|
Quotes of the Day:
"Psychological Warfare has always rested as an uneasy activity in democracies, even in wartime. It is partly to do with the suspicion that using the mind to influence the mind is somehow unacceptable. But is it more unacceptable to shoot someone's brains out rather than to persuade that brain to drop down their weapon and live?"
– Dr. Phillip M. Taylor, Author of "Munitions of the Mind", Manchester University Press, 1995
“The mistake is to assume that rulers who came to power through institutions cannot change or destroy those very institutions--even when that is exactly what they have announced that they will do. Revolutionaries sometimes do intend to destroy institutions all at once. This was the approach of the Russian Bolsheviks. Sometimes institutions are deprived of vitality and function, turned into a simulacrum of what they once were, so that they gird the new order rather than resisting it.”
– Timothy Snyder, On Tyranny: Twenty Lessons from the Twentieth Century
“Enlighten the people generally, and tyranny and oppressions of the body and mind will vanish like evil spirits at the dawn of day.”
–Thomas Jefferson
1. S Korea outlines North Korea "peace package" as sanctions hurdles loom
2. Record 81 pct of N. Korean defectors say they are 'satisfied' with life in South: survey
3. Lee calls for stern measures against illegal fishing by Chinese vessels
4. U.S. military in S. Korea stages 'steel rain' live-fire drill with new rocket launchers
5. Architect of inter-Korean pact says North Korea will reciprocate if ROK restores
6. US nuclear submarine visits ROK, showing off asset for countering North Korea
7. Kim Jong Un advertises new luxury hotels near China for North Korean elites
8. Yoon denies sending drones to N. Korea to justify martial law in hearing on arrest extension
9. KF-21 fighters to be fitted with ground attack capabilities starting 2027
10. Non-proliferation expert named as chief negotiator for talks with U.S. over nuclear cooperation
11. Families of World War II Korean conscripts file lawsuit seeking removal of names from Yasukuni Shrine
12. 75th Anniversary of General Walker's Death
13. Trump highlights Hanwha's role in US Navy frigate plan
14. The Lee Jae-myung Administration’s 2025 in Review
15. Korea’s future lies at sea
16. Build nuclear-powered sub in South Korea
1. S Korea outlines North Korea "peace package" as sanctions hurdles loom
Summary:
Seoul’s Unification Ministry has rolled out a “peace package” for north Korea built around economic connectivity: a Seoul–Beijing rail link that would incorporate inter-Korean rail work, international tourism tied to the Wonsan-Kalma zone, and a new “peace trade” framework. Analysts judge the concept constrained by two hard realities. First, most elements would require U.N. sanctions exemptions or broader easing, demanding coordination with the United States and U.N. Security Council permanent members. Second, Pyongyang’s current line, treating inter-Korean ties as “two hostile states,” makes engagement unlikely even if limited relief were achieved. Some experts argue for small, tightly scoped exemption-based projects.
Comment: Regarding sanctions - they hardly matter anymore given CRInK support to the regime. BUT.... this "peace package" will be assessed as a success for KJU's political warfare and blackmail diplomacy. And rather than result in the reduction of tensions the South desires, KJU will double down on strategy to continue extract concessions.
S Korea outlines North Korea "peace package" as sanctions hurdles loom
By Asia Today and translated by UPI
https://www.upi.com/Top_News/World-News/2025/12/23/peace-package-nkorea/9931766446058/
Unification Minister Chung Dong-young adjusts his glasses during a forum on peaceful coexistence and unification at the National Assembly Members' Office Building in Seoul, Dec 12. Photo by Asia Today
Dec. 22 (Asia Today) -- South Korea's Unification Ministry has outlined a "peace package" for North Korea that includes proposals such as a Seoul-Beijing rail connection, international tourism tied to the Wonsan-Kalma area and a new "peace trade" framework, but analysts say the plans face major obstacles under existing sanctions and North Korea's current stance.
Diplomatic sources said advancing most of the proposals would require exemptions, easing or lifting of international sanctions that restrict North Korea's external trade and access to foreign currency. That would require consultations with the United States and permanent members of the U.N. Security Council, along with other relevant countries, to create conditions for inter-Korean exchange and cooperation.
Experts said the challenge is twofold: negotiating any sanctions flexibility and eliciting a positive response from Pyongyang.
The ministry has signaled it wants to expand the inter-Korean railway project pursued under the Moon Jae-in administration into a broader South-North-China rail link framed as multilateral cooperation. Analysts said involving more parties also increases the number of variables and coordination hurdles.
Related
Projects such as international tourism connected to Wonsan-Kalma and a new trade system are also seen as difficult to pursue as long as sanctions continue to block North Korea's ability to earn foreign currency, analysts said.
Even if Seoul were to secure some form of sanctions relief, analysts said the more difficult task may be persuading North Korea to engage. North Korean leader Kim Jong Un said at a December 2023 party meeting that inter-Korean relations should be treated as those of "two hostile states" and later reiterated that North Korea would not sit down with South Korea, the report said. He has remained silent on Seoul's proposals for talks, including military dialogue, it added.
Park Won-gon, a professor at Ewha Womans University, said some initiatives could become feasible if North Korea were to take denuclearization steps and corresponding sanctions were partially lifted. He added that if North Korea's policy toward South Korea does not change, it will be difficult to advance the ministry's peace and exchange projects.
Others argued Seoul should pursue narrow cooperation by making use of U.N. Security Council sanctions exemption procedures while continuing to press Washington on financial restrictions.
Lee Ji-sun, head of the Peace and Development Cooperation Center at the Institute for National Security Strategy, said sanctions exemptions are shaped heavily by political considerations among permanent members. She suggested starting with "small deals" that limit scope and scale while continuing efforts to persuade the United States to ease financial sanctions.
- Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI
2. Record 81 pct of N. Korean defectors say they are 'satisfied' with life in South: survey
Summary:
A Korea Hana Foundation survey finds a record 81.2 percent of north Korean defectors in South Korea say they are satisfied with life there, the highest level since the series began in 2011. Among 2,500 respondents, economic indicators also improved: employment rose to 61.3 percent, unemployment fell to 5.4 percent, and labor-force participation increased to 65.5 percent. The foundation says the gap between defectors and South Korean citizens narrowed slightly this year, suggesting better overall economic integration. The survey covered defectors aged 15 and older who arrived between 1997 and December 2024.
Comment: Good news on the surface. But if I were advising the Ministry of Unification I would do a deep dive into the 19 percent to determine what are the issues for these escapees. In addition I would advise figuring out how to best employ this information for themes and messages to the north (assuming there are any remaining platforms for transmitting information to the Korean people north).
Record 81 pct of N. Korean defectors say they are 'satisfied' with life in South: survey | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Kim Hyun-soo · December 23, 2025
https://en.yna.co.kr/view/AEN20251223001600315?section=nk/nk
SEOUL, Dec. 23 (Yonhap) -- A record 81 percent of North Korean defectors living in South Korea said they are "satisfied" with their lives in the South, amid an improvement in their overall economic situation, a survey showed Tuesday.
Of the 2,500 respondents, 81.2 percent said they were happy with their lives in South Korea, the highest figure since recordkeeping began in 2011, according to data from the Korea Hana Foundation, an agency affiliated with the unification ministry.
The employment rate of North Korean defectors in South Korea stood at 61.3 percent this year, up 1.2 percentage points from a year earlier.
During the same period, their jobless rate fell 0.9 percentage point on-year to 5.4 percent, while their economic participation rate increased 0.7 percent point compared with 64.8 percent the previous year.
A foundation official said the gap in major economic data between South Koreans and North Korean defectors here was narrowing in signs that their economic situation has improved.
The discrepancy in the employment and jobless rates of South Korean citizens and North Korean defectors this year had narrowed by 0.9 and 0.7 percentage point, respectively, from a year earlier.
The report was based on a survey of 2,500 North Korean defectors aged 15 and older who arrived in South Korea between January 1997 and December 2024.
This graphic, provided by the Korea Hana Foundation, shows survey results on the economic circumstances of North Korean defectors residing in South Korea, released on Dec. 23, 2025. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
sookim@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · Kim Hyun-soo · December 23, 2025
3. Lee calls for stern measures against illegal fishing by Chinese vessels
Summary:
POTROK ordered maritime police to take tougher action against illegal fishing by Chinese vessels operating in South Korea’s exclusive economic zone in the Yellow Sea. At a Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries briefing in Busan, Lee pressed the Korea Coast Guard on shifting from repelling boats to detaining them, citing violent resistance and intimidation by some crews, including the use of iron window bars. He argued fines should rise enough to impose real financial risk and deter repeat activity, noting fishermen sometimes pool money to pay penalties. Coast Guard acting commissioner Chang In-sik said enforcement would remain strong and fines would be reviewed with relevant agencies, while Vice Oceans Minister Kim Sung-bum said legal revisions would be pursued to enable stronger sanctions.
Comment: Good. POTROK cannot allow these malign activities by China to stand.
Lee calls for stern measures against illegal fishing by Chinese vessels | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Kim Eun-jung · December 23, 2025
https://en.yna.co.kr/view/AEN20251223011700315?section=national/politics
By Kim Eun-jung
SEOUL, Dec. 23 (Yonhap) -- President Lee Jae Myung on Tuesday instructed maritime police to take stern measures against illegal fishing by Chinese vessels in South Korean waters.
During a policy briefing by the Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries, Lee asked whether the Korea Coast Guard was shifting its approach from simply repelling or blocking Chinese fishing boats to actively detaining them when they operate illegally in South Korea's exclusive economic zone in the Yellow Sea.
Lee criticized what he described as violent resistance by some Chinese vessels against Korean law enforcement, including acts of intimidation and the installation of iron window bars, calling such behaviors "too mean."
"If they act violently while engaging in illegal fishing to avoid enforcement, shouldn't they face much stronger sanctions?" Lee said during the briefing held at the ministry's new headquarters in the southeastern city of Busan.
President Lee Jae Myung speaks during a policy briefing by the Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries held at the ministry's new headquarters in the southeastern city of Busan on Dec. 23, 2025 (Yonhap)
Lee said fines should be raised to levels that would increase the financial burden and risk of illegal fishing in Korean waters.
He added that tougher enforcement would have a stronger deterrent effect, noting that selective crackdowns have been less effective because Chinese fishermen often pool money to pay fines imposed by Korean authorities.
"Authorities need to make it clear that they firmly respond (to illegal fishing)," he said. "Tougher measures may be difficult, but an early response would help prevent trouble later."
Chang In-sik, acting commissioner of the Korea Coast Guard, responded that his agency would continue to strongly crack down on illegal fishing by Chinese boats and seek to raise fine levels in consultation with relevant agencies.
Vice Oceans Minister Kim Sung-bum said the ministry would also push for revisions to related laws to allow for stronger sanctions against illegal fishing.
ejkim@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · Kim Eun-jung · December 23, 2025
4. U.S. military in S. Korea stages 'steel rain' live-fire drill with new rocket launchers
Comment: To the Korean people (north and South): this is another indication that the US is committed to mutual defense. We modernize our forces because we are committed.
As an aside, I recall back in the 1980;s when 2d Infantry Division conducted a time on target division fires on St Barbara impact area. As CSC /1-506 commander I enjoyed our small contribution with our 4.2 inch mortars (one with a serial number of 006 and another with 017 as I recall - they were pretty old!)
U.S. military in S. Korea stages 'steel rain' live-fire drill with new rocket launchers | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Kim Hyun-soo · December 23, 2025
https://en.yna.co.kr/view/AEN20251223008900315?section=national/defense
By Kim Hyun-soo
SEOUL, Dec. 23 (Yonhap) -- The U.S. military stationed in South Korea has conducted a "steel rain" live-fire drill with new multiple rocket launchers, according to the Eighth Army on Tuesday.
The drill involving a new multiple launch rocket system (MLRS) called M270A2 was conducted on Dec. 11 at Camp Casey in Dongducheon, just north of Seoul, the U.S. military said in a statement.
Titled "'Steel Rain' on the Peninsula: M270A2 MLRS Conducts Inaugural Live Fire in Korea," the statement reads that the drill highlighted the U.S. military's "readiness and reinforced the unit's ability to rapidly execute operations when called upon."
U.S. Army Lt. Col. Daniel Han, commander of the artillery battalion, said, "To be able to (be the first battalion to shoot the new launcher systems) in Korea sends a strong signal of how the U.S. Army is continuing to modernize, continuing to transform, with more modern up-to-date capabilities in technology."
"It also tells our allies, the ROK Army, that as they're modernizing their long range precision shooter platforms ... we're right there side by side with them going through the same type of transformation to say that 'we're all in this together,'" Han said, using the acronym of South Korea's official name, the Republic of Korea.
This photo, provided by the U.S. Army website, shows the 210 Field Artillery Brigade of the U.S. Eighth Army conducting live fire drills using their new equipment at Camp Casey, north of Seoul, on Dec. 11, 2025. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
sookim@yna.co.kr
(END)
Related Articles
en.yna.co.kr · Kim Hyun-soo · December 23, 2025
5. Architect of inter-Korean pact says North Korea will reciprocate if ROK restores
Summary:
Choi Jong-kun, a key architect of the 2018 inter-Korean Comprehensive Military Agreement (CMA), argues that restoring the CMA remains practical arms control even under north Korea’s “two hostile states” framing. He says Seoul should move first by reimposing no-fly zones and adjusting border-area training, and predicts Pyongyang would reciprocate because both sides benefit from reducing accidental clash risk. Choi warns that today’s calm, with fewer balloons and loudspeakers, masks a dangerous reality: no working communication lines and higher escalation risk from any incident near the DMZ. He also faults the Lee administration for limited, non-distinctive inter-Korean initiatives.
Comment: But the regime never reciprocated substantially when the CMA was established. Yes they took down a dozen guard posts but those were symbolic actions, The CMA was one sided with the ROK andheh alliance significantly readiness and &W capabilities.
This is pure fantasy and mirror imaging. Just because we think reducing the risk of escalation is a good thing doesn't mean KJU is really concerned with that. He knows the ROK/US alliance will not escalate because we have telegraphs our intention to prevent it. So he does not have to take any action to reduce escalation.
Architect of inter-Korean pact says North Korea will reciprocate if ROK restores
In interview, Choi Jong-kun urges Lee administration to reimplement 2018 military deal, warning of escalation risks
Jeongmin Kim December 23, 2025
https://www.nknews.org/2025/12/architect-of-inter-korean-pact-says-north-korea-will-reciprocate-if-rok-restores/
Choi Jong-kun during a panel discussion at the 2025 Halifax International Security Forum | Image: Halifax International Security Forum (Nov. 21, 2025)
Restoring the Comprehensive Military Agreement (CMA) with North Korea remains a meaningful step toward preventing accidental clashes, despite the fact that Pyongyang has declared the South a hostile enemy state, according to the architect of the 2018 inter-Korean pact.
Choi Jong-kun, a former ROK vice foreign minister and secretary to President Moon Jae-in, told NK News that he thinks the DPRK would reciprocate and reimplement parts of the CMA if Seoul takes the first step.
“It’s basic arms-control. Hostile two states or peaceful two states, both sides benefit from preventing accidental clashes. It also signals to the U.S. that we are serious about re-opening dialogue with the North,” he said in an interview on the sidelines of the Halifax International Security Forum.
Choi described the past six months under the Lee Jae Myung administration as a period of relative calm, noting the lack of balloon launches and loudspeaker broadcasts.
But he warned that this should not obscure the fact that Seoul and Pyongyang now have no working communication lines, warning that an incident along the Demilitarized Zone risks triggering a “descending spiral.”
Choi also argued that the Lee administration can do a lot more on the inter-Korean front, noting the president’s conservative turn and suggesting that disappointed progressives are withholding judgement in hopes of change.
Choi is a professor of political science and international relations at Yonsei University and a former first vice foreign minister of South Korea from Aug. 2020 to May 2022. He served as secretary for peace and arms control at the National Security Office from July 2017 under the Moon administration, and later as secretary for peace planning from March 2019 to Aug. 2020.
This interview was conducted on the sidelines of the Halifax International Security Forum on Nov. 22. It has been edited for readability, clarity and length.
A collage of former Blue House secretary Choi Jong-kun, the inter-Korean Comprehensive Military Agreement and former South Korean President Moon Jae-in’s memoir | Images: ROK Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Inter-Korean Summit Press Corps, NK News, edited by NK News
NK News: In recent years, South Korea has experienced the martial law incident, U.S. and Korean elections and now a new administration under President Lee Jae Myung. Looking back, what was the biggest shift in inter-Korean relations?
Choi: Things have become less noisy, which has been one of the biggest changes. Under the Yoon Suk Yeol government, you had trash balloons flying back and forth, the border loudspeakers blasting and people in the frontline areas feeling threatened. That is not happening now, it seems, and it’s fortunate that residents along the border do not feel the same level of danger.
But on the flip side, a terrifying incident nearly happened. We now have emerging evidence that a South Korean unmanned drone was sent to Pyongyang — apparently to use a North Korean reaction as justification for martial law. Over the last three years we came very close to something disastrous. A conflict, even a mid-level armed clash, could have broken out.
NK News: Do you think this was related to structural problems in the military and government, or just the previous administration specifically? What are the chances something like this happening again?
Choi: I see it as something unique to the Yoon government. The ongoing sedition trial and related military investigations has to show that people involved will be held accountable. They need to be made examples of.
NK News: North Korea reacted very calmly to the alleged drone incursion. Why do you think they stayed quiet?
Choi: For one, on the day of martial law, I don’t think they really knew what was happening in the South. And their reaction to the drone was unusually cautious.
First, thank goodness. Second, I think they likely viewed the Yoon government as irrational. Some observers say North Korea was scared. I don’t think that’s true. If you read Kim Yo Jong’s message at the time, she even appealed to the U.S. in the tone of “Please restrain the South Korean government.” I don’t think it was just a joke.
Democratic Party candidate Lee Jae Myung answers reporters’ questions at the Kim Koo Museum & Library | Image: Lee Jae Myung’s campaign
NK News: During the presidential campaign, Lee made fewer mentions of North Korea than previous progressives, and his statements about deterrence sound closer to conservative administrations. Does this point to a permanent shift in progressive policy?
Choi: I think it’s clear that President Lee Jae Myung is quite different. I don’t know him personally, but he’s different from Presidents Kim Dae-jung, Roh Moo-hyun and Moon Jae-in. They were ideologues of a sort when it comes to engagement. They believed hostile division had to be resolved through dialogue.
With President Lee, I don’t see strong proactive messaging toward dialogue. Instead he seems to be saying, “They must be very angry at us to act this way.” That suggests he views near-term prospects for improving inter-Korean relations as low. That’s why he doesn’t talk about unification — which can sound hollow now — and instead focuses on preventing clashes.
Second, he prioritizes U.S.-DPRK relations before inter-Korean relations. Up until the Moon administration, we believed progress in inter-Korean ties could drive U.S.-North Korea dialogue. That’s no longer the case.
NK News: So the approach where Seoul was in the driver’s seat or mediating between the U.S. and North Korea is gone?
Choi: Personally, I think some part of it still exists. But fundamentally, no. The administration is more centrist — maybe even center-right — on issues like the alliance. And we haven’t seen a single special message or initiative on North Korea. Just standard statements. Nothing distinctive.
NK News: Yet American China hawks still describe Lee as “pro-North” or “communist.” Why do you think that is?
Choi: Fake news. And certain networks in the Korean diaspora spread disinformation in the U.S. It creates a vicious cycle.
And if you think about it, it’s unfair. Whenever a progressive wins in Korea, they’re immediately labeled pro-communist or pro-China, and the burden of proof to show we are not lies on us. This has happened repeatedly.
The Lee government entered office without a transition committee — same as ours under Moon — so they likely prioritized avoiding friction with the U.S. Naturally, they did that through using codewords on China and North Korea that sound familiar in a reassuring way to Washington.
Then-President Moon Jae-in arrives at Pyongyang Sunan Airport on the morning of Sept. 18, 2018 for the Inter-Korean Summit in Pyongyang. | Image: Inter-Korea Summit joint press pool
NK News: What about traditional progressive supporters? Are they disappointed with President Lee’s North Korea policy?
Choi: Some on the left feel a bit hurt. They say: “What about denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula? How can we pursue a nuclear submarine while still talking about denuclearization?”
The new fact sheet even uses “denuclearization of North Korea,” not “of the Korean Peninsula” — which was originally a conservative invention.
Some progressives are waiting, holding back judgment, thinking something could still change. But so far, the language hasn’t impressed them.
NK News: What about an end-of-war declaration? Is that something completely of a bygone era?
Choi: What I would have liked to see from the Lee administration is for it to pick up the thread of dialogue with North Korea once again, whether through an end-of-war declaration or whatever it might be. Only after that will it be possible to talk about this and that, but it’s going to be very difficult.
North Korea pushes back at every Lee policy. And from their perspective, nothing has changed much despite the new administration.
NK News: Some North Korean statements even accuse Lee of “being Yoon-like.”
Choi: It’s because the U.S. keeps sending nuclear-powered aircraft carriers and submarines, joint exercises continue and the Lee administration has not delivered a clear message to North Korea. For Pyongyang, the bigger focus is its relationship with Russia, not the South. But fundamentally, would there be really innovative ideas available? Is there anyone who can just sit in the corner for months just so they can create something new? It took around six months for me to create the Comprehensive Military Agreement (CMA) after I joined the administration in July 2017.
NK News: Some in the government say turning off loudspeakers, stopping balloon launches and keeping DMZ residents safe are already achievements. Do you disagree?
Choi: Yes. There is more they can do. President Lee has said multiple times that he wants the Sept. 19 CMA restored. But from the defense ministry, I’ll put it this way — I don’t see any serious systematic preparation to really restore it. And we could unilaterally begin observing parts of the CMA, especially the no-fly zones.
NK News: If you were back in the Blue House, what would you prioritize resuming?
Choi: First, no-fly zones. Second, reorganizing training in the border areas. As for guard posts (GPs), removing them is symbolic and not essential, but there are things we could do. Demilitarizing Panmunjom requires tripartite work with UNC, so it’s hard. But in the West Sea (Yellow Sea), we could conduct training further south.
NK News: But would North Korea reciprocate if Seoul moves first?
Choi: I think so. The CMA reflected mutual interests. If we observe it first, North Korea is likely to follow, except perhaps on GPs. They only have a single GP line; we have double lines of GPs and general outposts (GOP). Some areas also have 20-meter-high DPRK defensive walls.
But even if implementation varies, agreeing to restore the CMA and launching working-level checks would be major progress.
NK News: North Korea now calls the two Koreas “hostile states.” Is CMA restoration still meaningful under that framing?
Choi: Yes. It’s basic arms-control. Whether two hostile states or two peaceful states, both sides benefit from preventing accidental clashes. It also signals to the U.S. that we are serious about re-opening dialogue with the North.
NK News: Is there anything the U.S. or U.N. Command could do to help?
Choi: UNC maintains the armistice. They would have no reason to oppose steps that reduce accidental conflict risk. Even in 2018, UNC was not opposed; they engaged North Korea as well.
Kim Jong Un pins Hero of the Republic medals on the portraits of soldiers killed in the Ukraine war. | Image: Rodong Sinmun (Aug. 22, 2025)
NK News: What are your takeaways from the Halifax Forum and how attendees are thinking about North Korea and its ties with Russia?
Choi: I could see that the North Korea issue is eclipsed by the issue in Ukraine.
Obviously, North Korea dispatched their troops and ammunitions to the European war front to assist Russia, and obviously throughout this forum and also elsewhere, Russia has been perceived as something more like devilish, and North Korea is helping what they perceive to be a devil, and Ukraine is a victim.
So I think that North Korea is no longer truly a subject of denuclearization or peacemaking. It has just fallen into, or I guess, degraded, into a gang of evil.
NK News: Looking ahead, what do you think is the most dangerous risk factor for inter-Korean relations?
Choi: Descending spiral. What I mean by that is that we do not have any preventive measures to realize or, I guess, to minimize accidental skirmishes that may happen along the DMZ.
If you have a very hostile relationship between North and South Korea, North and the U.S., with the absence of dialogue and communication line, any type of accidental skirmish without any hostile intention may lead down to the descending spiral that leads to something bigger than we think.
What happens in Ukraine, and how people feel about the China threat in the Taiwan Strait, may lead people to think that the outbreak of war on the Korean Peninsula is not an exception [to the norm]. That really worries me.
Edited by Bryan Betts
6. US nuclear submarine visits ROK, showing off asset for countering North Korea
Summary:
A U.S. nuclear-powered attack submarine, USS Greeneville (SSN-772), made a port call at Busan Naval Base on Tuesday, the first such submarine visit under the Lee Jae Myung administration. Seoul described the visit as supporting logistics, crew rest, and closer ROK–U.S. naval cooperation, reinforcing combined defense posture against north Korean nuclear and missile threats. The Navy notes Greeneville is a Los Angeles-class boat with Tomahawk cruise missiles, vertical launch cells, and Mk-48 torpedoes, suited for anti-submarine, anti-ship, and reconnaissance missions. The defense ministry did not tie the visit to drills or extended deterrence steps. Pyongyang previously condemned a February Busan submarine call as provocative.
Comment: The narrative? US commitment to mutual defense. KJU's response shows that the message is received.
US nuclear submarine visits ROK, showing off asset for countering North Korea
First such visit under Lee administration comes after DPRK slammed a previous US submarine port call as ‘outrageous’
Joon Ha Park December 23, 2025
https://www.nknews.org/2025/12/us-nuclear-submarine-visits-rok-showing-off-asset-for-countering-north-korea/
The Los Angeles-class nuclear-powered fast-attack submarine USS Greeneville (SSN 772) transits the Pacific Ocean in Dec. 2024 | Image: U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 1st Class Keenan Daniels
A U.S. nuclear-powered submarine arrived at a South Korean naval base in the southern port city of Busan on Tuesday, the first such visit under the Lee Jae Myung administration and the latest display of Washington’s strategic presence to counter North Korean threats.
The USS Greeneville (SSN-772), a 6,900-ton Los Angeles-class submarine assigned to the U.S. Pacific Fleet’s Submarine Squadron 11, entered Busan Naval Base for logistics replenishment and crew rest, according to the South Korean navy on Tuesday.
The submarine homeported in San Diego is equipped with Tomahawk cruise missiles, 12 vertical launch system cells, MK-48 torpedoes and four torpedo tubes. It is about 110 meters (361 feet) long and 10 meters (33 feet) wide, and conducts anti-submarine, anti-ship and reconnaissance operations, according to the U.S. Navy.
The ROK military said the visit would be used to “enhance exchanges and cooperation between the South Korean and U.S. navies and further strengthen the combined defense posture.”
The defense ministry did not specify whether the submarine’s visit was linked to joint drills or to the U.S. extended deterrence framework, under which Washington has pledged to use the full range of its military capabilities, including nuclear forces, to defend South Korea against the North’s nuclear and missile threats.
U.S. Naval Forces Korea did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
The last visit of a major U.S. strategic asset to Busan occurred on Nov. 5, when the aircraft carrier USS George Washington (CVN-73) and four other warships from the U.S. Navy’s 5th Carrier Strike Group arrived.
While the South Korean defense ministry initially said the carrier’s visit was for “logistics support and crew rest,” the asset later took part in the joint Carrier Strike Group Exercise with the ROK navy’s Aegis destroyers in mid-November.
South Korea said those drills were aimed at “strengthening deterrence against North Korea based on the robust U.S.-ROK alliance.”
Tuesday’s visit comes roughly 10 months after the USS Alexandria (SSN-757), another Los Angeles-class submarine, docked in Busan in February.
The visit drew a sharp rebuke from North Korea.
In a statement carried by the Korean Central News Agency on Feb. 11, North Korea’s defense ministry condemned the USS Alexandria’s port call, calling it “a clear expression of the U.S. invariable hysteria for confrontation.” It accused Washington of ignoring Pyongyang’s security concerns.
“The DPRK will not flinch even an inch from the conflicting structure of the outrageous rival state,” the statement said, reiterating North Korea’s long-standing opposition to U.S. strategic military deployments and joint U.S.-South Korean exercises.
Edited by David Choi
7. Kim Jong Un advertises new luxury hotels near China for North Korean elites
Summary:
north Korea opened five new luxury hotels in Samjiyon near Mount Paektu and the Chinese border, state media reported, highlighting Kim Jong Un touring the facilities with his wife and young daughter. The openings include the 300-room Ikal Hotel and the mountain Milyong Hotel and spa, plus the 500-room Potnamu Hotel and two ski-area hotels, Sobaeksu and Chongbong. KCNA framed the project as a domestic tourism push, emphasizing upscale amenities and new training for service workers, with no immediate pitch to foreign visitors. The coverage suggests an elite market, reinforced by images of senior party officials inspecting suites. Longer term, proximity to China and past rhetoric about “revitalizing international tourism” indicate Chinese tourism remains a likely target.
Comment: WIll this be a significant money maker for the regime or just a KJU vanity project built at the expense of the suffering Korean people in the north? In Addition to oppressing the Korean people, KJU must keep the elites satisfied as well.
I wonder if we understand KJU's narrative here. Recall the iPad video POTUS showed KJU in Singapore with the hotels that could be built after denuclearization. . He is telling us he does not need our help to build hotels. And he is putting himself (in his mind) on the same level as POTUS in that he fancies himself a master hotel builder.
Kim Jong Un advertises new luxury hotels near China for North Korean elites
State media promotes Samjiyon primarily for domestic tourism despite past focus on attracting foreign visitors
Colin Zwirko December 23, 2025
https://www.nknews.org/2025/12/kim-jong-un-advertises-new-luxury-hotels-near-china-for-north-korean-elites/
Kim Jong Un and his young daughter hold hands while touring outdoor spa facilities at the Milyong Hotel on Dec. 20 | Image: KCNA (Dec. 23, 2025)
North Korea has officially opened five luxury hotels in Samjiyon near Mount Paektu and the Chinese border, according to state media on Tuesday, up to seven years after construction on the facilities began.
Leader Kim Jong Un visited the 300-room Ikal Hotel in the city center and Milyong Hotel and spa resort in the remote mountains with his wife and young daughter on Saturday.
Photos showed the ruling family touring opulent multi-room lodgings, indoor swimming pools, billiards halls and conference rooms.
Top party officials separately opened the 500-room Potnamu Hotel and the Sobaeksu and Chongbong hotels at the foot of the Pegaebong ski hill on Sunday, without Kim in attendance.
All five hotels exhibited amenities typical of upscale facilities targeting wealthy customers.
The Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) covered the openings several days late with a focus on domestic tourism — and with no mention of plans to host foreign tourists, as Kim did during his last visit to Samjiyon in July 2024.
Since that visit, satellite imagery has revealed major new construction to upgrade Samjiyon’s airport, build a new elevated train station and transform a remote military ski base into a large new ski resort.
Ikal Hotel exterior | Image: KCNA (Dec. 23, 2025)
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
Kim Jong Un and his young daughter outside the Milyong Hotel | Image: KCNA (Dec. 23, 2025)
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
DOMESTIC TOURISM FOCUS
KCNA described the newly opened hotels as part of a “new phase” of government-led projects to build various types of amenities for the North Korean people, though without specifying pricing or usage schemes for domestic tourists.
The report said these projects are part of Kim Jong Un’s plan to achieve “Korean-style socialism” and his “fervent desire to make our people the most dignified, who have nothing to envy in the world.”
Unnamed officials reportedly said in speeches at the openings that “Samjiyon City will soon be renowned as an attractive mountainous tourist resort and leisure ground for the people.”
Kim also demanded officials “further expand and strengthen the national system of training professional service workers” in order to better serve consumer demand.
State media has promoted government provision of upscale amenities for ordinary citizens under socialist policies in coverage of other large state-led projects in recent years, like the Wonsan Kalma beach zone and Yangdok and Onpho hot springs resorts.
The construction comes amid Kim Jong Un’s accelerated attempts to perfect his total control of society, and amid North Korea’s continued ban on citizens freely traveling abroad for pleasure.
State TV showed the country’s most privileged central party officials touring the luxurious hotels — some with four or more rooms in a single lodging — suggesting the nominally socialist state’s growing wealthy class may be a key target of the construction.
Aerial view of the Sobaeksu Hotel at the foot of the Pegaebong ski hill | Image: KCNA (Dec. 23, 2025)
1
2
3
4
5
6
Aerial view of the Chongbong Hotel (right) and Sobaeksu Hotel (left) at the foot of the Pegaebong ski hill | Image: KCNA (Dec. 23, 2025)
1
2
3
4
FOREIGN TOURISM
Despite the domestic focus in state media, it remains likely that the hotels will target foreign tourists in the future to earn money as well, after Kim said last year that Samjiyon is part of his plan to “revitalize international tourism” and that North Korea will invite “friendly foreign friends” to the city.
Samjiyon’s close proximity to the Chinese border suggests Chinese tourists will be a priority if North Korea decides to generally reopen the country to foreign tourism, though only Korean and English language signage appeared on display inside the hotels.
China has demonstrated its interest in the region by recently building a large new customs complex at the border north of Samjiyon, with plans to expand it into an economic park. The Chinese ambassador to North Korea also called for restarting tourism during a visit to Samjiyon last summer.
The DPRK stopped accepting foreign tourists in Jan. 2020 as it closed its borders at the onset of the pandemic.
It has since reopened borders and allowed limited numbers of Russian tourists and visitors for officially non-tourism-related reasons, but it remains unclear if or when authorities will restart general tourism at pre-pandemic levels.
Aerial view of the Potnamu Hotel in central Samjiyon | Image: KCNA (Dec. 23, 2025)
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
This map shows the locations of the six hotels featured in Tuesday’s KCNA report | Image: Google Earth, edited by NK News
NAME CHANGES, CONSTRUCTION HISTORY
NK News has found that all five hotels, as well as the Pegaebong Hotel on the ski hill above the city that Kim introduced during his July 2024 visit, were recently renamed to use the word “hotel” (호텔) in both Korean and English. They were previously called “ryogwan” (려관) in Korean, a word denoting a lower-tier facility that North Korea often translates to “hostel.”
State media has distinguished between the two tiers in coverage of the new Wonsan Kalma beach resort zone on the east coast, showing citizens on state-organized group tours staying only in “ryogwan,” with the hotels reserved for high-profile state events.
It appears that propaganda authorities favored the word “ryogwan” in Samjiyon for a limited time, possibly since it connotes a facility accessible to all classes, but changed course for unknown reasons.
The Potnamu Hotel, for instance, featured a sign installed on the building that said “Samjiyon Hotel” in Korean when Kim Jong Un visited in Oct. 2019. The sign was changed to say “Potnamu Ryogwan” by April 2024, but it now says “Potnamu Hotel.”
Photos published Tuesday show signs installed at the hotels that use the English spelling “Potnamu” and “Ikal,” while the KCNA English article uses the spellings “Ponnamu” and “Ikkal.”
NK News analysis of satellite imagery indicates that construction on the five hotels faced significant delays, likely due to financial problems and a self-induced pandemic-related blockade on foreign trade.
The Ikal and Potnamu hotels in the eastern central area of Samjiyon started over seven years ago in mid-2018, followed by the Sobaeksu and Chongbong hotels at the foot of the Pegaebong ski hill in Dec. 2018 and the Milyong Hotel to the west near the Chinese border around May 2020.
Edited by Bryan Betts
8. Yoon denies sending drones to N. Korea to justify martial law in hearing on arrest extension
Summary:
Former ROK President Yoon Suk Yeol denied in court that he ordered drone incursions into north Korea to manufacture a pretext for his failed Dec. 3 martial law move. Speaking at a closed hearing on whether to extend his detention, Yoon said no such operation could have occurred without his knowledge and claimed he received no reports of any strike, arguing the “aiding the enemy” allegation cannot stand. He cited a post election phone call with then President-elect Trump, saying he emphasized “strategic patience” toward north Korean trash-balloon provocations unless casualties occurred. Special counsel prosecutors argued continued custody is needed due to the gravity of the charges and risks of evidence tampering, flight, or pressure on alleged accomplices. The court will rule after additional filings next week.
Comment: Did the drone incursion take place or not? What is the evidence? Is he denying that the intent was to provide a nK response or is he denying that any drone incursion took place (based on the article it seems the latter). So again, what is the evidence that it did take place? Other than north Korea showing off a drone that allegedly crashed near Pyongyang?
(2nd LD) Yoon denies sending drones to N. Korea to justify martial law in hearing on arrest extension | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Kim Seung-yeon · December 23, 2025
https://en.yna.co.kr/view/AEN20251223001552315
(ATTN: CHANGES headline, lead; UPDATES with details on court hearing; ADDS byline)
By Lee Haye-ah and Kim Seung-yeon
SEOUL, Dec. 23 (Yonhap) -- Former President Yoon Suk Yeol on Tuesday denied allegations he sent drones into North Korea to create a pretext for his failed martial law imposition, citing his phone call with then U.S. President-elect Donald Trump to back up his claim.
Yoon spoke before the court himself during a closed-door hearing held to decide whether to extend his arrest, on charges of benefiting the enemy and power abuse in connection with his alleged drone deployment to Pyongyang in October last year.
The ousted president has been held in custody since July on charges of obstructing justice by blocking his detention by investigators in January. He is currently set to be released after his six-month arrest expires Jan. 18.
Special counsel Cho Eun-suk's team requested an extension of his arrest last month while additionally indicting him over the alleged drone operation, which it claimed was aimed at inciting the North's retaliation and using it as a pretext for the Dec. 3 martial law declaration last year.
During the hearing, Yoon reportedly claimed that the charge of aiding the enemy cannot hold because he had received no reports of any drone operation or strike, saying such actions would not have occurred without his knowledge.
Yoon also brought up the 10-minute phone conversation he had with Trump in November last year following Trump's election. Yoon said they discussed the North's sending of trash-carrying balloons into the South.
Yoon said he told Trump that his government was adhering to a policy of "strategic patience" over the balloons and would maintain that stance unless North Korea's provocations result in casualties.
Yoon's legal team argued that the drone allegations should be addressed in the separate, ongoing trial over the martial law declaration.
The special counsel said Yoon must remain in custody, given the gravity of his alleged crimes and risks of him destroying evidence or fleeing.
Cho's team also argued that releasing a former president could have a significant impact on the trial given Yoon's political influence. It raised concern that Yoon could exert pressure on alleged accomplices.
The court requested both sides submit additional arguments in writing by next Tuesday. The court is expected to make its decision on the arrest extension after that day.
In the event an extension is granted, Yoon could be jailed for up to six more months.
A verdict on the obstruction of justice charge is set to be delivered Jan. 16.
A separate trial is also under way on charges that Yoon led an insurrection through the imposition of martial law.
Former President Yoon Suk Yeol (Pool photo) (Yonhap)
hague@yna.co.kr
elly@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · Kim Seung-yeon · December 23, 2025
9. KF-21 fighters to be fitted with ground attack capabilities starting 2027
Comment: Soon enough?
KF-21 fighters to be fitted with ground attack capabilities starting 2027 | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Lee Minji · December 23, 2025
https://en.yna.co.kr/view/AEN20251223003000315
SEOUL, Dec. 23 (Yonhap) -- South Korea's homegrown KF-21 fighter jets under development will be fitted with air-to-ground capabilities starting in 2027, ahead of schedule, the state arms procurement agency said Tuesday.
The plan comes as authorities plan to spend around 700 billion won (US$472 million) to conduct a series of tests involving 10 different types of air-to-ground weapons until the end of 2028, according to the Defense Acquisition Program Administration (DAPA).
The plan is expected to secure ground attack capabilities for the homegrown fighter jet around 1 1/2 years earlier than planned, in a move strengthening the Air Force's strength and positively affecting potential exports, DAPA said.
South Korea launched the KF-21 development program in 2015 to acquire a homegrown supersonic fighter to replace the Air Force's aging fleet of U.S.-made jets, including the F-5. The first production model of the indigenous fighter jet entered final assembly in May.
This Dec. 18, 2025, photo, provided by Korea Aerospace Industries Ltd., shows the KF-21 fighter jet under development. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
mlee@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · Lee Minji · December 23, 2025
10. Non-proliferation expert named as chief negotiator for talks with U.S. over nuclear cooperation
Excerpt:
Rim's appointment appears to indicate South Korea's commitment to seek civilian uranium enrichment and spent fuel reprocessing while abiding by the non-proliferation regime as there are concerns within the U.S. that Seoul's push may lead to the proliferation of nuclear weapons.
Comment: He sure has his work cut out for him.
Non-proliferation expert named as chief negotiator for talks with U.S. over nuclear cooperation | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Kim Soo-yeon · December 23, 2025
https://en.yna.co.kr/view/AEN20251223009200315
SEOUL, Dec. 23 (Yonhap) -- South Korean Ambassador to Romania Rim Kap-soo has been named as the country's chief negotiator for talks with the United States over Seoul's efforts to secure civil uranium enrichment and spent fuel reprocessing capabilities, the foreign ministry said Tuesday.
Rim, known as an expert in the non-proliferation field, was named Monday as the government's representative for a task force on nuclear cooperation between Seoul and Washington, according to a ministry official.
He worked at the International Atomic Energy Agency in 2016 as a specialist on the global non-proliferation regime.
Under a joint fact sheet on summit agreements between President Lee Jae Myung and U.S. President Donald Trump, the U.S. committed to supporting South Korea in its efforts toward civil uranium enrichment and spent fuel reprocessing for peaceful uses.
The government will soon launch a task force on bilateral nuclear cooperation, led by the foreign ministry, to proceed with related negotiations.
Rim's appointment appears to indicate South Korea's commitment to seek civilian uranium enrichment and spent fuel reprocessing while abiding by the non-proliferation regime as there are concerns within the U.S. that Seoul's push may lead to the proliferation of nuclear weapons.
This undated file photo shows South Korean Ambassador to Romania Rim Kap-soo. (Yonhap)
sooyeon@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · Kim Soo-yeon · December 23, 2025
11. Families of World War II Korean conscripts file lawsuit seeking removal of names from Yasukuni Shrine
Comment: One step forward and two steps back in the bilateral relationship.
Families of World War II Korean conscripts file lawsuit seeking removal of names from Yasukuni Shrine | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Kim Seung-yeon · December 23, 2025
https://en.yna.co.kr/view/AEN20251223012000315?section=national/diplomacy
SEOUL, Dec. 23 (Yonhap) -- Family members of Koreans forcibly conscripted by Japan during World War II have filed a lawsuit seeking the removal of the names of the deceased from a controversial Japanese shrine that honors war criminals, civic groups said Tuesday.
Ten bereaved family members of Korean soldiers and civilian employees filed the suit earlier in the day with the Seoul Central District Court, seeking the removal of the names from Yasukuni Shrine, the Center for Historical Truth and Justice and an affiliated civic group said at a press conference.
They are also seeking damages totaling 880 million won (US$593,700) from the Japanese government and the entity that manages the shrine.
It is the first time that a lawsuit on the cancellation of enshrinement at Yasukuni Shrine has been filed in a South Korean court.
Yasukuni Shrine, located in central Tokyo, honors some 2.46 million Japanese war dead, including 14 Class A criminals convicted by the Allies in international tribunals for their roles in World War II.
Many Koreans were forcibly mobilized for the Imperial Japanese Army during that time as Korea was under Japan's colonial rule from 1910-45. About 20,000 Koreans are believed to have been enshrined at the shrine.
Civic groups and family members of Koreans forcibly taken by Japan during World War II hold a press conference in Seoul on Dec. 23, 2025, regarding their lawsuit seeking the removal of the names of the deceased from the Yasukuni Shrine. (Yonhap)
The shrine is regarded as a symbol of Japan's militaristic past, and regular visits or sending of offerings by Japanese leaders to the shrine has drawn criticism from countries, like South Korea and China.
The plaintiffs say the Japanese government violated their rights by forcibly conscripting the victims, leading to their deaths and by later enshrining them without consent. That has infringed on their dignity as well as their freedom of religion and conscience, they said.
"The enshrinement is not a mere religious rite for the bereaved families, but an act that subsumes the victims into a frame that glorifies Japan's war of aggression," the plaintiffs' legal counsel said.
"Their status as 'war dead for the Emperor,' even though they were driven to their deaths, must be brought to an end so that the families can reclaim the right to remember their loved ones in the manner they choose," the legal counsel said.
Since the enshrinement of Koreans became publicly known in the 1990s, bereaved family members have filed two lawsuits in Japanese courts seeking the cancellation of enshrinement, but both were dismissed on grounds that the statute of limitations expired.
Six Korean family members filed another suit in Japan in September, with the case pending at court.
elly@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · Kim Seung-yeon · December 23, 2025
12. 75th Anniversary of General Walker's Death
Summary:
Walton “Johnny” Walker arrived when the Republic of Korea was close to being pushed into the sea. He took command, went forward, and fixed a line on the Nakdong. He made it plain to battered units that there would be no further retreat. He used mobile defense, shifting scarce combat power to seal penetrations, and he treated every local crisis as decisive because any one of them could have broken the perimeter. That stubborn, improvisational defense bought time and space for the Inchon landing and the breakout that followed. If the line had failed, there may have been no South Korea to save.
Comment: A fascinating anecdote about "walkers"
75th Anniversary of General Walker's Death
[Manmoolsang] 75 Years Ago: Walker's Defense Enabled Incheon Landing, Securing South Korea
By Ahn Yong-hyun
Published 2025.12.22. 20:46
Updated 2025.12.23. 13:15https://www.chosun.com/english/opinion-en/2025/12/22/HBMWWMZAXNFFHOL7NQHPQFI6MA/
Walton Walker, a graduate of the U.S. Military Academy, survived hellish trench warfare as a machine gun platoon leader during World War I. When World War II broke out, he became the spearhead commander of General Patton’s armored forces, advancing deep into Germany. His unit, known for its rapid advances, was called the “Ghost Army.” Patton personally pinned a lieutenant general’s insignia on Walker, saying, “Your unit is the most aggressive in my army.” When Patton died in a traffic accident in December 1945, Walker wept in grief.
Within a month of the outbreak of the Korean War, South Korea lost 90% of its territory. Walker, then commander of the U.S. Eighth Army in Japan, arrived in Korea. The situation was so dire that the U.S. government considered relocating the South Korean government. Following Patton’s mantra, “A commander must decide where to fight,” Walker personally inspected the front lines and established the last defensive line along the Nakdong River. Addressing demoralized U.S. troops, he declared, “Stand or die.” To South Korean forces, he said, “Though I am an American, I will defend this country even if it means my death.” Walker relentlessly patched holes in the front lines.
Walker’s tactic was “mobile defense.” To hold a long front with limited forces, mobility was key. When the North Korean 6th Division threatened to breach Masan in the Honam region, he extinguished the fire by urgently deploying a marine regiment. He defended through offense. The critical Dabudong area was entrusted to General Paik Sun-yup’s ROK 1st Division. Walker’s grandson, who recently visited South Korea, said, “My grandfather and General Paik were like father and son.” If Walker had failed to hold the Nakdong River, MacArthur’s Incheon Landing would not have occurred, and South Korea might not exist today.
The U.S. military refers to combat boots as “combat boots” or “military boots.” Only South Korean forces call them “Walkers.” Though it appears to be Konglish derived from the English word “walker,” some say it relates to General Walker. A story claims that when a Korean laborer asked the name of a box of combat boots, a U.S. soldier mistook the question for a request for the commander’s name and replied, “Walker.” Walker’s unit crossed the Nakdong River, advanced north, and established a command post in Pyongyang. Without Chinese intervention, unification might have been achieved.
Walker’s son, a captain, also fought in the Nakdong River region. In December 1950, Walker drove toward Uijeongbu to personally pin a medal on his son. His vehicle collided with a South Korean military truck near present-day Dobong Station. Like Patton five years earlier, it was a traffic accident. At Arlington National Cemetery, where Walker is buried, the inscription reads, “Freedom is not free.” Today (Nov. 23) marks the 75th anniversary of General Walker’s death.
Illustration by Kim Sung-kyu
13. Trump highlights Hanwha's role in US Navy frigate plan
Summary:
POTUS said the U.S. Navy plans a new frigate class that would involve South Korea’s Hanwha Group, tying the effort to the $150 billion “Make American Shipbuilding Great Again” initiative. He pointed to Hanwha’s planned $5 billion investment in its Philadelphia shipyard, framed as reopening and expanding capacity for Navy work. Hanwha officials cautioned that no frigate order, schedule, or final deal has been set, and key U.S. security approvals are still pending. The announcement nonetheless signaled Washington’s openness to allied industrial support as it pursues a larger shipbuilding push under the “Golden Fleet” concept.
Trump highlights Hanwha's role in US Navy frigate plan
koreaherald.com · Ahn Sung-mi · December 23, 2025
https://www.koreaherald.com/article/10642505
$150b MASGA push gains momentum as Trump casts shipbuilding as strategic priority
President Lee Jae Myung (seated, fourth from left) listens to welcoming remarks by Kim Dong-kwan, vice chair of Hanwha Group, during the naming ceremony of the TS State of Maine at Hanwha Philly Shipyard in Philadelphia, on Aug. 26. (Newsis)
US President Donald Trump said Monday that the US Navy plans to build a new class of frigate in cooperation with South Korea’s Hanwha Group, a move anticipated to speed up the $150 billion bilateral shipbuilding investment initiative known as "Make American Shipbuilding Great Again," or MASGA.
Speaking at a press conference at Mar-a-Lago estate in Florida, Trump announced a new battleship plan for the so-called Golden Fleet vision for revitalizing the US maritime industry, which includes constructing a new class of frigate with Hanwha.
“Last week, the Navy announced a brand new class of frigate and they’re going to be working with South Korean company Hanwha,” Trump said.
His remarks follow the US Navy’s announcement Friday that it plans to deploy a new class of combat vessels that are smaller and more agile, designed to complement larger, multimission warships. By explicitly naming Hanwha, Trump signaled Washington’s openness to foreign collaboration in military shipbuilding, a sector long restricted to domestic producers.
Trump praised Hanwha as “a good company” and said the company had agreed to invest $5 billion in a Philadelphia naval shipyard, apparently referring to Hanwha Philly Shipyard, which the conglomerate acquired last year. Trump said the facility, once a great shipyard, had been closed for years and is now reopening, working with private companies and the US Navy.
The comments referred to Hanwha Group’s previously announced $5 billion investment plan for the yard, unveiled in August, which includes infrastructure upgrades such as two additional docks and three quays to increase capacity.
However, no formal agreements related to frigate construction have yet been disclosed. A Hanwha Ocean official said no decisions have been made regarding an order, timeline or finalized deal.
Still, Trump's mention of Hanwha has raised expectations that MASGA is beginning to take concrete shape, with industry observers anticipating further shipbuilding announcements in the coming months.
According to industry sources, Hanwha Ocean has applied to the US government for a facility clearance license for the Philly Shipyard, a key security certification necessary for sensitive defense projects such as US Navy programs. Approval would allow the yard to participate in military construction, including frigates and potentially submarines.
Under the MASGA project, the South Korean government will support shipbuilders such as Hanwha Ocean, HD Hyundai and Samsung Heavy Industries through direct investment, loans and guarantees for projects aimed at revitalizing and strengthening US maritime capabilities. Major potential investment areas involve acquiring and modernizing US shipyards, building vessels, supplying equipment and parts, as well as conducting maintenance, repair and overhaul work.
Although the two governments signed a memorandum of understanding in November outlining the overall framework for the investment, no specific project has yet been designated as the first beneficiary, with observers saying Hanwha could emerge as the initial recipient.
The MASGA plan has been credited as a decisive factor in breaking the stalemate in the tariff negotiations. South Korea agreed to invest $350 billion, including $150 billion earmarked for the shipbuilding industry in the US, and in return, the tariffs were reduced from 25 percent to 15 percent.
At Monday’s press conference, Trump announced that the US Navy will construct two new, large battleships under the “Golden Fleet” initiative to maintain military power and improve the industrial base.
Trump said the new battleships will be the “fastest, the biggest and by far 100 times more powerful than any battleship ever built,” adding that up to 25 could ultimately be constructed. Once completed, Trump said the vessels would be equipped to carry hypersonic and “extremely lethal” weapons.
sahn@heraldcorp.com
koreaherald.com · Ahn Sung-mi · December 23, 2025
14. The Lee Jae-myung Administration’s 2025 in Review
Summary:
Lee Jae-myung entered office after Yoon Suk-yeol’s failed martial law gamble and a bruising campaign season that made Lee a symbol of return to constitutional order. The administration steadied markets, pushed stimulus through consumption vouchers, and benefited from stronger semiconductor exports, lifting confidence and the KOSPI. Diplomatically, Seoul reappeared fast, with G-7, ASEAN outreach, and a broad SHINE initiative, then a major investment and tariff deal with Washington that also advanced South Korean nuclear fuel cycle aims and submarine ambitions. The weak point is accountability. Courts and cautious ruling-party politics slowed arrests and verdicts tied to the self-coup, while Unification Church allegations now threaten Lee’s reform brand.
Comment: Or perhaps a new "normal." Or a normal when the Democratic Party is in power.
The Lee Jae-myung Administration’s 2025 in Review
It’s not perfect. But South Korea is returning to normalcy.
By Eunwoo Lee
December 19, 2025
https://thediplomat.com/2025/12/the-lee-jae-myung-administrations-2025-in-review/
Credit: Facebook/Lee Jae-myung
A little more than a year ago, Lee Jae-myung, then the leader of the now ruling Democratic Party, was on former President Yoon Suk-yeol’s list of his nemeses to be rounded up and arrested as Yoon declared martial law. In early 2024, Lee had already survived an assassination attempt by a deranged admirer of Yoon’s who stabbed him in the neck. The prosecutor’s office had also borne down on Lee with trumped-up charges and trial after trial.
Yoon’s self-coup failed, however, and Lee – once the most persecuted political figure in South Korea – became the most powerful man almost overnight. As the dawn broke on December 4, 2024, the National Assembly hadn’t yet passed the impeachment motion against Yoon; the Constitutional Court’s official impeachment ruling wouldn’t be issued until April 2025. Yet, the illegality and absurdity of Yoon’s botched marital law declaration were so obvious that Lee seemed a lock to be South Korea’s next president.
Six months later, that was finally borne out. In the June snap presidential election, Lee garnered more than 17 million votes, more than any candidate in South Korean history. Jubilation and relief reigned. Lee’s Cabinet meetings went on for hours, reassuring the public that someone was righting the ship at last. He filled his staff not based on their fancy educational history and personal loyalty but for their gung-ho spirit and efficiency.
Last year’s end-of-the-year overview of the Yoon administration was bleak reading, thanks to interminable scandals, graft, and Yoon’s self-coup attempt. This year’s rundown on the Lee administration offers a more upbeat review, albeit not without drama.
South Korea’s economy is picking up. Lee’s presidency itself restored consumer confidence. Lee further spurred spending by injecting some extra $13 billion into the South Korean economy, including two rounds of cash handouts in the form of universal consumption vouchers redeemable at local restaurants and retailers. Lucky for the new government, exports of South Korean semiconductors also increased.
Overall, South Korea’s GDP expanded by 1.166 percent in the third quarter, one of the highest upticks in the OECD. This is a particularly significant increase, given how South Korea’s GDP had actually contracted in the aftermath of Yoon’s martial law debacle.
With Lee as president, South Korea emerged from a period of political turbulence and uncertainty, as well as sheer government incompetence. Investor confidence in South Korea’s critical industries and its stock market has never been this solid. South Koreans have tapped into their savings accounts to buy shares; foreign investors flooded in, as well. Before Lee’s presidency, the KOSPI had been floundering at around 2,500. Now, it’s over 4,000.
But, it hasn’t been all rosy for the South Korean economy. The Consumer Price Index has been increasing by more than 2 percent per month since September. In October, the delayed onset of the Korean rainy season jacked up the prices of some staple crops. Imported goods are becoming harder to buy. South Korea’s currency, the won, has depreciated considerably. For the past six months, its value has dropped by almost 10 percent against the U.S. dollar. There’s been heightened demand for the U.S. currency as South Korea’s institutional and retail investors are looking to invest abroad more than ever. Seoul’s agreement with Washington for the former to invest $350 billion into the U.S. economy (more on this shortly) has also made the won less attractive to retain.
As inflation and the won’s poor exchange rate are making South Koreans tighten their purse strings, some critics blamed Lee’s injection of government money into the economy for higher price tags. In response, Lee said it was because “our economy is undergoing a drastic recovery” and that the current inflation is a temporary hiccup.
South Korea has returned to the international stage after an awkward hiatus from December 2024 to May 2025. In various polls, South Koreans picked Lee’s diplomacy as the primary reason for their approval of his administration. Lee has shown aptitude for managing both multilateral and bilateral relations.
Only 12 days after his election, Lee flew to Canada for the G-7 summit. More recently, Lee’s attendance at the ASEAN Summit in October opened up new avenues for South Korea’s collaboration with the region in artificial intelligence, aerospace technology, energy grids, and tackling transnational crimes. In November, while touring Africa and the Middle East, Lee suggested his own conception, the SHINE (Stability, Harmony, Innovation, Network, and Education) Initiative as a fundamental framework for Seoul’s future engagement with the regions.
Despite initial concerns that Lee and U.S. President Donald Trump would be incompatible due to their diametrically clashing political views, Trump took a shine to Lee at their first meeting in Washington in August. “We’ve known each other and gotten along very well… It’s a great honor to be with you … and we’re with you 100 percent,” Trump said at the time.
South Korea’s hosting of APEC 2025 was a resounding success. With Chinese leader Xi Jinping’s visit to South Korea for the first time in 11 years, Seoul restored bilateral relations with Beijing. (Former President Yoon and Xi weren’t really on speaking terms.) The Lee-Trump bonhomie further deepened; they reached a comprehensive investment-tariff-security deal. Washington agreed on a 15 percent tariff rate on South Korea’s key exports to the U.S. (as opposed to the much threatened 25 percent) in return for South Korea’s investment of $350 billion in reinvigorating U.S. manufacturing capacity. Washington wanted more at first.
Unlike Japan, Lee managed to glean crucial concessions from Trump. South Korea can control the timing and size of its investment installments depending on the conditions of the foreign exchange markets. Seoul can also dole out only commercially viable investment. More importantly, Seoul reaffirmed, in writing, Washington’s support for its civil uranium enrichment and spent fuel reprocessing for peaceful uses, as well as its building of nuclear-powered attack submarines. Spent fuel reprocessing and nuclear submarines have been decades-old items on South Korea’s wishlist to better secure its energy independence and boost deterrence.
Yet Lee’s record has not been perfect. The Lee administration and the ruling Democratic Party (DP) have dawdled when it comes to reforming the judiciary and dealing with Yoon and his accomplices in the attempted self-coup. The Seoul Central District Court deliberately shrunk the pool of judges who would be randomly allocated cases. A judge specializing in food and public health was assigned the trial for Yoon’s insurrection charges. The court then consigned cases against the former defense minister and former police chief, all of whom were accused of being accessories to insurrection, to the same judge as “related cases.”
This judge, Ji Gwi-yeon, released Yoon from detention in March, sending a shockwave through the nation. (Yoon was detained again on another charge, abuse of authority, in July.) Ji has been postponing rendering any verdicts on major insurrection cases, all the while coddling and catering to the defendants’ advocates.
On the night of December 3-4, 2024, the whole world watched in horror as armed special forces stormed the National Assembly and military personnel roamed the country looking to arrest politicians. This was an unmasked attempt at a self-coup by Yoon, with assistance from members of the Cabinet, the military, and the police. Special counsel investigations have revealed irrefutable evidence as to who aided it all, including attempts to start a war with North Korea as a pretext for martial law. This was a colossal effort and crime.
Yet only three people have been placed in custody – Yoon himself, the former interior minister for ordering a shutdown of the press, and the former intelligence chief for failing to notify the National Assembly of Yoon’s arrest order for lawmakers.
Before the special counsels set sail in July, a clique of judges were transferred to Seoul Central District Court by the chief justice of the Supreme Court, Cho Hee-dae. It is these judges who refused to issue arrest warrants for key players in Yoon’s attempted self-coup.
Yoon had appointed Cho to the top judiciary post, and the chief justice previously meddled in the June snap election by overturning a lower court’s not-guilty verdict for Lee Jae-myung in an effort to preclude Lee’s presidential candidacy. At the time, the Supreme Court packed by Yoon ignored all procedural and legal precedents to issue its overruling decision in an attempt to cancel Lee’s ticket.
Each time an application for an arrest warrant is declined and each day court rulings are being delayed, these judges – and the judiciary as a whole – reinforce and justify the far-right view that Yoon and his coterie are being unduly punished. However, the Lee administration and the DP, riddled by internal bickering and indecision as to the extent and nature of judiciary reform, have wasted the precious first seven months in instituting some reforms and checks upon the far-right leaning judiciary.
The single biggest blow to the Lee administration so far is the witness statement by the former second-in-command within the Unification Church, a South Korean cult, that 15 DP legislators peddled influence for the church in exchange for cash, campaign funds, or book sales. On December 11, Chun Jae-soo resigned as minister of oceans and fisheries following an allegation that he received cash and a luxury watch from the church. He denied all allegations of his connection to the Unification Church.
It’s no secret that the Yoon administration and the opposition People Power Party had chummed up with the church. But the possibility that some elements within the Lee administration and the DP, which has sworn to declutter the nation of graft and religious influences in politics, could also be involved in those same activities is distressing many South Koreans.
Still, Lee has been doing remarkably well overall, with his average approval rating at 60 percent. For his administration’s continued success and smooth implementation of the domestic agenda, however, the 2026 local elections are important. In the meantime, the government and the DP had better mend their weakening mandate to bring swift, scrupulous justice to those involved in last year’s short-lived self-coup and rampant graft of the former administration.
As for the shell shock from the Unification Church allegations, South Koreans should remain patient – but watchful – as more comes to light.
Authors
Contributing Author
Eunwoo Lee
Eunwoo Lee writes on politics, society, and history of Europe and East Asia.
View Profile
15. Korea’s future lies at sea
Summary:
Park Jin-wan argues Korea’s prosperity and security are maritime at their core, and Busan best illustrates why. Using Gen. Brunson’s “East-Up” framing, he casts Korea as a central node in Asia-Indo-Pacific sea lanes that carry energy, trade, data cables, and reinforcements. Because maritime order rests on shared rules and coalition enforcement, he highlights the U.S.-ROK-Japan framework, including Freedom Edge and expanding coast guard cooperation for gray-zone challenges. His main policy add is localizing strategy: port cities and civilian maritime industries sustain deterrence and resilience, yet remain underused in trilateral planning and crisis coordination.
Korea’s future lies at sea
B Lab
Text Size
Print
By Park Jin-wan
- Published Dec 23, 2025 2:10 pm KST
https://www.koreatimes.co.kr/opinion/20251223/koreas-future-lies-at-sea
Growing up in Busan, I’ve witnessed firsthand how Korea’s second-largest city serves as more than just a commercial hub. This year’s Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit brought renewed attention to the city’s diplomatic significance, as it hosted notable sideline meetings such as the summit between U.S. President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping, as well as the final summit between President Lee Jae Myung and then-Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba in September.
While Busan is often framed through its history of hosting major events like APEC 2005 or its symbolic status as the last defensive bastion during the 1950-53 Korean War, these explanations often miss the deeper strategic reality. Busan’s true importance lies in its position at the epicenter of Indo-Pacific maritime security, a role that reflects Korea’s identity. The Republic of Korea is, above all, a maritime nation whose prosperity and security depend significantly on the sea.
The “East-Up” map, recently presented by United States Forces Korea Commander Gen. Xavier Brunson, explains this view. Centering the Pacific Ocean rather than relegating it to the periphery, Korea is highlighted as a critical node in a dense maritime network. Surrounded by water on three sides, Korea depends on uninterrupted sea lanes for energy imports, trade flows, digital connectivity and military reinforcements.
Korea’s maritime dependence is not anomalous. Approximately 90 percent of international trade travels by sea. Nearly half the world’s population lives near coastlines, and submarine cables crisscrossing the ocean floors underpin the entire international communication network that undergirds financial markets and digital economies. When maritime order breaks down, it leads to a vicious cycle of collapsing supply chains, accelerating inflation and increased geopolitical instability.
Freedom of navigation, therefore, is more than mere rhetoric in diplomatic talking points. Open seas reduce both transaction costs and the political instability that hampers active trade relations between countries. As Sarah Paine, distinguished historian at the U.S. Naval War College, argues in a recent article for Foreign Affairs magazine, even countries like China have been among the principal beneficiaries of integration into the existing maritime order and global trading system.
However, no nation can secure the seas independently. Maritime routes are vast, interconnected and inherently vulnerable to disruption. Maritime order survives through shared rules, such as the U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea, coordinated enforcement between countries that share stakes in the region, and coalitions between capable states.
This structural necessity explains the growing emphasis on maritime cooperation in Korea’s multilateral efforts, notably the U.S.-Korea-Japan trilateral framework. Maritime issues have figured prominently in trilateral statements following the 2023 Camp David Summit and subsequent ministerial meetings, consistently underscoring freedom of navigation, opposition to unilateral status quo changes, coast guard cooperation and maritime capacity-building in Southeast Asia — a region that shares critical maritime challenges.
This cooperation has already produced tangible results. Efforts such as the trilateral Freedom Edge exercise in September, coordinated flight escorting U.S. bombers in the Pacific and the Joint Chiefs of Staff meeting in July have contributed to enhanced interoperability and reduced miscalculation risks. Expanding coast guard cooperation, including gray-zone response and maritime search-and-rescue operations, has helped address challenges that erode regional order without triggering armed conflict and cultivate habits of cooperation that are essential for crisis management at sea.
While institutionalizing these mechanisms and increasing the frequency of joint exercises to align threat perceptions remain key challenges, the three countries are moving collectively — and decisively — in the right direction.
However, one critical dimension warrants deeper attention: where maritime security is actually lived and sustained. Port cities host the naval bases, logistics hubs, shipbuilding facilities and civilian maritime industries that make deterrence operational.
Places like Busan, Pohang and Jinhae in Korea, Maizuru and Yokosuka in Japan, and San Diego and Pearl Harbor in the United States are not merely symbolic locations, but where strategy becomes reality, where naval personnel train, where deploy supply chains converge and, ultimately, where disruptions would be felt first.
Yet trilateral cooperation remains heavily concentrated — understandably so — at the national and military-to-military levels. The gap between strategic statements and the cities shouldering maritime security responsibilities suggests an untapped opportunity.
Bringing together port cities with direct stakes in maritime readiness through regular exchanges, joint consultations, tabletop exercises and working-level coordination alongside naval and coast guard officials could deepen shared threat awareness, improve contingency planning and strengthen civil-military coordination against gray-zone activities that target civilian shipping emergency response readiness.
Such efforts would also enhance societal resilience. Maritime security encompasses more than warfighting; it also means sustaining economic life under pressure. Port authorities, local governments and civilian industries are indispensable partners, yet they remain underutilized in current trilateral frameworks.
To be sure, trilateral cooperation is not a panacea. In the maritime domain, it cannot resolve sovereignty disputes or resolve fundamental differences in how each country perceives regional actors. Political sensitivities, escalation risks and resource constraints remain real. But it can still raise the costs of coercion, preserve rules-based order and create diplomatic space for managing tensions.
For Korea, whose national lifelines traverse open waters, maritime security forms the foundation of national defense and economic resilience. If anything, escalation begins at sea before it reaches land.
Seoul has long recognized the importance of maritime security. Yet the strategic value of port cities, where the sea meets the shore, has remained underappreciated. Busan’s place in this year’s diplomatic calendar reflects a deeper reality, one that will only grow bigger in the years ahead.
Park Jin-wan is a nonresident fellow for the European Centre for North Korean Studies at the University of Vienna and co-founder of the U.S.-ROK-Japan Trilateral Next-Gen Study Group.
16. Build nuclear-powered sub in South Korea
Summary:
Seoul and Washington will open parallel talks in 2026 on building South Korea’s first nuclear-powered submarine, and on peaceful uranium enrichment and spent-fuel reprocessing, following the POTROK – POTUS summit fact sheet. It urges rigorous, transparent negotiations, open bidding, and strict compliance with nonproliferation norms and U.S. legal requirements, including likely congressional approval. The editorial argues the submarine would strengthen deterrence against north Korea and, longer term, support regional posture. It also frames fuel-cycle authorities as vital for energy security and looming storage constraints by 2030, while managing China’s proliferation criticism and regional sensitivities and allied concerns.
Comment: The location for building will remain a friction point.
ED Build nuclear-powered sub in South Korea
Button Label
Listen
Text Size
Print
- Published Dec 23, 2025 3:26 pm KST
- Updated Dec 23, 2025 7:48 pm KST
Talks beginning next year must be aggressively thorough for mutual benefit
National Security Adviser Wi Sung-lac, left, and U.S. Secretary of Energy Chris Wright / Courtesy of Associated Press
National Security Adviser Wi Sung-lac returned from last week's Washington trip with the news that South Korea and the U.S. will start simultaneous discussions on the construction of Seoul's first nuclear-powered submarine as well as enriching uranium and reprocessing spent nuclear fuel.
These areas, currently off-limits for South Korea, were addressed in the joint fact sheet produced after the summit between President Lee Jae Myung and U.S. President Donald Trump in October.
South Korea, as one of the world's top five nuclear power producers, has faced restrictions on atomic energy use under the overarching Non-Proliferation Treaty as well as a bilateral agreement between Seoul and Washington.
Lee's public request regarding the nuclear submarine and Trump's positive response during the summit in Gyeongju, North Gyeongsang Province, has yielded the initial breakthrough. The realization of these plans, however, faces hurdles including approval by U.S. Congress, as well as concerns about proliferation from some parties in Washington and nations in Northeast Asia.
The agreement marks a new phase in Seoul-Washington nuclear cooperation, and talks are soon to begin, which is an encouraging step. The two sides should get on the same page on building South Korea's first nuclear-powered sub in South Korea, and have candidate contenders go through open bidding.
From Seoul's perspective, the move will help upgrade deterrence against nuclear threats from North Korea and, looking further, possibly the wider region. Another aspect is that as a top nuclear producer nation, the ability to enrich uranium more easily and reprocess spent nuclear fuel for civilian purposes will boost South Korea's long-term energy security. More urgently, Seoul's spent fuel storage facilities are expected to reach full capacity by 2030. In the upcoming talks, officials must achieve the intended goals within the nonproliferation framework in regard to the sensitivities of the region.
To accelerate this high-profile sub project, Wi indicated that Seoul and Washington have agreed to sign a separate bilateral agreement under Section 91 of the U.S. Atomic Energy Act that authorizes the U.S. president to approve the transfer of nuclear materials for military use. It essentially sidesteps the prohibition to create an exemption, and would be similar to how the U.S. allowed nuclear material to be transferred to Australia through the trilateral AUKUS partnership.
However, China immediately warned of proliferation risks. The state-backed Global Times newspaper cited military expert Song Zhongping saying that a Korea-U.S. nuclear-powered submarine program would carry high risks of nuclear proliferation, and that the U.S. has set a bad precedent with the AUKUS nuclear submarine program. Song further warned that Japan was hyping its own plans for nuclear submarines, which could result in an arms race on this front.
As China regularly touts expert opinions before making an official statement, Song's remarks could be read as a semi-official stance. Seoul officials must therefore make a concerted effort to ensure that its nuclear sub plan is strictly for deterrence against North Korean nuclear threats, and that its work will proceed within the nonproliferation framework.
The message should be that this region has largely managed to maintain stable security for decades through deterrence and the balance of power.
In the joint fact sheet, the United States also stated that it supports procedures that could lead to South Korea's peaceful enrichment of uranium and reprocessing of spent nuclear fuel, within the framework of the ROK-U.S. nuclear cooperation agreement and consistent with U.S. legal requirements.
Currently, Seoul can enrich uranium up to 20 percent and reprocess spent fuel for civilian purposes with U.S. consent. Amid the artificial intelligence-driven revolution, there will be fast-growing demand for energy. Obtaining the right to manage nuclear materials for energy purposes is vital.
There is high anticipation in South Korea for the nuclear submarine, as well as for the prospect of handling nuclear matter for energy purposes. Based on that, officials should prepare thoroughly for future talks, while keeping an eye on U.S. Congress approval and next November's U.S. midterm elections. Seoul must also peacefully address doubts raised by allies and neighbor states.
De Oppresso Liber,
David Maxwell
Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy
Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation
Editor, Small Wars Journal
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
Phone: 202-573-8647
email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com
| 
