Nobel Prize.

Iskander Rehman

Faustian Bargain: The Soviet-German Partnership and the Origins of the Second World War, Ian Ona Johnson. The 1939 partition of Poland between Hitler and Stalin has often been described as a moment of opportunism, a temporary alignment of interests between the two dictators. In fact, it was the culmination of nearly twenty years of intermittent cooperation between Germany and the Soviet Union.” So begins Ian Ona Johnson’s magisterial and exhaustively researched history of the (largely covert) military-industrial cooperation between Germany and the Soviet Union during the interwar years. Few books could be more timely. First, by reminding us of the simple historical fact that for decades the Soviet Union constituted Nazi Germany’s prime technological and military enabler, it provides a welcome corrective to Putin’s warped narrative about the history and origins of the Second World War. And second, this elegantly written book provides a richly informative and hugely relevant historical case study, at a time when US security managers are struggling to come to terms with the rapid growth in defense cooperation between the motley array of revisionist countries (Iran, Russia, China, DPRK) belonging to what has been alternatively dubbed the “authoritarian axis,” “quartet of chaos”, or “axis of upheaval,” but which this author prefers to simply call the “phalanx of thuggery.”

Anticipating Total War: The German and American Experiences, 1871-1914, Manfred M. Bomeke. This edited compilation of essays examines how leading intellectuals, policymakers and strategic thinkers in Germany and the United States–the two great rising industrial powers of their time–viewed the future of warfare between 1871 and 1914. Deriving their variegated insights from their experiences with punishing colonial conflicts (the Boer War), grueling industrialized wars (the American Civil War) or largely unanticipated reversals in military fortunes (the relatively rapid defeat of France during the Franco-Prussian War, or of Russia during the Russo-Japanese war), these thinkers—for all their raw intellectual firepower– still struggled to fully anticipate quite how grimly transformational and resource-demanding World War 1 would prove to be. A salutary reminder of how difficult it can be to conduct force planning within a protean environment, one characterized by great geopolitical uncertainty and rapid disruptive technological change. I would love to see an entrepreneurial academic expand this volume (or edit a follow-up volume)–this time incorporating a series of parallel reflections on the development of strategic thinking in Russia, France, Britain and Japan during this critical period in history.

Kori Schake

You Dreamed of Empires, Alvaro Enrigue. A brilliant, brilliant and historically-based reimagining of Cortez’ conquest of Mexico, told from the indigenous point of view. Glittering sophistication of Tenochtitlan, brutality of Mexica priests, smart women trying to create space of their own — and a surprising theory of Montezuma’s motives. Even better to listen to it than read it so you can hear the cadences of Mexica words.

The Cutting Off Way: Indigenous Warfare in Eastern North America, 1500-1800, Wayne E. Lee. The history and strategy of Native Americans is still predominantly told through the prism of their contact with European settlers, but Wayne Lee shows what they looked like, fought like, and learned from each other as European intrusion affected them all. His exploration of the cultural and demographic basis for restraint in combat (the acquisition of prisoners) is especially interesting.

Jeremy Shapiro

The Embrace of Unreason: France, 1914-1940, Frederick Brown. As certain points in history, countries find themselves drawn to unreason. They find themselves turning away from rational, enlightenment ideals and embracing xenophobia and demagoguery. In one such example, Brown tells the story of how the French intelligentsia, traumatized by World War I, lost its way in the interwar period, culminating in the eventual ruin of the nation. Not to worry, though, it could never happen here.

The Embrace of Unreason picks up where Brown’s previous book, For the Soul of France, left off to tell the story of France in the decades leading up to World War II. We see through the lives of three writers (Maurice Barrès, Charles Maurras, and Pierre Drieu La Rochelle) how the French intelligentsia turned away from the humanistic traditions and rationalistic ideals born out of the Enlightenment in favor of submission to authority that stressed patriotism, militarism, and xenophobia; how French extremists, traumatized by the horrors of the battlefront and exalted by the glories of wartime martyrdom, tried to redeem France’s collective identity, as Hitler’s shadow lengthened over Europe. The author writes of the Stavisky Affair, named for the notorious swindler whose grandiose Ponzi scheme tarred numerous political figures and fueled the bloody riots of February 1934, with right-wing paramilitary leagues, already suffering from the worldwide effects of the 1929 stock market crash.

Polostan, Neal Stephenson. A Neil Stephenson novel is always an investment. He writes long, intricate many-layered plots, whose wide-ranging erudition always makes one feel that one hasn’t read widely enough. But he ties it together in the end and convinces that you finally understand. This is his first spy novel, but not his last as it is the first of a trilogy. You’ll need eventually to read all three to understand what is really going on, but assuming your ego survives, you will be better off for the (long) journey.

Abigail Taylor

A Woman I Know: Female Spies, Double Identities, and a New Story of the Kennedy Assassination, Mary Haverstick. While aiming to create a film about a female aviator, Mary Haverstick accidentally stumbles into a potential conspiracy involving the Cold War, the CIA, and the Kennedy assassination. Her deeply researched book offers a glimpse into the life of a 20th-century female spy.

Nothing to Envy: Ordinary Lives in North Korea, Barbara Demick

Instead of focusing on the politics of North Korea, Barbara Demick’s book looks into the everyday lives of North Koreans across fifteen years. This book also provides interesting insights into the challenges that defectors face.

Joseph Wehmeyer

On All Fronts: The Education of a Journalist, Clarissa Ward. Reporting on some of the most consequential events of the 21st century so far, Clarissa Ward’s memoir provides firsthand insights covering some of the biggest developments of the past two decades. Her memoir details the rollercoaster experience of being a war correspondent both professionally and emotionally while many of the issues she reported on continue to unravel today.

Exercise of Power: American Failures, Successes, and a New Path Forward in the Post-Cold War World, Robert M. Gates. Secretary Gates gives a sobering assessment of post-Cold War American foreign policy and makes a strong argument that leaders have failed to understand the complexities, expansiveness, and limitations of American power. His insights remain relevant in a world that is more precarious and dangerous than four years ago. In an era where many question America’s global leadership and its capabilities, Gates gives readers both a reality check and a way forward.

Nicole Wiley

Fair Play: The Moral Dilemmas of Spying, James M. Olson. Written by a career Directorate of Operations intelligence officer, Fair Play explores the big moral questions decision-makers and case officers alike are faced with in the espionage business. I loved this book the first time I read it, and I go back to it often to get a good dose of both fictional scenarios you might see in any spy thriller movie and real-world implications of morally ambiguous intelligence collection methods.

Putin’s World: Russia Against the West and With the Rest, Angela Stent. Although this book was written pre-full scale invasion of Ukraine, it offers a comprehensive and easy-to-follow analysis of why President Putin is so difficult for the U.S. to deal with and understand. It gives historical context without sounding overly academic and is a great read for anyone who wants to understand the decades of context behind Putin’s decision-making. My favorite quote from the book is: “For the time being, NATO serves a useful purpose for Russia. It provides a most convenient main opponent.”

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Image: Adam Bernaert via Wikimedia Commons.

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warontherocks.com · by WOTR Staff · December 12, 2024

2. South Korea marks 45 years since 1979 coup and military dictatorship

South Korea marks 45 years since 1979 coup and military dictatorship

This was the last time the country was under martial law, up until last week’s shock and short-lived declaration by President Yoon Suk Yeol.

Lim Yun Suk

Louisa Tang

12 Dec 2024 04:41PM

(Updated: 12 Dec 2024 07:45PM)

channelnewsasia.com

SEOUL: Exactly 45 years ago, South Korea was placed under a military dictatorship following the assassination of then-President Park Chung-hee.

Chun Doo-hwan, an army major general, overthrew the government in a coup on Dec 12, 1979 before declaring martial law and ruling the country with an iron first for eight years.

For some, last week’s events brought back memories of this dark period.

President Yoon Suk Yeol stunned the nation on Dec 3 when he declared martial law, plunging Asia's fourth-largest economy into a constitutional crisis and sparking protests on the streets.

He rescinded the declaration six hours later after parliament voted to reverse it.

On Thursday (Dec 12), he defended his actions as a legal move to protect democracy in a televised address.

This came as the leader of Yoon’s own People Power Party said he showed no signs of resigning and must be impeached. The party blocked an attempt last week by opposition parties to impeach Yoon.

He faces a second impeachment vote in parliament, set to be held on Saturday.

PARALLELS BETWEEN THEN AND NOW

Experts said they see some parallels between what happened last week and almost half a century ago.

Chun had used martial law to suppress democracy movements and framed opponents as threats to national security.

When Yoon declared martial law, he said he was forced to issue the order “to defend the free Republic of Korea from the threats of North Korean communist forces”, and accused the opposition of “paralysing” his government and “undermining” the constitutional order.

However, Joseph Yi, an associate professor of political science at Hanyang University, said the situation was different this time around.

He noted that the similarities lie in both presidents portraying the opposition as enemies, and their own parties not supporting them.

“The clear difference is that (this time) we have a very different set of social norms in both the Conservative Party and the military that is strongly against exercising any form of violence against civilians,” he said.

“Unless the president was completely crazy – if he had any rational thought, then I think he would have known that this is not going to be a true coup d’etat.”

After the 1979 coup, Chun declared martial law across South Korea on May 17, 1980 to deal with student protesters.

South Koreans – especially pro-democracy activists in the southwestern city of Gwangju – took to the streets a day later. Military forces were sent in, and orders were given to fire into the crowds.

Gwangju residents banded together to fight. But Chun orchestrated a brutal military crackdown, quashing the uprising.

Hundreds of protesters died.

In 1987, massive street protests forced Chun’s government to accept direct presidential elections. South Korea was then governed democratically for the first time in 1988.

FILE- Police vehicle sprays tear gas at tens of thousands of student demonstrators in downtown Seoul, South Korea on Thursday, May 15, 1980. (AP Photo/Kim Chon-Kil, File)

BRINGING BACK MEMORIES

For many citizens, Yoon’s actions brought back memories of this coup. The country has a dark political past, having been under authoritarian rule for nearly three decades before becoming a democracy.

One Seoul resident told CNA: "At first, I felt a bit uneasy. I thought, 'Is this another part of something like the Chun Doo-hwan era'?

“I wondered, 'Could they really be repeating what happened back then'?”

Another resident called Yoon’s move “humilitating” and an insult to the South Korean people.

More have also been turning to Netflix to try to make sense of the turmoil – the film 12.12: The Day, which depicts the events of the 1979 coup, has topped the streaming platform’s South Korean movie rankings since last week.

SAFEGUARDS IN CONSTITUTION

As the nation moved towards democracy, South Korea’s 1987 Constitution introduced several key safeguards.

These include limiting the president to a single five-year term, to prevent a prolonged concentration of power seen during authoritarian regimes.

Another safeguard is having legislative oversight of executive actions, such as the power to impeach the president with a two-thirds majority in the National Assembly and overturn a martial law decree with a simple majority vote.

A participant holds up a banner with writing reading "Overthrow the rebellion criminal Yoon Suk Yeol", during a rally to demand South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol's impeachment, outside the National Assembly in Seoul, South Korea, Wednesday, Dec. 11, 2024. (AP Photo/Ahn Young-joon)

With these latest events, Yi warned that liberal democracies backslide when partisans view their opponents not as legitimate rivals, but as harmful enemies of democracy and the nation.

“This is something that worries me because I see the same pattern, so I'm very wary about the politics of stigmatisation and suppression,” he said.

“We should all be careful about that, because right now, it's so easy to use this … kind of moral panic to stigmatise and suppress your opponents.”

Lawmakers have debated for years whether there is a need to amend the Constitution.

A key proposal is allowing presidents to serve a second term, but to reduce the length of each term from five years to four – similar to the United States.

While supporters of this say it would allow more stability in policies, it would mean a departure from the single-term system meant as a safeguard against prolonged control of power.

It remains unclear if it will still find support following Mr Yoon's martial law attempt - which now serves as a reminder to South Koreans of their hard-fought democracy.

channelnewsasia.com

3. North Koreans indicted in scheme using IT workers to funnel money for weapons programmes

​Kim Jong Un's all purpose sword. We must sustain our attacks on it.

North Koreans indicted in scheme using IT workers to funnel money for weapons programmes

13 Dec 2024 07:39AM

(Updated: 13 Dec 2024 08:38AM)

channelnewsasia.com

ST LOUIS: Fourteen North Korean nationals have been indicted in a scheme using information technology workers with false identities to contract with US companies - workers who then funnelled their wages to North Korea for the development of ballistic missiles and other weapons, the head of the FBI office in St Louis said on Thursday (Dec 12).

The scheme involving thousands of IT workers generated more than US$88 million for the North Korean government, Ashley T Johnson, special agent in charge of the St Louis FBI office, said at a news conference.

In addition to their wages, the workers stole sensitive information from companies or threatened to leak information in exchange for extortion payments, Johnson said.

Victims included defrauded companies and people whose identities were stolen from across the US, including Missouri, Johnson said. The indictments were filed on Wednesday in US District Court in St Louis. All 14 people face wire fraud, money laundering, identity theft and other charges.

Most of those accused are believed to be in North Korea. Johnson acknowledged that bringing them to justice would be difficult. To help, the US Department of State is offering a US$5 million reward for information leading to any of the suspects.

Federal authorities said the scheme worked like this:

North Korea dispatched thousands of IT workers to get hired and work remotely or as freelancers for US companies. The IT workers involved in the scheme sometimes used stolen identities. In other instances, they paid Americans to use their home Wi-Fi connections, or to pose in on-camera job interviews as the IT workers. Johnson said the FBI is going after those “domestic enablers,” too.

“This is just the tip of the iceberg,” Johnson said. “If your company has hired fully remote IT workers, more likely than not, you have hired or at least interviewed a North Korean national working on behalf of the North Korean government,” Johnson said.

The Justice Department in recent years has sought to expose and disrupt a broad variety of criminal schemes aimed at bolstering the North Korean regime, including its nuclear weapons program.

In 2021, the Justice Department charged three North Korean computer programmers and members of the government’s military intelligence agency in a broad range of global hacks that officials say were carried out at the behest of the regime.

Law enforcement officials said at the time that the prosecution highlighted the profit-driven motive behind North Korea’s criminal hacking, a contrast from other adversarial nations like Russia, China and Iran that are generally more interested in espionage, intellectual property theft or even disrupting democracy.

In May 2022, the State Department, Department of the Treasury, and the FBI issued an advisory warning of attempts by North Koreans “to obtain employment while posing as non-North Korean nationals.” The advisory noted that in recent years, the regime of Kim Jong Un “has placed increased focus on education and training” in IT-related subjects.

In October 2023, the FBI in St. Louis announced the seizure of US$1.5 million and 17 domain names as part of the investigation. The indictments announced Tuesday were the first stemming from the investigation.

Johnson urged companies to thoroughly vet IT workers hired to work remotely. “One of the ways to help minimize your risk is to insist current and future IT workers appear on camera as often as possible if they are fully remote,” she said.

Officials did not name the companies that unknowingly hired North Korean workers.

Source: AP/rc

4. Global credit appraisers say S. Korea's credit rating remains stable

​This is one of the most important indicators that tells us that Korea will weather this political storm created by President Yoon's miscalculation and his martial law crisis.

(LEAD) Global credit appraisers say S. Korea's credit rating remains stable | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Kang Yoon-seung · December 13, 2024

(ATTN: ADDS more info in last 2 paras)

SEOUL, Dec. 13 (Yonhap) -- The three major global credit appraisers shared a common view Friday that South Korea's credit rating remains stable despite the recent political turmoil, the finance ministry said.

The three credit appraisers -- Moody's Ratings, Fitch Ratings and Standard & Poor's Global Ratings (S&P) -- made the assessment during separate virtual meetings with Finance Minister Choi Sang-mok on the day, according to the Ministry of Economy and Finance.

The meetings came about a week after President Yoon Suk Yeol's short-lived declaration of martial law.

During the meetings, Choi emphasized that South Korea's government systems, including its market system and crisis management mechanisms, are functioning normally, also stressing that previous presidential impeachments have had only a limited impact on the economy.

Choi added that the government will continue to maintain stable communication and cooperation with the National Assembly on economy-related agendas despite the political unrest.

The opposition-controlled parliament is set to vote on a second motion to impeach the president on Saturday. The first impeachment motion was scrapped last week due to a lack of quorum.

The finance minister said Seoul will do its utmost to ensure normal investment and business activities for all economic participants, including foreign investors, asking the credit appraisers to maintain their attention to and confidence in the country's economy.

He further highlighted that South Korea is implementing key economic and industrial policies, including those supporting the semiconductor, artificial intelligence, shipbuilding and aviation industries, without any disruption.

In response, Roberto Sifon-Arevalo, a managing director at S&P, was quoted by the ministry as saying that it was notable how South Korea's government system continued to function despite the situation.

He added that follow-up measures by financial authorities reflected the stability of the country's market system.

Marie Diron, a managing director at Moody's, noted while the company is closely monitoring political developments in South Korea, the government's proactive communication with global investors would positively influence the country's credit rating.

Diron emphasized that South Korea's solid rule-based system underpins its strong credit rating as well, according to the ministry.

James Longsdon, the global head of sovereigns at Fitch, said the recent political situation does not pose a threat to South Korea's credit rating and praised the government for its transparent efforts to explain the situation, the ministry said.

Later in the day, Choi hosted a session with representatives from foreign companies operating in South Korea, briefing them on the government's efforts to maintain a favorable business and investment environment.

During the event, Choi asked the companies to engage in normal business activities, including making investments, based on their confidence in South Korea's economic potential and resilience.

Finance Minister Choi Sang-mok speaks during virtual meetings with global credit appraisers at his office in Seoul on Dec. 13, 2024, in this photo released by the Ministry of Economy and Finance. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)

colin@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Kang Yoon-seung · December 13, 2024

5. Debate erupts over President Yoon's martial law declaration

​Excerpts:

Yoon’s recent declaration of martial law has sparked debate, with some arguing that it cannot simply be shielded as a political act under the Constitution if it involves illegal elements.

However, the assertion that martial law is inherently a “political act” recognized for its highly political nature is broadly accepted. The S. Korean Supreme Court, in a 1979 case involving Kim Jae-kyu, the former head of the Korean Central Intelligence Agency who assassinated President Park Chung-hee, ruled that “the president’s declaration of martial law is a political and military act of the highest order, and its legitimacy can only be judged by the National Assembly, which has the authority to revoke it.” The court added that judicial review of such actions would exceed the inherent limits of judicial authority.

Similarly, in a 1996 ruling on financial reform measures, the Constitutional Court stated that “Actions stemming from high-level political decisions are considered political acts and should be respected as such, given their nature as decisions requiring significant political judgment and discretion.”

However, questions have arisen over whether Yoon’s martial law declaration can be deemed a legitimate political act given alleged illegalities surrounding the decision. Constitutional scholars have stressed that “even actions considered political must follow the limits set by the Constitution, and if they go beyond those limits, they can be reviewed and judged by the courts.”

National

Debate erupts over President Yoon's martial law declaration

Legal scholars question constitutionality of martial law

https://www.chosun.com/english/national-en/2024/12/13/Z3536ZLKBZEJRG2R2LXLNI3JO4/

By Yang Eun-kyoung,

Yu Jong-heon,

Park Hye-yeon,

Lee Jung-soo

Published 2024.12.13. 09:15

Updated 2024.12.13. 09:46

South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol’s recent declaration of martial law has ignited heated debate, with critics questioning its legality and constitutional legitimacy amid concerns over alleged abuses of presidential authority. /Presidential Office

President Yoon Suk-yeol said in a statement on Dec. 12 that the exercise of the president’s authority to declare martial law is a political act and, like granting pardons or conducting diplomacy, is not subject to judicial review.

He also noted that martial law is a matter of high-level political judgment by the president and can only be controlled through a parliamentary resolution to lift it, referencing court precedents and the majority view of constitutional scholars.

Yoon’s recent declaration of martial law has sparked debate, with some arguing that it cannot simply be shielded as a political act under the Constitution if it involves illegal elements.

However, the assertion that martial law is inherently a “political act” recognized for its highly political nature is broadly accepted. The S. Korean Supreme Court, in a 1979 case involving Kim Jae-kyu, the former head of the Korean Central Intelligence Agency who assassinated President Park Chung-hee, ruled that “the president’s declaration of martial law is a political and military act of the highest order, and its legitimacy can only be judged by the National Assembly, which has the authority to revoke it.” The court added that judicial review of such actions would exceed the inherent limits of judicial authority.

Similarly, in a 1996 ruling on financial reform measures, the Constitutional Court stated that “Actions stemming from high-level political decisions are considered political acts and should be respected as such, given their nature as decisions requiring significant political judgment and discretion.”

However, questions have arisen over whether Yoon’s martial law declaration can be deemed a legitimate political act given alleged illegalities surrounding the decision. Constitutional scholars have stressed that “even actions considered political must follow the limits set by the Constitution, and if they go beyond those limits, they can be reviewed and judged by the courts.”

Soldiers enforcing martial law break through windows to enter the National Assembly building in Yeouido, Seoul, on Dec. 4, the day President Yoon Suk-yeol announced the emergency declaration in a national address. / Newsis

Lee Hwang-hee, a professor at Sungkyunkwan University’s School of Law, explained, “If a political action violates citizens’ fundamental rights, it can’t be seen as legitimate. It’s the court’s role to judge whether such an action infringes on basic rights or oversteps the powers of other government bodies.”

Noh Hee-beom, a former research officer at the Constitutional Court and now an attorney, added, “Presidential actions considered political acts, like former President Kim Dae-jung’s engagement policy with North Korea or former President Roh Moo-hyun’s decision to deploy troops to Iraq, are given discretion because they don’t have specific constitutional conditions. In contrast, martial law declarations are strictly defined by the Constitution, limited to situations like ‘wartime, emergencies, or similar national crises.’”

The Supreme Court also addressed the issue in its 1997 ruling on the 12/12 military coup and the Gwangju Uprising, involving former presidents Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo. The ruling stated that if martial law is declared or extended for unconstitutional purposes, the courts have the power to decide whether it qualifies as a criminal act.

In his Dec. 12 remarks, President Yoon accused the opposition party of engaging in two years of unrelenting efforts to oust him through impeachment and calls for his resignation. He described the situation as a combination of legislative gridlock and a national crisis. Legal experts, however, argue that it is the court’s role to determine whether such actions infringe on basic rights or overstep the powers of other government institutions.

However, Hur Young, an honorary professor at Kyung Hee University’s School of Law, noted, “The power to declare martial law is one of the president’s emergency powers as outlined in the Constitution. Therefore, the president alone has the authority to decide whether the current situation constitutes an emergency. Even if that decision differs from the public’s expectations, the president, as the representative of the people under a democratic system, must make that judgment independently and bear responsibility in accordance with their conscience.”

6. [Full Text] President Yoon Suk-Yeol’s Address to Koreans Explaining Why He Declared Martial Law, Why It was Lawful, What Forces He is Fighting Against; Vows to Fight to Defend the Constitution and the Citizens

[Full Text] President Yoon Suk-Yeol’s Address to Koreans Explaining Why He Declared Martial Law, Why It was Lawful, What Forces He is Fighting Against; Vows to Fight to Defend the Constitution and the Citizens

https://eastasiaresearch.org/2024/12/12/full-text-president-yoon-suk-yeols-address-to-koreans-explaining-why-he-declared-martial-law-why-it-was-lawful-what-forces-he-is-fighting-against-vows-to-fight-to-defend-the-constitution/

2024-12-12, Tara O

The below are the video and full transcripts in English and Korean. President Yoon describes the anti-state activities of the Democratic Party of Korea, which weaponized the National Assembly with its sheer number of seats (more than 3/5, but less than 2/3) in the 2020 and 2024 elections. This majority then allowed the Democratic Party alone, without consulting any other parties, to pass any laws it wants, except to amend the constitution and impeaching the president, which requires 2/3 majority. Their acts, including blocking laws to enable prosecuting spying by China, severely weakened the Republic of Korea’s national security and economy as well as the rule of law and balance of power.

The National Election Commission (NEC), using “12345” as a password, but adamantly claiming it is not hackable, is another problem, with its refusal to be investigated or inspected. Many Koreans do not trust the election outcome, due to its numerous irregularities. The outcome, especially early votes, favored the Democratic Party, giving it unprecedented majority since 2020. Although the public called for investigating the NEC, getting a search warrant for the NEC, which must be issued by a judge, was impossible, since the sitting supreme court justice is also the chairman of the NEC. Under the martial law, a search warrant is not needed, thus any evidence gathered during this time is legal and can be used in the court of law. The Democratic Party and some within his own Party (People Power Party) do not want the NEC investigated.

In calling for martial law, which the constitution grants the president the authority, Yoon followed the proper procedures, including holding the state council meeting before declaring martial law and before lifting it. After the National Assembly voted to demand lifting the martial law, he accepted it, per the law. Ironically, the opposition “lawmakers,” who should know the law, are labeling it “illegal” for political purposes.

It may help to refer to the Korean law regarding “naeran” (내란) (rebellion, insurrection, civil war, revolt). Under Article 87 (Naeran), it states “A person who creates a violence for the purpose of usurping the national territory or subverting the Constitution shall be punished according to the following classifications.” [제87조(내란) 대한민국 영토의 전부 또는 일부에서 국가권력을 배제하거나 국헌을 문란하게 할 목적으로 폭동을 일으킨 자는 다음 각 호의 구분에 따라 처벌한다.]

Constitutional scholars point out that Yoon, as the president, had the constitutional authority to declare martial law. Yoon did not try to usurp the national territory. He did not try to subvert the constitution, but defend it. The martial law troops’ rifles had no ammunition; they were there to provide law and order. There were no deaths nor injuries during those brief hours of martial law.

[Official Translation]

Address to the Nation by President Yoon Suk Yeol

December 12, 2024

My fellow Koreans,

I stand here today to clarify my position regarding the declaration of martial law.

The opposition parties are currently going berserk, claiming that the declaration of martial law equates to insurrection.

Is what they claim true?

Who are these forces paralyzing state affairs and disrupting the constitution in the Republic of Korea?

Over the past two and a half years, the opposition parties controlling the National Assembly have refused to recognize the President elected by the people and have continued agitating to remove and impeach the President.

It means that they refused to accept the results of the presidential election.

Since then, as many as 178 rallies have been held to call for the ouster and impeachment of the President.

In a bid to paralyze state affairs, they have pushed to impeach dozens of government officials since the launch of my administration.

Impeached officials are suspended from office for a long period of time–until the verdicts are handed down–even if they are found to be not at fault.

Even before impeachment proceedings began, after the motion was proposed, many officials voluntarily resigned from office.

Reckless attempts at impeachment have paralyzed state affairs.

The opposition lawmakers have impeached cabinet ministers and the Chairperson of the Korea Communications Commission as well as the Chair of the Board of Audit and Inspection of Korea and prosecutors who investigated their misconduct. It has come to the point where they are even intimidating judges.

They are employing these “bulletproof” impeachments in order to cover up their own corruption and completely destroy the discipline of public officials and the rule of law.

Moreover, they have proposed 27 unconstitutional special prosecutor bills and launched politically charged propaganda campaigns.

And now they are pushing for a “bulletproof” legislation allowing criminals to grant themselves a pardon.

The opposition-controlled National Assembly has become a monster that is destroying free and democratic constitutional order, instead of serving as its bedrock.

If this is not the paralysis of state affairs and a national crisis, what is?

The list doesn’t stop here.

The colossal group of opposition parties is now threatening even national security and social safety.

For example, three Chinese nationals were caught flying a drone and filming a U.S. aircraft carrier docked in Busan in June.

Found on their smartphones and laptops were photos of Korean military installations taken over the past two years or more.

Last month, a Chinese man in his 40s was caught filming the National Intelligence Service headquarters with a drone.

It was revealed that he made a beeline for the National Intelligence Service to do this upon arriving from China.

Under the current law, however, there is no way to punish foreign nationals for espionage. To prevent this kind of situation, I tried to amend the spy-related article of the Criminal Act, but the huge main opposition party has adamantly blocked it.

That party stripped the National Intelligence Service of its anti-espionage investigative power during the previous administration and is now going so far as to try to repeal the National Security Act.

Doesn’t this imply that we shouldn’t catch spies who threaten our national security?

Despite North Korea’s illegal provocations–threats of nuclear weapons and missiles, GPS jamming, floating trash balloons–and spy cases involving the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions the main opposition party sympathizes with the North. Making matters worse, the opposition party is siding with North Korea while also tarnishing the government which is struggling alone to respond to the North’s provocations. They demand that the United Nations must first lift the sanctions that are imposed against North Korea for its illegal nuclear programs.   

It is impossible to know which nation this political party truly serves and which nation the National Assembly actually represents. 

Next year’s budget covering the special expenses and special activity expenses for the prosecution service and police has been reduced to zero.

This budget is essential for supporting investigations into cases where people’s livelihoods are encroached upon, such as incidents of financial fraud, crimes against the socially vulnerable and probes into illegal narcotics. It is also needed to fund anti-espionage investigation activities.  

The budget for responding to narcotics and deepfake crimes has also been slashed.

These budget cuts more than just block investigations that target those party members–they go so far as to block investigations into illegal activities that interfere with everyday people’s lives, including narcotics violations and organized crime. Doesn’t this amount to turning the Republic of Korea into a heaven for spies, a den for drugs and a nation of gang violence? 

Aren’t these kinds of people an anti-state force that is bent upon destroying the country?

Even with this being the case, the budget for maintaining their own privileges has been increased.

The economy, too, is in a state of emergency.

The main opposition party is going so far as to shut off the Republic of Korea’s economic growth engines.

This becomes evident when you look at the Democratic Party’s cutbacks in next year’s budget.

The financing for supporting the nuclear power ecosystem has been reduced. The funds allocated for the export of nuclear power plants to the Czech Republic have been slashed by 90 percent. The budget for developing next-generation nuclear plants has been virtually eliminated. 

Funds for supporting basic scientific research, quantum computing, semiconductors, biotechnology and other drivers of growth have also been greatly reduced.

The budget for drilling in the East Sea gas field, the so-called Blue Whale Project, has practically been slashed completely. 

Programs supporting jobs for youth, support for building up the assets of children in socially vulnerable families and even child-assistance allowances have been tinkered with.

Also, on the chopping block are the Innovative Growth Fund, used to build the industrial ecosystem, and the budget for nurturing small enterprises with powerful technologies.

About 1 trillion won [~$740 billion] has been taken away from the disaster response reserve, while the research and development budget has also been reduced for vaccines to protect against pandemics. In this way, the Republic of Korea now finds itself in a state of governmental paralysis as a result of the main opposition party’s autocratic and violent control of legislation. Social order is in chaos, and the government is unable to perform its administrative and jurisdictional tasks.  

Fellow Koreans,

You may already know much about what I have mentioned so far.

However, many other serious matters that have not been revealed directly to the public have also occurred, leading me to make the grave decision to impose martial law.

In the second half of last year, North Korea hacked into constitutional institutions such as the National Election Commission and other government organizations. As soon as this was detected, the National Intelligence Service checked for possible information leaks and sought to verify computer system safety.

All government organizations agreed to allow the National Intelligence Service to inspect their systems under their own observation.

However, the National Election Commission stubbornly refused, arguing that it was a constitutional organization.

When the National Election Commission was subject to an audit and investigation due to its large-scale recruitment scandal, it stepped back and agreed to the National Intelligence Service’s inspection.

However, only a very small part of their entire operating system was inspected, and inspections were not allowed in other remaining areas. Even though only a small part was inspected, the situation was serious.

When National Intelligence Service employees tested the system through a mock hacking, they found that it was possible to manipulate the data there at will. There were virtually no firewalls.

The password was very simple, like “12345.”

The system security management company was very small and lacked expertise.

As president, I was shocked by the National Intelligence Service’s report.

How can our people trust election results when the computer system that manages the elections–the very foundation of democracy–is in such disarray? The National Election Commission was present during the National Intelligence Service’s security inspections, and all they did was to repeat again and again the excuse that they had not manipulated the data themselves.

The National Election Commission is a constitutional body, and some of its commissioners are from the judiciary. Therefore, it is virtually impossible to initiate a warrant-based search and seizure and conduct compulsory investigations.

Without the National Election Commission’s cooperation, it’s impossible to ascertain the truth.

Even before the last general elections in April 24, 2024, I demanded improvements to the areas of concern. However, it is still impossible to verify whether relevant improvements were made.

For this reason, I directed the Minister of National Defense to inspect the National Election Commission’s computer systems. When the main opposition Democratic Party of Korea recently vowed to impeach the Chief Prosecutor and Seoul Central District Prosecutors’ Office, the prosecutors who investigate and audit their corruption, as well as the Chair of the Board of Audit and Inspection, a constitutional body, I decided I could no longer sit idly by.

I thought I had to do something.

It became clear that they would soon point the “impeachment knife” to the judiciary as well.

This is why I considered the option of declaring martial law.

Although the huge group of opposition parties kept taking unconstitutional measures that overstepped its constitutional authority, I decided to exercise my authority within the framework of the constitution. I decided to declare martial law based on my judgment that the current devastating paralysis of state affairs was the result of the executive and judicial branches’ state functions collapsing as the result of social disruption.

My purpose was to inform the public about the colossal group of opposition parties’ heinous anti-state behavior and to warn them to cease such behavior.

In so doing, I sought to halt the collapse of our free and democratic constitutional order and to normalize state functions.

And in fact, the Democratic Party of Korea said it would defer bills of impeachment against the Chair of the Board of Audit and Inspection and the Chief Prosecutor of the Seoul Central District Prosecutors’ Office after martial law was lifted on December 4. That led me to think my brief declaration of martial law had had some effect.

But then two days later, they passed those deferred bills of impeachment anyway.

They were determined to eliminate my rationale for declaring martial law.

I had initially told the Defense Minister that unlike previous martial law decrees, I would make an emergency appeal to the public and inform Koreans about the current crisis in the form of martial law.

That is why I deployed a small number of troops–only enough to maintain order–and did not equip them with lethal weapons. I said I would withdraw the troops as soon as the National Assembly passed a resolution to lift martial law.

So once the National Assembly passed that resolution, I called the Defense Minister, who was then at the ministry building, over to my office and ordered him to immediately withdraw the troops.

The emergency measures I took as President were designed not to destroy the constitutional order and the constitution, but to protect and restore them, and to inform the public of this disastrous crisis for our country.

The reason I sent a small contingent of troops to the National Assembly was to symbolically reveal the destructive behavior of that huge group of opposition parties. Those troops were intended to maintain order since large numbers of citizens and people from the National Assembly were likely to gather after seeing the broadcast about the martial law declaration. Obviously, the troops were not intended to disperse the National Assembly or paralyze its functions.

A contingent of fewer than 300 soldiers without lethal weapons could not have held the spacious grounds of the National Assembly for any significant amount of time.

The sort of martial law decrees issued in the past required tens of thousands of troops and a great deal of prior discussions and preparations, however, I did not order the defense minister to dispatch the troops until after I had informed the public about martial law in my televised statement.

Therefore, I gave my televised address to the nation at 22:30 [10:30 p.m.]. The troop deployment started from 23:30 [11:30 p.m.], or a little after midnight. When the National Assembly voted to lift martial law a little later at 1:00 a.m., the troops were ordered to withdraw immediately.

In the end, the troops were there only for an hour or two.

If the objective was to paralyze the functions of the National Assembly, martial law should have been imposed on the weekend, not on a weekday.

The measures to cut power and water to the National Assembly building would have been taken, and broadcasting would have also been restricted.

However, none of these measures has been taken.

The National Assembly conducted deliberations normally, and the proceedings were broadcast live to the entire nation. Even though we took indispensable emergency measures to appeal to the people as part of the efforts to restore and defend the free and democratic constitutional order, we ensured that everything possible has been done as safety precautions to prevent casualties. This is why only elite troops above the level of non-commissioned officers–not regular conscripts–were deployed.

In preparing this martial law, I discussed it only with the Minister of National Defense. I informed some of my staff and cabinet members at the Cabinet meeting right before its declaration.

Many of those present opposed its declaration, expressing concerns relevant to their areas of responsibility.

From the perspective of the President who oversees the entire state of affairs, I explained that this measure was inevitable in the current situation. Military officers have done nothing wrong; they were simply following my orders to move troops after the declaration.

Let me be clear. I did not block National Assembly members and staff from entering the Assembly. That is why lawmakers and a huge crowd were able to enter the National Assembly grounds, the main building and the plenary chamber and why the deliberation about lifting martial law was able to be conducted.

And yet, somehow, there are those who have managed to greatly incite others erroneously by fabricating charges of insurrection designed to bring me down.

Can there be a two-hour-long insurrection?

Is it a revolt if you deploy a small number of troops briefly to maintain order?

Why is the colossal group of opposition parties rushing to impeach me under false pretenses?

There is only one reason.

Since a guilty verdict in a case against the leader of the main opposition party is imminent, they are trying to get around it by impeaching the President and holding an early presidential election.

They are trying to cover up their crimes and seize control of state affairs even by destroying the national system.

Isn’t this the actual act of disrupting the constitution?

Whether they impeach me or investigate me, I will stand firm. I have already said that I will not evade legal or political responsibility for the declaration of martial law.

Since taking office, I have never been concerned about my approval rating, my term as president or maintaining my position.

If I had only thought about keeping my position, I would not have fought against the forces disrupting the constitution, and I would not have declared martial law as I did.

I could not allow myself to obsess over protecting my five-year term and turn my back on the country and the people.

I could not betray the intention of the people who elected me. It was an attempt to protect the Republic of Korea’s freedom, democracy and constitutional order against the huge group of opposition parties’ parliamentary dictatorship as it continued to abuse its majority power to pass a series of unreasonable acts. It is entirely obsessed with defending its leader.

How can a decision based on the constitution and the authority of a president who believed that there was no alternative be considered insurrection?

The president exercising the right to declare martial law is within the realm of executive authority, which is not subject to judicial review, as when exercising the right to pardon or to conduct foreign affairs.

Fellow Koreans,

The opposition parties are now trying to drag me out of the presidency by accusing me of a serious crime.

What will happen if the country is governed by a destructive force that abuses the constitution?

Unconstitutional laws, self-exonerating laws and economy-destroying legislation will be rammed through the National Assembly and completely destroy this country.

Nuclear power and semiconductor industries and other future growth engines will wither, and China-made solar power facilities will destroy forests across the country.

The ROK-U.S. alliance and ROK-U.S.-Japan cooperation–the foundations of our security and economy–will be undermined once again.

North Korea will further advance its nuclear weapons and missiles, posing greater threats to our lives.

Then, what will become of the future of this country, the Republic of Korea?

Our country will become a place where spies run rampant, drugs ruin future generations and organized crime takes over.

We must prevent the forces and criminal groups that have paralyzed state affairs and breached the constitution to date from taking control of state affairs and threatening the future of the Republic of Korea at all costs. I will fight till the end.

My fellow Koreans,

I declared emergency martial law under the President’s legal authority to protect the country and normalize state affairs in a catastrophic emergency that paralyzed state affairs. The declaration of martial law is a highly political decision by the President and can only be overturned by a request to do so from the National Assembly.

Many are aware that this is the judicial precedent and the majority opinion of constitutional scholars.

I immediately accepted the National Assembly’s request to lift martial law.

Some of you have different ideas about the requirements for declaring martial law. 

However, as many constitutional scholars and legal professionals point out, viewing emergency measures aiming to save the country as an act of insurrection – an attempt to destroy the country – puts our constitution and legal system at serious risk.

There’s something I’d like to ask.

Where and what on earth did those who are now performing a frenzied sword dance here and there do to bring the country to this state? Do they mean that they never thought Korea is under crisis?

I call on public officials.

In the face of this grave security situation and global economic crisis, I urge you to continue working tirelessly to protect the safety and livelihood of the people.

My fellow Koreans,

For the past two and a half years of my presidency, I have fought against wrongs, injustice and tyranny committed under the guise of democracy to protect and rebuild freedom and democracy, focusing only on the people.

I earnestly appeal to you, all the people, to unite as one in protecting the Republic of Korea and our freedom and democracy, which we have upheld with blood and sweat.

I will fight with you, the people, until the last moment.

I apologize again to the people for causing surprise and anxiety by the imposition of martial law, regardless of brief duration.

Please, believe in my heartfelt loyalty to you, the people.

Thank you.

7. Trump calls N.K. role in Russia's war 'complicating' factor, says he gets along 'very well' with Kim

​My thoughts on diplomacy with Kim:

Strategic Assumption: North Korea will never negotiate away its nuclear capabilities as long as the Kim family regime remains in power.

President-elect Trump did something during his first term that no president had done: “He gave it a shot.” He met Kim and he offered him a future. But it was Kim Jong Un who failed to appreciate the opportunity he had. Now in his second term President Trump has the opportunity to implement new elements of policy and strategy that have never before been attempted. These include a human rights upfront approach that keeps human rights on all agendas, a sophisticated and holistic information campaign, and the support of the Korean people's pursuit of a free and unified Korea. There are few pundits who see the opportunities that both President Yoon with his 8.15 Unification Doctrine and Kim Jong Un with his new hostile policy toward the South are providing to the U.S. and ROK/U.S. alliance. It is time to recognize that the only path to denuclearization is through unification. Most importantly, the prevention of war and nuclear use, and the long term outcome on the Korean peninsula are important to the national security and national prosperity of the U.S.

Kim can change. Or Kim can be changed by the Korean people in the North.

Koreans must solve the Korea question (the unnatural division of the peninsula) (Para 60 of the Armistice).

Key Points:

––The United States has failed to achieve denuclearization in North Korea for four decades, and a new approach is needed that includes a new focus on human rights and the pursuit of a free and unified Korea.

––President Yoon Suk Yeol of South Korea unveiled the 8.15 Unification Doctrine in August 2024, emphasizing freedom, peace, and prosperity as core values for unification.

––Kim Jong Un's recent policy changes, including declaring South Korea as the "main enemy" and abandoning peaceful unification, present an opportunity for a new strategy.

––A human rights up front approach focusing on educating North Koreans about their universal human rights will empower them to create change.

––The right of self-determination for the Korean people is a fundamental justification for pursuing a free and unified Korea that requires transformation of the regime.

––Four paths to unification are identified: war, regime collapse, peaceful unification, and regime transformation. The U.S. (along with South Korea) should support regime transformation by the Korea people in the North as the optimal path to peaceful unification

Trump calls N.K. role in Russia's war 'complicating' factor, says he gets along 'very well' with Kim | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Song Sang-ho · December 13, 2024

By Song Sang-ho

WASHINGTON, Dec. 12 (Yonhap) -- U.S. President-elect Donald Trump has said that Pyongyang's involvement in Russia's war in Ukraine is a "very complicating" factor, while boasting about his personal ties with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un.

Trump made the remarks in an interview with U.S. magazine TIME published Thursday as he commented on issues related to Russia's war in Ukraine and instability in the Middle East.

"When North Korea gets involved, that's another element that's a very complicating factor," Trump said during the interview with the magazine that chose him as the 2024 TIME Person of the Year.

"And I know Kim Jong Un, I get along very well with Kim Jong Un. I'm probably the only one he's ever really dealt with. When you think about it, I am the only one he's ever dealt with," he added.

Asked if he will abandon Ukraine, Trump said, "I want to reach an agreement, and the only way you're going to reach an agreement is not to abandon."

Speculation has lingered that after Trump takes office on Jan. 20, he could seek to revive his personal diplomacy with Kim. But it remains uncertain whether Pyongyang could accede to diplomatic feelers from Washington amid its deepening military alignment with Moscow.

President-elect Donald Trump speaks during a Time magazine Person of the Year event at the New York Stock Exchange in New York on Dec. 12, 2024 in this photo released by the Associated Press. (Yonhap)

sshluck@yna.co.kr

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en.yna.co.kr · by Song Sang-ho · December 13, 2024

8. What Does Assad’s Fall Mean For North Korea?

​Excerpts:

And what does this mean for the North Koreans? Perhaps most importantly, it means the loss of an important consumer of both conventional and unconventional weapons. Syria has been a consumer of North Korean systems since roughly the late 1960s. That is over now. The same might be said for both Hezbollah and Hamas. Both used North Korean weapons against Israel. Both used North Korean assistance to build important underground facilities and tunnels (now largely destroyed).

This leads to the question, will these two entities now try to reconstitute themselves with the support of the North Koreans (and others, including Iran)? One hopes that this outcome can be prevented, but it will take definitive action. With a key weapons consumer now out of power, North Korea will once again be looking to “sell its wares” throughout the Middle East.

What Does Assad’s Fall Mean For North Korea?

With a key weapons consumer now out of power, North Korea will once again be looking to “sell its wares” throughout the Middle East.

The National Interest · by Bruce E. Bechtol · December 12, 2024

Since the fall of the Assad regime, the Israeli Air Force has launched attacks on numerous strategic military facilities. Included among these facilities are chemical weapons facilities and missile sites. It is established in open sources that these facilities are for either the development or weaponization of chemical weapons or for the matching up of these weapons with their launching platforms—typically Scud missiles or 122MM multiple rocket launchers. What we are not seeing in the press, for the most part, is the North Korea connection. In fact, the Damascus regime would not have the weapons or the missiles or even most of the multiple rocket launchers (in other words, both the weapons and the platforms) without one of their key suppliers: Pyongyang.

North Korea began selling chemical weapons capabilities to the Syrians at least as early as the early 1990s. In fact, North Korean scientists and technicians assisted the Syrians in developing several of their chemical weapons facilities. In 2005, the Syrians reportedly used North Korean-provided Scud missiles to test North Korean-provided air-burst chemical weapons.

The North Koreans did not stop there. Throughout the Syrian Civil War, the North Koreans continued to assist Syria with its chemical weapons program. A UN Panel of Experts Report from March 2018 stated that there were at least thirty-nine illicit shipments from North Korea to Syria between 2012 and 2017—shipments that included items such as “acid-resistant tiles,” “valves, welded pipes (23 tons), stainless steel seamless pipes (27 tons) and cables.”

In other words, despite Syria’s claims that it ended its chemical weapons program in 2013, it did not. Its chief supplier was North Korea. Many of these weapons remained in Syria after the civil war subsided, and the Syrians (along with Iranians and North Koreans) were even assisting Hezbollah in the development and storage of these weapons during 2022. Thus, Israel’s interest in destroying Syria’s chemical weapons facilities now that they are falling into the hands of a radical and unpredictable government is quite compelling.

North Korea began proliferating Scud-C missiles to Syria after the first Gulf War in 1991. The North Koreans and the Syrians entered into a deal where Pyongyang would deliver at least 150 Scud-C missiles for the price of $500 million. The first missiles reportedly arrived in early 1991 and also included launchers. Other shipments arrived throughout the year and the following year and Syria eventually received close to the number of missiles they had paid for from the North Koreans. The North Koreans also built fabrication facilities for the Syrians for Scud-C missiles. Of course, these facilities could not operate without North Korean parts and North Korean technical assistance.

North Korea also sold Scud-D ballistic missiles to Syria. Early tests were detected in 2000, 2005, and 2007. Some testing also included the use of live chemical munitions. The first known use of the Scud-D missiles in the Syrian Civil War was in 2012, when the Syrian army used it against insurgents. This proved successful and thus deadly for opponents of the Syrian army.

There is a strong possibility that North Korea supplied, then re-supplied the Syrian military with chemical weapons, the platforms to carry them (Scud C, D, and 122-mm multiple rocket launchers), and the necessary materials to maintain an “industry” that could continue to upgrade and produce these weapons. This was happening before the early stages of the civil war and was ongoing until at least 2022. Thus, the necessity of destroying these facilities and weapons systems cannot be doubted. Although the Assad regime never directly attacked Israel with these systems, there is no such guarantee for Israel’s security now with a new government in Damascus.

And what does this mean for the North Koreans? Perhaps most importantly, it means the loss of an important consumer of both conventional and unconventional weapons. Syria has been a consumer of North Korean systems since roughly the late 1960s. That is over now. The same might be said for both Hezbollah and Hamas. Both used North Korean weapons against Israel. Both used North Korean assistance to build important underground facilities and tunnels (now largely destroyed).

This leads to the question, will these two entities now try to reconstitute themselves with the support of the North Koreans (and others, including Iran)? One hopes that this outcome can be prevented, but it will take definitive action. With a key weapons consumer now out of power, North Korea will once again be looking to “sell its wares” throughout the Middle East.

About the Author:

Dr. Bruce E. Bechtol Jr. is a professor of Political Science at Angelo State University. He is also the President of the International Council on Korean Studies and a fellow at the Institute for Korean-American Studies. He is the author of five books dealing with North Korea. His latest work is entitled North Korean Military Proliferation in the Middle East and Africa.

Image: Shutterstock.

The National Interest · by Bruce E. Bechtol · December 12, 2024

9. Yoon's approval rating sinks to all-time low of 11 pct: poll

​Who are the 11 pct? Soon the support may come only from his wife.

Yoon's approval rating sinks to all-time low of 11 pct: poll | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Chae Yun-hwan · December 13, 2024

SEOUL, Dec. 13 (Yonhap) -- President Yoon Suk Yeol's approval rating fell to a record low of 11 percent, a survey showed Friday, amid growing public backlash over his martial law declaration last week.

According to the survey conducted by Gallup Korea on 1,002 adults aged over 18 from Tuesday to Thursday, positive assessment of Yoon's performance fell 5 percentage points from a week earlier to 11 percent -- the lowest since he took office in May 2022.

Negative assessment of Yoon rose to a record high of 85 percent, with the martial law situation cited by 49 percent of respondents and economic concerns cited by 8 percent.

Regarding Yoon's possible impeachment, 75 percent of respondents supported it, while 21 percent opposed it.

The National Assembly will hold an impeachment vote against Yoon over his botched martial law bid Saturday.

Among supporters of the ruling People Power Party (PPP), 27 percent supported impeachment, while 66 percent opposed it.

Meanwhile, 97 percent of supporters of the main opposition Democratic Party (DP) supported impeachment, compared with 3 percent in opposition.

Support for the PPP fell 3 percentage points from the previous week to 24 percent, while the figure for the main opposition DP gained 3 percentage points to 40 percent.

It marked the largest gap in support for the DP over the PPP since the launch of the current administration.

The survey has a margin of error of plus or minus 3.1 percentage points, with a confidence rate of 95 percent.

A news report on President Yoon Suk Yeol's public address is aired on a television at Seoul Station in central Seoul on Dec. 12, 2024. (Yonhap)

yunhwanchae@yna.co.kr

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en.yna.co.kr · by Chae Yun-hwan · December 13, 2024

10. N. Korea reports martial law turmoil in S. Korea for 2nd day

There should be no doubt that north Korea​ (and China and Russia​) will use propaganda to fan the flames of the political turmoil to undermine the ROK/US alliance. It is imperative that the US recognize their political warfare strategies, understand them, EXPOSE them, and then attack their strategies with superior political warfare and information strategies. When their strategies are expose​d the US and the ROK can inoculate their citizens and prevent the deliberate subversion conducted by the axis of upheaval. We know what Kim Jong Un is doing and when ROK and US citizens know that​, Kim Jong Un (and Xi and Putin) cannot be successful.

 I would say this directly to Kim Jong Un​ and his propaganda and Agitation department.: What you saw is the strength of a democracy versus the weakness of a dictatorship. The ROK Special Forces protected democracy and the Korean people. You will never be able to defeat such a military force because of the values of these soldiers and their loyalty to Korean freedom. They chose self-determination of government and rejected totalitarian dictatorship. Therefore, they reject you. And someday the Korean people in the north will reject you and accept what is their human right as stated in Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. That is self-determination of government, something the Korean people in the South enjoy and which they desire to have for themselves. They will attain that when all Koreans can live in a free and unified Korea with your regime no longer in power.

As Winston Churchill once said, “Democracy is the worst form of government, except for all others.” Like the US Constitution, the ROK constitution is designed to prevent tyranny and dictatorial rule. Yes, the political turmoil will continue as all the political parties jockey for influence and power, but in the end Korean democracy will prevail. Koreans have nothing to be ashamed of because they are fighting to keep their democracy and democracy is messy. But to paraphrase Fredrich Nietzsche, “that which does not kill democracy, makes democracy stronger.” Korean democracy will be stronger and it is certainly stronger that the weak dictatorship of the Kim family regime because Kim Jong Un fears the Korean people in the north more than the ROK/US military. The example of a democratic South is an existential threat to Kim Jong Un. And together the ROK/US alliance will maintain its strength and if Kim Jong Un miscalculates and attacks the South, the ROK/US Combined Forces Command will defeat the north Korean People’s Army.

N. Korea reports martial law turmoil in S. Korea for 2nd day | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Park Boram · December 12, 2024

By Park Boram

SEOUL, Dec. 12 (Yonhap) -- North Korea's state media reported on the martial law turmoil in South Korea for a second consecutive day Thursday, saying political chaos is escalating amid calls to impeach President Yoon Suk Yeol.

The Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) and the Rodong Sinmun newspaper, which caters to the general North Korean readership, published the same article saying, "Voices of protest demanding the impeachment of the puppet Yoon Suk Yeol regime are escalating every day, further deepening political chaos."

It marks the second day in a row that North Korea has reported on Yoon's martial law declaration and the opposition parties' subsequent push for impeachment.

After the announcement of martial law on Dec. 3, which was lifted the following morning when the National Assembly voted to reject it, North Korea had remained silent for a week before publishing critical reports for the first time Wednesday.

"Candlelit protests are taking place across the country, demanding the push for an impeachment motion against Yoon Suk Yeol and punishment for insurrectionists," the KCNA said, referring to ongoing rallies, including those held in front of the National Assembly.

The reports also highlighted the National Assembly's passage on Tuesday of a bill mandating a permanent special counsel to investigate the martial law incident, as well as a resolution urging the swift arrest of Yoon and seven others involved.

The KCNA also cited South Korean news media claiming that Yoon urged his officials to "destroy the door" and "drag out" lawmakers, adding whistleblowers suggested the martial law invocation may have been carefully premeditated.

The reports also highlighted the travel ban issued for Yoon, as well as raids on the presidential office, the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the Army Special Warfare Command as part of the investigation.

A protest rally demanding the impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol is held in front of the National Assembly on Dec. 11, 2024. (Yonhap)

pbr@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Park Boram · December 12, 2024

11. Ukraine targets North Korean troops with psychological warfare

We should be exploiting Ukraine psychological warfare and even synchronizing activities between Ukraine and the Korean peninsula.

A Psychological Operations Strategy for the Korean Peninsula from Lessons Learned in Ukraine

https://nationalsecurityjournal.org/a-psychological-operations-strategy-for-the-korean-peninsula-from-lessons-learned-in-ukraine/

Ukraine targets North Korean troops with psychological warfare

Newsweek · by Ryan Chan · December 12, 2024

The Ukrainian military is conducting psychological warfare against North Korean troops fighting alongside Russian forces, seeking to persuade them to surrender rather than needlessly lose their lives on the battlefield.

Euronews reported on Tuesday that under a project called "I Want to Live," the Ukrainian military produced leaflets and videos to encourage North Korean leader Kim Jong Un's troops to surrender. Newsweek contacted the Ukrainian and Russian defense ministries, as well as the North Korean embassy in Beijing, by email for comment outside of normal business hours.

North Korea, which is an ally of Russia, has reportedly deployed up to 12,000 soldiers to the western Russian region of Kursk, where Ukraine has seized some of the territory, to support Moscow's war effort, according to South Korean, United States and Ukrainian intelligence.

While confirming the first North Korean troops had been killed in the conflict, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky warned that they will be "cannon fodder." This came after a Russian military blogger claimed that the "highly trained and motivated" forces were not being deployed for combat directly.

North Korean military personnel lay bouquets of flowers in Pyongyang, North Korea, on April 15, 2024. North Korea has reportedly deployed up to 12,000 soldiers to Russia. North Korean military personnel lay bouquets of flowers in Pyongyang, North Korea, on April 15, 2024. North Korea has reportedly deployed up to 12,000 soldiers to Russia. KIM WON JIN/AFP via Getty Images

In exchange for Pyongyang's military assistance, Russia will supply fighter jets to North Korea, Admiral Samuel Paparo, commander of the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, told reporters recently.

According to Euronews, the Ukrainian intelligence service launched the "I Want to Live" project following the beginning of the Russian full-scale invasion of the country on February 24, 2022. By dropping flyers on the battlefield, enemy troops are encouraged to surrender to the Ukrainian side.

The project was initially targeting Russian soldiers who refused to take part in President Vladimir Putin's war. It is claimed that 350 of Putin's troops have laid down their weapons through this project.

The new leaflets, written in Korean and printed with illustrations, are being distributed along the front lines. They instruct North Korean troops on how to surrender: lying down with their faces to the ground, holding up a white sheet or leaflet, and dropping any weapons.

Vitaliy Matvienko, a volunteer working for the project, claimed that many North Korean troops may see the combat deployment as a chance to escape Kim's regime and live in another country.

The Ukrainian military posted a video on a Telegram channel earlier, also called "I Want to Live," South Korea's Yonhap News Agency reported. The video tries to convince North Korean troops to surrender as they will be provided with shelter, food and warmth while being prisoners of war.

Newsweek · by Ryan Chan · December 12, 2024

12. US, South Korean airpower display will return over Osan after 6-year hiatus

US, South Korean airpower display will return over Osan after 6-year hiatus

Stars and Stripes · by Luis Garcia · December 12, 2024

South Korea's 53rd Demonstration Group, also known as the Black Eagles, perform on Air Power Day at Osan Air Base, South Korea, Sept. 21, 2019. (Greg Nash/U.S. Air Force)

OSAN AIR BASE, South Korea — After six long years, Air Power Days are returning to the home of the 7th Air Force and its U.S. fighter and attack squadrons.

The aerial performances last seen at Osan in September 2019 are scheduled again for May 10-11, along with static displays of U.S. and South Korean military hardware, the 51st Fighter Wing announced in a recent news release.

Among the expected highlights are performances by the Pacific Air Forces’ F-16 Viper Demonstration Team out of Misawa Air Base in northeastern Japan.

“We will give the audience an exhilarating display of the F-16’s capabilities,” Capt. Ethan Smith, the Viper Demo Team commander and pilot, said in a statement relayed by wing spokesman Maj. Kippun Sumner. “This is going to be a spectacular display of speed, power, and agility — just a glimpse into the full potential of this incredible multirole fighter.”

An F-16 with Pacific Air Force's Viper Demonstration Team performs during Air Power Day at Osan Air Base, South Korea, Sept. 21, 2019. (Ramon Adelan/U.S. Air Force)

Other featured aircraft include the F-16 Fighting Falcon, A-10 Thunderbolt II and U-2 Dragon Lady. The event will mark one of the final public displays of the A-10 in South Korea before its scheduled departure in October, according to the wing.

The event’s theme, “Respect the Past, Forge the Future,” pays homage to the A-10, the 25th Fighter Squadron and the 25th Fighter Generation Squadron while celebrating the strength and longevity of the American and South Korean alliance, according to the release.

“Air shows at Osan Air Base are typically only held every 2-3 years. This is to balance the efforts that come with planning a large-scale public event like Osan Air Power Days with our mission and training requirements,” Sumner said in a follow-up email Wednesday. “There were COVID-19 restrictions in place during the past several years that also restricted the types of public events that we could hold.”

Planning such an event includes addressing logistics, transportation and security, Sumner said. The wing is working with local city officials and Korean National Police to ensure it is safe and accessible.

“We are hosting weekly meetings with all the responsible agencies to ensure a safe and enjoyable weekend for everyone that comes out to the air show,” he wrote.

An A-10 Thunderbolt II performs during Air Power Day at Osan Air Base, South Korea, Sept. 21, 2019. (Ramon Adelan/U.S. Air Force)

Osan officials are focusing on accessibility and cultural inclusivity for the event, Sumner added. There will be bilingual announcements and translators available to assist visitors.

“The goal is for [Air Power Days] to be an event for both our on- and off-base audiences to enjoy together,” he wrote.

The last Air Power Days featured performances by the South Korean air force Black Eagles and various U.S. aircraft, according to the release.

The two-day air show and open house will be free and open to the public, including the local South Korean community, Sumner wrote. All personnel will need a valid form of identification on them to enter the base.

There are no plans for pre-registration or identification checks for general off-base attendees, he added.

Stars and Stripes · by Luis Garcia · December 12, 2024

13. North Korea on U.S. list of 'state sponsors of terrorism' again this year

​A reminder:

We may therefore now attempt to define terrorism as the deliberate creation and exploitation of fear through violence or the threat of violence in the pursuit of political change. All terrorist acts involve violence or the threat of violence. Terrorism is specifically designed to have far-reaching psychological effects beyond the immediate victim(s) or object of the terrorist attack. It is meant to instill fear within, and thereby intimidate, a wider `target audience' that might include a rival ethnic or religious group, an entire country, a national government or political party, or public opinion in general. Terrorism is designed to create power where there is none or to consolidate power where there is very little. Through the publicity generated by their violence, terrorists seek to obtain the leverage, influence and power they otherwise lack to effect political change on either a local or an international scale.

– Bruce Hoffman, Inside Terrorism

North Korea on U.S. list of 'state sponsors of terrorism' again this year

https://www.rfa.org/korean/in_focus/121324hw-12132024033219.html

Seoul - Hong Seung-wook hongs@rfa.org

2024.12.13

Kim Jong-un, General Secretary of the Workers' Party of Korea

Yonhap News Agency photo archive

00:00 /04:24

Anchor : North Korea has been on the U.S. government's list of state sponsors of terrorism again this year . This is the eighth year since 2017. Hong Seung- wook reports from Seoul .

The 2023 Country Reports on Terrorism were released by the U.S. State Department on the 12th, local time .

North Korea has been designated as a " state sponsor of terrorism " along with Cuba , Iran , and Syria .

The South Korean government also reported on the 13th that North Korea had been designated as a state sponsor of terrorism . These are the words of Kim In-ae, deputy spokesperson for the South Korean Ministry of Unification .

[ Kim In-ae, Deputy Spokesperson for the Ministry of Unification ] The U.S. State Department publishes country terrorism reports every year and classifies countries that participate in , support , or assist international terrorism as state sponsors of terrorism , and implements various sanctions such as restricting foreign aid . North Korea was re-designated in 2017 during the first term of the Trump administration due to reasons such as the death of Otto Warmbier, and has remained on the list to this day .

The U.S. State Department re-designated North Korea as a state sponsor of terrorism in 2017 during the first Trump administration , citing incidents such as the death of Otto Warmbier and the poisoning of Kim Jong-nam , and the designation has continued for eight years .

At the time of the 2017 redesignation, the explanation was that “ North Korea was determined to have repeatedly supported international terrorism by being involved in assassinations that occurred overseas . ”

The U.S. State Department previously designated North Korea as a state sponsor of terrorism the following year following the bombing of a Korean Air passenger plane in 1987 , but removed it from the list in 2008 .

If a country is designated as a state sponsor of terrorism, sanctions are imposed, including restrictions on arms exports , controls on the export of dual-use goods , restrictions on aid from the United States , and financial restrictions .

The U.S. Congress even introduced a resolution in June to designate Russia as a state sponsor of terrorism because of its de facto security treaty with North Korea .

US Congress Urges Russia to Designate as ' State Sponsor of Terrorism' After North Korea- Russia Summit

Senior State Department official suggests redesignation of North Korea as state sponsor of terrorism

Minister of Foreign Affairs Cho Tae-yeol is answering questions during an urgent question-and-answer session on President Yoon Seok-yeol's unconstitutional declaration of martial law and sedition at the National Assembly plenary session on the afternoon of the 13th. / Yonhap News

Meanwhile, South Korea's Minister of Foreign Affairs Cho Tae-yeol stated at a plenary session of the National Assembly held on the 13th that it is true that the martial law situation is causing damage to South Korea's diplomacy and that he will do his best to maintain a strong South Korea-U.S. alliance .

[ Minister of Foreign Affairs Cho Tae-yeol ] Above all, I will devote myself to firmly maintaining the ROK-U.S. alliance and restoring trust in international relations , and I believe that once the constitutional order is restored, diplomacy will be normalized in a short period of time .

South Korean military authorities have repeatedly confirmed that there are no problems with the forward-facing surveillance and provocation response systems for North Korea, even amid the aftermath of martial law .

An official from the South Korean Joint Chiefs of Staff said at a press briefing this morning, “ The military is currently faithfully carrying out its original mission , and there are no issues with our readiness posture in the contact area . ”

Regarding the fact that some military command vacuums have occurred due to the follow-up measures to martial law, he explained, “ These are not units that actually fight the enemy in a contact area during wartime, ” and “ There is no problem with the system for monitoring North Korean military forces in preparation for actual combat or responding in case of provocation . ”

Earlier, Acting Minister of National Defense Kim Seon-ho met via video conference with Commander of the ROK-US Combined Forces Command Paul LaCamera to discuss ways to strengthen the ROK-US alliance and combined defense posture .

According to the South Korean Ministry of National Defense, both sides agreed that the ROK-U.S. alliance has been continuously strengthened despite changes in the domestic and international security environment , and confirmed that the alliance remains solid .

Commander LaCamera said, “ We are prepared to respond to any external threat while respecting Korea’s sovereignty, ” and promised, “ As the commander of the ROK-US Combined Forces, I will ensure that combined training, activities , and operations are not undermined by external factors . ”

He continued, “ I reaffirm that we are fully prepared to defend the Korean people, ” and emphasized , “ As Commander of the United Nations Command and Commander of the U.S. Forces Korea, I will fulfill my responsibilities to strengthen readiness , implement the armistice agreement, and strengthen the combined forces . ”

South Korea's Ministry of National Defense has suspended seven active-duty generals from their duties related to martial law , including Army Chief of Staff Park An-soo, who served as martial law commander , Yeo In-hyeong, commander of the Armed Forces Counterintelligence Command, Lee Jin-woo, commander of the Capital Defense Command , and Kwak Jong-geun, commander of the Special Warfare Command .

This is Hong Seung-wook of RFA's Radio Free Asia in Seoul .

Editor Yang Seong-won

14. N. Korean college students face punishment for questioning S. Korean politics lecture

​Isn't that what college students are supposed to do? - Ask hard questions? Oh right, everywhere except in north Korea.

N. Korean college students face punishment for questioning S. Korean politics lecture - Daily NK English

Following the incident, the college has completely banned students from discussing politics. However, some students continue to express frustration privately

By Jeong Seo-yeong - December 13, 2024

dailynk.com · by Jeong Seo-yeong · December 13, 2024

A demonstration demanding the resignation of the government in relation to the declaration of martial law is being held in the plaza of Lotte Department Store's Ulsan branch in Samsan-dong, Nam-gu, Ulsan on the afternoon of Dec. 4. /Photo=Yonhap News

Students at Haeju Teachers College in South Hwanghae province faced disciplinary action for questioning content from a lecture about South Korean politics, Daily NK has learned.

“The college held a year-end lecture about South Korean public protests calling for President Yoon Suk-yeol’s resignation. Several students received warnings for privately discussing unfamiliar concepts from the lecture,” a source in the province told Daily NK on Wednesday.

According to the source, students attended a lecture about South Korea’s political situation on Dec. 4. While the lecture focused on daily protests against the Yoon administration, students became particularly curious when the speaker mentioned falling presidential approval ratings.

After the lecture, small groups of students gathered to discuss what approval ratings meant, how they were measured, and why anyone would be allowed to assess a leader’s popularity. One student reported these discussions to the college’s Socialist Patriotic Youth League chapter, which escalated the matter to the college’s party committee.

The party committee viewed the students’ questions about leadership approval ratings as challenging their authority. Several students were summoned for questioning by the college’s state security agent.

“The students explained to the security agent that they were simply curious about the South Korean president’s approval rating and had no ulterior motives. Nevertheless, they were ordered to write self-criticism statements to prevent rumors from spreading,” the source said.

“In their statements, the students expressed regret for making inappropriate comments and promised to maintain proper conduct during future lectures,” the source added.

Following the incident, the college has completely banned students from discussing politics. However, some students continue to express frustration privately.

“The lecturer brought up concepts we don’t understand, like the puppet state president’s approval rating. Why is it wrong to discuss what we learned?” one student reportedly said.

The source noted that some students are criticizing authorities for exaggerating the incident to intimidate students and restrict their speech.

Daily NK works with a network of sources in North Korea, China, and elsewhere. For security reasons, their identities remain anonymous.

Please send any comments or questions about this article to dailynkenglish@uni-media.net.

Read in Korean

dailynk.com · by Jeong Seo-yeong · December 13, 2024

15.Interest in North Korea Human Rights Act Reauthorization Bill Passing During U.S. Congress Session

​Congress: Get it done.  

What saddens me is that there seems to be more support for other humanitarian crises around the world yet so little support for north Korean human rights.

Excerpt:

The bill to reauthorize the North Korean Human Rights Act was introduced in both the Senate and the House of Representatives during the  117th session , but it passed only the Senate and was automatically killed in the House of Representatives without even a plenary vote due to being overshadowed by other bills, and thus never became law .

Interest in North Korea Human Rights Act Reauthorization Bill Passing During U.S. Congress Session

https://www.rfa.org/korean/in_focus/nk_nuclear_talks/north-korea-human-rights-reauthorization-passes-12122024155438.html

WASHINGTON-Lee Sang-min lees@rfa.org

2024.12.12

A view of the United States Congress.

/ Reuters

Attention is being paid to whether the ' North Korea Human Rights Act Reauthorization Act ' , which extends the North Korea Human Rights Act enacted in 2004 for another  five years, can be adopted during the 118th Congress session , which ends next  month on the 3rd . On the 20th of last month  , the North Korea Human Rights Act Reauthorization Act passed the House of Representatives with a vote of 335 to 37. It will then take legal effect once it passes the Senate and the president signs it . Rep. Young Kim ( R - California ) , a co-sponsor of the 'North Korea Human Rights Act Reauthorization Act' passed by the House, told Radio Free Asia (RFA) at the time that the key to processing the bill during this session is whether the Senate will vote on the House version due to time constraints . If you look at the North Korea Human Rights Act reauthorization bills introduced in the House and Senate, respectively, only the Senate bill includes sanctions provisions while the House bill includes provisions for separated family reunions. It could take time to reconcile these differences, so it is important for the Senate to adopt the House bill as is and vote on it in order for the bill to pass this session, he explained . Rep. Young Kim’s office  told RFA on the 12th that there is currently nothing new, but Rep. Young Kim is hopeful that the bill can be passed during the session. The office of  Rep. Ami Bera ( D - Md. ) , who co-introduced the North Korea Human Rights Act reauthorization bill in the House with Kim, told RFA on the 12th that Bera is continuing to work to ensure that the bill passes in the Senate, but that she could not comment at this time on a timetable for the bill or whether a vote would be held in the Senate before the end of the 118th Congress . According to the tentative Senate calendar on the Senate website, the Senate will only be in session through December 20, after which it will be closed for the Christmas and New Year’s holidays . The offices  of Senator Marco Rubio , who introduced the North Korea Human Rights Act in the Senate, and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, who would determine whether the bill would be voted on in the Senate, did not respond to RFA ’s inquiries  as of late Tuesday about whether the Senate would vote on the North Korea Human Rights Act while the session is in session .    

The bill to reauthorize the North Korean Human Rights Act was introduced in both the Senate and the House of Representatives during the  117th session , but it passed only the Senate and was automatically killed in the House of Representatives without even a plenary vote due to being overshadowed by other bills, and thus never became law .  

North Korea Human Rights Act Reauthorization Bill Passes House Plenary Session  

Rep. Young Kim: “I Will Request Secretary of State Rubio to Appoint Special Envoy for North Korea Human Rights”

This is Lee Sang-min of RFA Free Asia Broadcasting. Editor Park Jeong-woo , Web Editor Lee Gyeong-ha. 

​16. How civil society can pursue a free, unified Korea after martial law debacle

My latest essay on a free and unified Korea. We cannot take our eye off the unification prize despite the martial law turmoil.

Excerpt:

The path to a free and unified Korea is fraught with challenges, from domestic political instability to the North's relentless propaganda machine. Yet, the enduring principles of hongik ingan -- emphasizing the benefit of all humanity -- offers a roadmap for civil society to lead the charge. Through strategic information campaigns, human rights advocacy, grassroots empowerment, and international collaboration, civil society can ensure that the dream of a unified Korea remains alive. It is a "Korean Dream" that can and must be achieved by the Koreas for all Koreans. The work of civil society, on the Korean peninsula and among allies around the world, can create a future where all Koreans, free from oppression, contribute to a society that stands as a beacon of hope and resilience for the world. A new Korea -- a United Republic of Korea (UROK).

How civil society can pursue a free, unified Korea after martial law debacle

https://www.upi.com/Voices/2024/12/12/how-civil-society-pursue-free-unified-korea-martial-law/8491734020056/

By David Maxwell

The aftermath of South Korea's recent martial law crisis has brought renewed urgency to the pursuit of a free and unified Korea. File Photo by Thomas Maresca/UPI | License Photo

Dec. 12 (UPI) -- The aftermath of South Korea's recent martial law crisis has brought renewed urgency to the pursuit of a free and unified Korea. South Korea's foreign and domestic policies will be upended by the current political turmoil. But Koreans in the North and South, and their supporters, cannot become discouraged and should recommit to their goal of a free and unified Korea. Civil society, as a dynamic and adaptable force, stands as a critical actor in navigating the political and social challenges of this pursuit. This essay explores how civil society can contribute to the vision of a unified Korea rooted in democracy, human rights, and prosperity, guided by traditional Korean principles such as hongik ingan -- the idea of benefiting all humanity.

Context: The crisis and its fallout

The martial law catastrophe jeopardizes the progress made toward unification under the 8.15 Unification Doctrine. This bold doctrine emphasizes human rights, freedom, and prosperity as cornerstones for peaceful unification, resonating deeply with global democratic values. However, the political instability sparked by this crisis risks undermining the doctrine's momentum. But its principles and strengths should not be jettisoned because it is associated with South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol's administration, which has ignited domestic political upheaval. The Korean people should separate their ire for Yoon's actions from a doctrine that belongs to all Koreans and is key to bringing freedom to all Koreans. Civil society must step up to safeguard these principles and maintain the focus on unification.

Civil society's roles and strategies

Civil society organizations (CSOs) have the agility and grassroots connections to fill gaps left by state institutions. Their multifaceted role includes information dissemination, human rights advocacy, and preparation for unification, ensuring the Korean peninsula moves toward a future free from oppression and division. The Korean-led organization Action for Korea United (AKU), whose philosophy is rooted in hongik ingan, and the Alliance for Korea United, a coalition of Korean-American organizations and individuals, are representative of the premier civil society organizations that are leading the effort in the pursuit of a free and unified Korea.

Information as a catalyst for change

Information is a critical vulnerability of the Kim family regime, which enforces strict censorship to maintain control. By breaking this information blockade, CSOs can empower the Korean people in the North with knowledge about their rights and the outside world, to include the fundamental human right of self-determination of government as stated in Article 21 of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Broadcast expansion: Contributing content to Radio Free Asia and Voice of America can expose North Koreans to uncensored information.

Innovative technologies: Utilizing microSD cards, satellite broadcasts, and encrypted networks, CSOs can penetrate North Korea's censorship barriers.

Networks of the North Korean diaspora: Empowering defectors/escapees in the North Korean diaspora as truth-tellers and messengers creates a credible channel for countering regime propaganda.

The hongik ingan ethos provides a moral framework, inspiring a commitment to uplift all Korean people through advocacy and empowerment.

The dissemination of alternative narratives, such as the "A 10 Point Promise to the North Korean People," which contrasts sharply with the Kim regime's Ten Principles of Monolithic Ideology (TPMI), is an example of the type of information that can provide the Korean people in the North knowledge that can contribute to undoing seven decades of indoctrination. The work of the Defense Forum Foundation and Free North Korea Radio should inspire individuals and groups by demonstrating practical capabilities for information dissemination.

Human rights advocacy: A strategic necessity

Human rights are central to both the moral and strategic arguments for unification. Civil society must focus on:

Documentation of abuses: Collaborating with international organizations to record evidence of North Korean crimes ensures accountability.

Education on universal rights: Informing Koreans in the North of their rights builds the foundation for a more informed and empowered citizenry.

Global advocacy: Pressuring international institutions like the UN to prioritize human rights in North Korea elevates the issue on the global stage.

The work of the Committee for Human Rights in North Korea is an exemplar in these areas.

By focusing on human rights, civil society helps weaken the regime's ideological grip and empowers the Korean people in the North to envision a different future.

Preparing for unification

Civil society must also plan for the complexities of unification, ensuring a smooth transition and integration process.

Scenario planning: Developing plans for regime collapse or peaceful transition ensures preparedness for various outcomes, with a focus on how civil society can contribute to what comes next after conflict, collapse, or internal leadership changes.

Economic integration: Researching frameworks for integrating North Korea's economy into South Korea's and the global free-market system addresses disparities while fostering growth. The research of leading scholars such as Dr. Nicholas Eberstadt provides an innovative look at the huge potential for economic growth in a free and unified Korea.

Grassroots empowerment: CSOs can cultivate resilience by addressing immediate needs such as healthcare and education, fostering real self-reliance as demonstrated by the market activity of the Korean people in the North rather than the false self-reliance of the Juche ideology.

Leadership development initiatives that nurture individuals within the North Korean diaspora such as the North Korean Young Leaders Assembly that are aligned with democratic values are essential for building a unified society based on mutual respect and justice.

Strengthening international collaboration

A unified Korea's success hinges on robust international support, which civil society can help secure through advocacy and coalition-building.

Trilateral cooperation: Strengthening alliances among South Korea, the United States, and Japan ensures coordinated strategies for unification.

Diaspora mobilization: Engaging the North Korean diaspora communities as well as the broader Korean community as advocates for unification amplifies the global reach of the movement.

Cultural exchanges: Although currently seemingly impossible due to the nature of the Kim regime in the North, promoting people-to-people interactions between North and South Koreans highlights shared history and values, fostering mutual understanding. CSOs should prepare for exchanges when the political and security situation exists. While physical, real-life exchanges may be currently prohibited, CSOs should develop virtual exchanges, both synchronous and asynchronous, using creative communication techniques.

Upholding the 8.15 Unification Doctrine amid political shifts

Civil society must act as a guardian of the doctrine's principles, ensuring that political turmoil does not derail progress toward unification. The 8.15 Unification Doctrine must be accepted as Korea's doctrine and not rejected because of the current political turmoil in South Korea.

Public mobilization: Engaging Koreans in the South in dialogue about unification to sustain public support and political commitment.

Policy advocacy: Collaborating with international allies to pressure governments to maintain focus on human rights and democratic values keeps the agenda alive.

Conclusion: A unified Korea rooted in justice and prosperity

The path to a free and unified Korea is fraught with challenges, from domestic political instability to the North's relentless propaganda machine. Yet, the enduring principles of hongik ingan -- emphasizing the benefit of all humanity -- offers a roadmap for civil society to lead the charge. Through strategic information campaigns, human rights advocacy, grassroots empowerment, and international collaboration, civil society can ensure that the dream of a unified Korea remains alive. It is a "Korean Dream" that can and must be achieved by the Koreas for all Koreans. The work of civil society, on the Korean peninsula and among allies around the world, can create a future where all Koreans, free from oppression, contribute to a society that stands as a beacon of hope and resilience for the world. A new Korea -- a United Republic of Korea (UROK).

David Maxwell is a retired U.S. Army Special Forces Colonel who has spent more than 30 years in the Asia Pacific region. He specializes in Northeast Asian Security Affairs and unconventional and political warfare. He is Vice President of the Center for Asia Pacific Strategy and a Senior Fellow at the Global Peace Foundation. Following retirement, he was Associate Director of the Security Studies Program at Georgetown University. He is on the board of directors of the Committee for Human Rights in North Korea and the OSS Society, and is a contributing editor to Small Wars Journal.

The views and opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of the author.

Read More

• The unintended consequences of Yoon's martial law debacle
• What would unification mean for the North Korean people?
• Why supporting a free and unified Korea serves vital U.S. interests

De Oppresso Liber,

David Maxwell

Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy

Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation

Editor, Small Wars Journal

Twitter: @davidmaxwell161

Phone: 202-573-8647

email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com