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Quotes of the Day:
"I won a nickname, ‘The Great Communicator.' But I never thought it was my style or the words I used that made a difference: it was the content....I wasn't a great communicator, but I communicated great things, and they didn't spring full bloom from my brow, they came from the heart of a great nation – from our experience, our wisdom, and our belief in the principles that have guided us for two centuries. They called it the ‘Reagan Revolution.' Well, I'll accept that, but for me it always seemed more like the great rediscovery, a rediscovery of our values and our common sense."
– President Ronald Reagan, 1989
"The requisites of good government are that there be a sufficiency of food, enough military equipment, and the confidence of the people in their ruler,"
– Confucius
“No amount of evidence will ever persuade an idiot.”
– Mark Twain
1. A MATTER OF AUTHORITIES A Study of Command and Control through the Republic of Korea - United States Alliance
2. Leftists' excesses are turning more South Koreans conservative
3. North Korea vows to boost nuclear arsenal after US submarine docks in Busan
4. South Korea Becomes World’s Top Shipbuilder In January, Surpassing China
5. Trump formally announces 25 pct tariffs on all steel, aluminum imports
6. S. Korea to respond to Trump's steel tariffs with pre-prepared measures: acting president
7. N.K. leader attends groundbreaking ceremony for greenhouse farm in Sinuiju
8. See US and South Korean troops unleash ordnance during joint live fire exercise
9. Korean Peninsula without USFK: South Korea must reckon with Trump’s foreign policy
10. South Korea slams NK for taking drone complaint to UN
11.Intensified polarization amid martial law
12. Ex-interior minister denies trying to cut off power, water to media outlets after martial law declaration
13. National security adviser tells court he tried to dissuade Yoon from declaring martial law
14. S. Korea mulls forging diplomatic ties with Syria following fall of Assad
15. Government-private line is being blurred in the U.S. (South Korean OpEd)
16. The families held hostage in North Korea
17. Editorial: Lee Jae-myung's inconsistency leaves public confused
18. N. Koreans dismiss Kim Jong Un's latest anti-corruption drive as theater
1. A MATTER OF AUTHORITIES A Study of Command and Control through the Republic of Korea - United States Alliance
Shawn has contributed what is arguably the most comprehensive discussion of authorities I have read.
The 49 page study can be downloaded at this link.
https://www.icasinc.org/2025/2025l/2025lspc.html
Thank you to the Institute of Corean-American Studies (ICAS) for publishing it.
This is a must read for anyone serving in Korea or going to serve in Korea. The end notes list alone is of great value to scholars and researchers.
ICAS Special Contributions
2025-0129-SPC
A MATTER OF AUTHORITIES
A Study of Command and Control through the Republic of Korea - United States Alliance
Shawn P. Creamer
Institute for Corean-American Studies, Inc.
Email: icas@icasinc.org
http://www.icasinc.org
2. Leftists' excesses are turning more South Koreans conservative
Although it seems counterintuitive now, the Martial Law incident and subsequent impeachment may be the inflection point in Korea politics that saves democracy on the Korean peninsula.
Leftists' excesses are turning more South Koreans conservative - Asia Times
The democratic right stands as a frontline defense against totalitarianism – homegrown or imported from China
asiatimes.com · by Hanjin Lew · February 10, 2025
As US President Donald Trump continues with his “America First” policy, South Korea finds itself mired in political turmoil. The impeachment process against South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol is creating dangerous political instability and disrupting the balance of power in the region.
This crisis bears an alarming resemblance to the 2016 impeachment of President Park Geun-hye. In both cases, the ruling conservative People Power Party turned against its own president, allowing the impeachment motion to pass in the National Assembly.
Legacy media played a key role in shaping public perception, fabricating and manipulating news to mislead the public. The Constitutional Court, widely criticized as a “kangaroo court,” violated due process by expediting proceedings – holding four trial sessions per week in President Park’s case and two per week for President Yoon.
Additionally, suspicions have arisen that Chinese nationals, disguised as Koreans, participated in pro-impeachment rallies. These concerns were reinforced when the Chinese embassy publicly forbade its citizens from joining Korean political protests.
A shift in political dynamics
Despite similarities, key differences exist between the 2016 and current anti-impeachment movements. In 2016, the anti-impeachment protests were disorganized and rudimentary. Protesters, mostly in their 50s and 60s, wore hiking gear and waved Korean and US flags to express their pro-democracy stance.
At the time, pro-impeachment leftists, primarily in their 30s and 40s, ridiculed them as outdated and incapable of sound judgment. Rhyu Si-min, a radical leftist and former minister of health and welfare under the Roh Moo-hyun administration, famously remarked – at age 45 – that Koreans’ cognitive abilities begin to decline after 60.
Now, however, the political landscape has shifted. A significant majority of Koreans aged 18–30 and 60–70 lean conservative, leaving leftists in their 40s and 50s increasingly isolated. Ironically, former Minister Rhyu, now 65, recently contradicted his earlier claim by dismissing young conservative men in their 20s and 30s as “garbage.”
Korean women, traditionally left-leaning, have also gravitated toward conservatism. The conservative mothers’ online community “Right Terrace” has grown to 8,500 members. Initially recognized for providing heated buses for rally participants during winter protests, the group has since expanded its efforts to support various conservative causes.
The awakening of South Korea’s conservative movement
What has changed? Conversations with conservatives reveal several key motivations driving their activism:
- Media distrust – During the 2016 impeachment crisis, they knew legacy media were biased but never imagined they would actively fabricate news.
- New media platforms – In 2016, YouTube was not a significant news source, and most people relied on traditional media. Today, alternative media play a critical role.
- Economic decline under Moon Jae-in – The previous administration’s policies severely impacted the economy, leading many to reevaluate their political stance.
- A determination to resist – Having experienced one impeachment based on fabricated news, they refuse to be deceived again. Many believe that if this impeachment succeeds, South Korea’s democracy will be at risk.
In this way, South Koreans are taking true ownership of their democracy. Since its liberation in 1948, South Korea has had the outward structure of liberal democracy but lacked its soul.
Now, the people are actively shaping their nation in line with their own history, traditions, and values. They are fighting for their freedom – a necessary struggle, as freedom cannot simply be granted or imposed. A functioning democracy must be owned by its people, and South Koreans are demonstrating this principle in action.
Global ramifications
On the international front, today’s crisis differs from that of 2016. At that time, the US still believed China could be integrated into the existing world order for peaceful coexistence. However, the US has since abandoned its engagement policy, now viewing China as a direct competitor.
What are the global ramifications? If today’s America Firsters pursue isolationism the way their post-World War I predecessors did, it could destabilize the region and trigger a domino effect.
In 1921, the US formulated the Washington Treaty System to contain Japanese expansion and prevent encroachment on China. However, lacking the will to enforce it, the US failed to act when Japan seized Manchuria in 1931, believing intervention was not in its interest. This passive stance effectively gave Japan free rein in Asia.
Today, as the US prioritizes its own interests, China has steadily expanded its influence over South Korea – gradually, patiently and covertly.
Two key events illustrate this trend:
- The Northeast project (2002–2007) – The Chinese Academy of Social Sciences attempted to rewrite history by claiming that the ancient Korean kingdom of Goguryeo was part of China.
- The establishment of Confucius Institutes (2004–present) – South Korea was the first country to host a Confucius Institute, a Chinese government-backed institution used to exert soft power and ideological influence.
With US support, South Korea has become a regional powerhouse. Yet, it remains vulnerable. If the US fails to stand firmly behind South Korea’s democracy, China will inevitably fill the vacuum.
Given China’s geographic proximity, economic strength and military rise and the growing Chinese population in South Korea, the threat is clear and immediate.
The fight for democracy in East Asia
In 1950, the US formulated National Security Council Document 68 (NSC-68), marking a radical shift in policy. It declared that the global struggle was “momentous, involving the fulfillment or destruction not only of this Republic but of civilization itself” and set a goal “to defeat local Soviet moves with local action.”
Today, South Korea stands as the frontline defense against totalitarianism.
In a 2017 article for Asia Times, I argued that the highest levels of conspiracy behind President Park’s impeachment were part of a larger subversion attempt by totalitarian forces.
The current crisis suggests that history may be repeating itself – but this time South Koreans are more aware, more engaged and more determined to resist. The international community must recognize that South Korea’s struggle is not just a domestic issue – it is a battle for the future of democracy in East Asia.
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If the free world fails to act, it risks allowing authoritarian forces to gain further ground, threatening the stability of the entire region. Now is the time for firm support and unwavering commitment to South Korea’s democracy.
Hanjin Lew is a political commentator specializing in East Asian affairs and a former international spokesman for South Korean conservative parties.
asiatimes.com · by Hanjin Lew · February 10, 2025
3. North Korea vows to boost nuclear arsenal after US submarine docks in Busan
Unfortunately there are some who will misinterpret this and call for us to stop strategic deployments because they argue that we are causing the tensions and that our deployments do not make Kim denuclearize. These strategic deployments are doing exactly what they are intended to do. They put Kim on notice so as to deter an attack. They are not for the purposes of denuclearization. They are for the purposes of deterring a conventional and/or nuclear attack.
The counter to their argument is that we have successfully deterred a conventional attack for seven+ decades and a nuclear attack since 1994 (or 2006).
North Korea vows to boost nuclear arsenal after US submarine docks in Busan
Defense ministry statement warns that Washington’s strategic deployments could escalate regional tensions
https://www.nknews.org/2025/02/north-korea-vows-to-boost-nuclear-arsenal-after-us-submarine-docks-in-busan/
Joon Ha Park February 11, 2025
The USS Alexandria (SSN-757), a Los Angeles-class nuclear-powered attack submarine from the U.S. Pacific Fleet | Image: U.S. Defense Visual Information Distribution Service
North Korea vowed to strengthen its nuclear capabilities in response to what it called a “provocation” after a U.S. nuclear-powered submarine docked at a South Korean naval base.
In a statement delivered by the Korean Central News Agency on Tuesday, Pyongyang’s defense ministry strongly condemned the arrival of the USS Alexandria (SSN-757), a Los Angeles-class nuclear-powered attack submarine from the U.S. Pacific Fleet to the base in Busan.
The ministry called the submarine’s presence on the Korean Peninsula “a clear expression of the U.S. invariable hysteria for confrontation” with North Korea, accusing Washington of “openly ignoring the security concerns of the DPRK.”
The USS Alexandria made its first-ever port call in South Korea on Monday for resupply and crew rest, according to the South Korean navy, which added that the visit aims to strengthen military cooperation between U.S. and South Korean naval forces and bolster their combined defense posture.
Pyongyang, however, warned that such “dangerous hostile military acts” could escalate regional tensions into an “actual armed conflict” and demanded an immediate halt to what it termed U.S. “provocations.”
The statement also defended North Korea’s recent nuclear advancements, asserting that Kim Jong Un’s call for “new nuclear capabilities and self-defense strengthening measures” was justified.
“The DPRK will not flinch even an inch from the conflicting structure of the outrageous rival state,” the statement added, reinforcing North Korea’s long-standing opposition to Washington’s strategic military deployments and joint U.S.-South Korean military exercises, which it has claimed threatens regional stability.
On Jan. 17, Pyongyang also denounced the deployment of a U.S. strategic B-1B bomber to the Korean Peninsula for an air drill, blaming the U.S. for escalating tension in the region.
Tuesday’s statement concluded with a direct threat, warning that North Korea’s armed forces would “exercise their legitimate right without hesitation to punish provokers” and “deter the factors threatening the regional security environment.”
Hong Min, a senior research fellow at the Korea Institute for National Unification (KINU), told NK News that the USS Alexandria’s deployment underscores Washington’s broader strategy to counter North Korea’s advancing missile capabilities and China’s military expansion in the region.
Although the Los Angeles-class submarine is not a nuclear weapons delivery system, Hong noted that it is technically capable of carrying nuclear warheads, making its presence a “highly sensitive issue” for Pyongyang.
The KINU expert pointed to North Korea’s doctrine, codified in its Sept. 2022 Nuclear Forces Policy Law, specifying five scenarios in which it would consider nuclear use.
“Pyongyang likely sees the USS Alexandria’s presence as falling under two of these: a direct threat to its leadership or nuclear command structure and an attack on critical strategic facilities,” Hong explained.
Despite U.S. President Donald Trump hailing his relationship with Kim Jong Un as a “big asset for everybody,” Hong noted that Pyongyang is closely monitoring Washington’s military posture.
“North Korea has not directly criticized the Trump administration but has issued warnings against the deployment of strategic assets, which could indicate conditions for future U.S.-North Korea dialogue,” he said.
Hong further assessed that North Korea’s statement serves as a justification for its pursuit of advanced nuclear capabilities.
He pointed to Kim Jong Un’s recent remarks on strengthening deterrence earlier this month, predicting that Pyongyang will likely focus on enhancing its submarine-launched ballistic missile and sea-launched cruise missile programs, expanding its nuclear delivery systems and developing both preemptive and retaliatory strike capabilities.
Edited by Alannah Hill
4. South Korea Becomes World’s Top Shipbuilder In January, Surpassing China
A strong partner in the arsenal of democracy.
South Korea Becomes World’s Top Shipbuilder In January, Surpassing China
https://www.marineinsight.com/shipping-news/south-korea-becomes-worlds-top-shipbuilder-in-january-surpassing-china/
By
MI News Network
February 8, 2025
Shipping News
Image for representation purposes only
South Korea secured the highest number of global shipbuilding orders in January, surpassing China, according to Clarkson Research, a British firm specialising in shipbuilding and shipping market analysis.
The data reveals that South Korean shipyards clinched 900,000 compensated gross tons (CGT) for 13 vessels, accounting for 62% of global ship orders.
On the other hand, China managed only 270,000 CGT for 21 ships, accounting for only 19% of the global orders.
Despite China having more ships, its focus on smaller, low-value vessels kept its CGT lower than South Korea, which specialises in large, high-value ships.
The global shipbuilding industry witnessed a sharp 74% decline in new orders, with total orders dropping to 1.46 million CGT compared to the same period last year.
However, South Korea saw a dramatic rise in its market share because of its focus on LNG-powered and advanced ships.
A key factor behind South Korea’s success was HD Korea Shipbuilding & Offshore Engineering’s contract to build 12 LNG dual-fuel container ships worth 3.716 trillion won for a European shipping company.
Additionally, Samsung Heavy Industries won a contract for one LNG carrier valued at 379.6 billion won from an Oceania-based shipping company.
South Korea’s shipbuilding performance in January has greatly improved from December, with just 130,000 CGT in December, marking up only 6% of global orders.
At that time, China dominated with 1.93 million CGT or 82% of global orders. However, China’s performance dropped sharply in January, with orders plunging 85% compared to December.
Although South Korea led in new orders in January, China still holds the largest backlog of shipbuilding orders. As of the end of January, China had 91.51 million CGT, making up 58% of the global total of 156.79 million CGT.
South Korea ranked second with 37.02 million CGT (24%).
The Clarkson Newbuilding Price Index, which tracks changes in ship prices, stood at 189.38 points in January, marking a 5% increase from the same period last year and a 49% jump compared to 2021.
5. Trump formally announces 25 pct tariffs on all steel, aluminum imports
Tariffs: the new weapon of foreign policy wielded against friends and enemies alike.
(3rd LD) Trump formally announces 25 pct tariffs on all steel, aluminum imports | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Song Sang-ho · February 11, 2025
(ATTN: RECASTS dateline, lead, paras 1-2)
By Song Sang-ho
WASHINGTON, Feb. 11 (Yonhap) -- U.S. President Donald Trump has announced plans to impose 25 percent tariffs on all steel and aluminum imports coming into the United States "without exceptions or exemptions," raising concerns over its ramifications on South Korean and other exporters.
On Monday, Trump signed two proclamations regarding the sweeping tariffs, while affirming a plan to announce "reciprocal" tariffs "over the next two days" -- duties on U.S. imports designed to match tariff rates that other countries impose on U.S. exports.
During his first term, Trump imposed a 25 percent tariff on steel imports and 10 percent on aluminum imports on national security grounds. The new measures will remove exceptions, exemptions and duty-free quotas for U.S. trading partners, while raising the tariff on aluminum to 25 percent. They are set to take effect on March 12.
"Today, I am simplifying our tariffs on steel and aluminum so that everyone can understand exactly what it means. It's 25 percent without exceptions or exemptions, and that's all countries, no matter where it comes from," Trump told reporters as he signed the documents.
"If it's made in the United States, there is no tariff. All you have to do is make it in the United States. We don't need it from another country," he added.
U.S. President Donald Trump speaks to the press after signing an executive order in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington on Feb. 10, 2025 in this photo released by AFP. (Yonhap)
Announcing what he cast as "massive" tariffs," Trump claimed that America was "being pummeled by both friend and foe alike."
"Our nation requires steel and aluminum to be made in America, not in foreign lands. We need to create in order to protect our country's future resurgence of U.S. manufacturing and production, the likes of which has not been seen for many decades," he said.
"It's time for our great industries to come back to America ... This is the first of many."
Asked about what the president plans to do if other countries retaliate, Trump said, "I don't mind.
"If they retaliate, as I said, it's reciprocal," he said. "If they raise it a little bit, then we raise it automatically. So I don't think it helps for them to retaliate."
Trump also warned that his administration is looking into the possible imposition of tariffs on cars, semiconductors and pharmaceuticals, among other items.
"Cars is going to be a very big one and a very important one, and America is going to be stronger than it ever was before," he said.
Ahead of the announcement, South Korea's acting President and Deputy Prime Minister Choi Sang-mok presided over a meeting of top government officials Monday (Seoul time) to discuss the potential ramifications of new U.S. tariffs on metals and the country's responses.
Last year, South Korea exported 28.35 million tons of steel products, with 2.77 million tons shipped to the United States, according to the Korea Iron & Steel Association. Canada, Mexico, Brazil and South Korea are among the top exporters of steel into the U.S.
Trump has already imposed a 10 percent tariff on all Chinese goods coming into the U.S., while he has paused the imposition of a 25 percent tariff on Canada and Mexico temporarily as the two countries agreed to step up efforts to prevent drug trafficking at their borders with the U.S.
sshluck@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Song Sang-ho · February 11, 2025
6. S. Korea to respond to Trump's steel tariffs with pre-prepared measures: acting president
S. Korea to respond to Trump's steel tariffs with pre-prepared measures: acting president | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Han-joo · February 11, 2025
By Kim Han-joo
SEOUL, Feb. 11 (Yonhap) -- Acting President Choi Sang-mok said Tuesday the government will respond to the new U.S. tariffs on steel imports based to its pre-prepared measures and pursue further negotiations with Washington to reflect South Korea's interests.
On Monday (U.S. time), U.S. President Donald Trump signed proclamations imposing a 25 percent tariff on all imported steel and aluminum products, effective March 12, with "no exceptions or exemptions." The tariffs will apply to millions of tons of steel and aluminum imports, including those from South Korea.
"In response to the steel and aluminum tariffs, we will first implement the measures we have prepared in advance," Choi said during a meeting with ministers on economic affairs.
While concerns remain over the impact on domestic steel exporters' profitability, Choi said that the tariffs could also create opportunities for local companies, as they will apply equally to all competitors.
Emphasizing that there is still time before the policy takes effect, Choi added that the government will actively pursue negotiations to ensure that South Korea's interests are fully reflected.
Acting President Choi Sang-mok is seen in this undated file photo. (Yonhap)
khj@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Han-joo · February 11, 2025
7. N.K. leader attends groundbreaking ceremony for greenhouse farm in Sinuiju
(LEAD) N.K. leader attends groundbreaking ceremony for greenhouse farm in Sinuiju | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Park Boram · February 11, 2025
(ATTN: UPDATES with background info in last 2 paras)
SEOUL, Feb. 11 (Yonhap) -- North Korean leader Kim Jong-un has attended the groundbreaking ceremony for a new greenhouse farm and a vegetable science research center in the northwestern city of Sinuiju, reaffirming his commitment to regional development, state media reported Tuesday.
The ceremony was held the previous day for the "largest-ever modern" 450-hectare greenhouse farm and a vegetable science research center, which will be built in Sinuiju, the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) said.
Sinuiju is one of the regions in North Korea that suffered flood damage last summer.
Kim had promised to build a greenhouse farm in Sinuiju during a ceremony marking the completion of homes in the city late last year, as part of reconstruction efforts following flood damage.
Delivering a speech during the ceremony Monday, Kim said the construction site will "symbolize our cause of rejuvenating the whole country" and demonstrate progress in regional and rural development.
"Our party and government are planning to implement a new, promising regional development project on the shore of this Amnok River, where damage caused by a natural calamity was removed and a new socialist life has settled," Kim noted.
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un (C) delivers a speech during a groundbreaking ceremony for a new greenhouse farm and a vegetable science research center in the northwestern city of Sinuiju on Feb. 10, 2025, in this photo published by the Korean Central News Agency the following day. (For Use Only in the Republic of Korea. No Redistribution) (Yonhap)
The North Korean leader also commended servicemen in the Navy and the Air Force, as well as members of the Paektusan Hero Youth Shock Brigade, expressing confidence they will build "the most splendid and satisfactory structure" for the country and its people.
He later met with the commanding officers of the military units involved in the construction, encouraging them and giving a series of instructions, according to the KCNA.
A group of top-tier party and military cadres accompanied Kim to the ceremony, including Premier Pak Thae-song, Defense Minister No Kwang-chol and Jong Kyong-thaek, director of the military's General Political Bureau, as well as the chiefs of the Navy and Air Force.
The Sinuiju facility is the fourth large-scale greenhouse farm launched since Kim came to power in 2011, following three others built in North Hamgyong, South Hamgyong and near Pyongyang in 2019, 2022 and 2024, respectively.
While the previous three farms ranged from 200 to 300 hectares in size, the Sinuiju farm is the largest, covering an area about 1.5 times the size of Seoul's western financial district of Yeouido, according to South Korea's unification ministry.
pbr@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Park Boram · February 11, 2025
8. See US and South Korean troops unleash ordnance during joint live fire exercise
Imagine what these forces could do to the KPA in the Chorwon valley if the north attacked.
I think we overlook the strength of the 2d COMBINED Infantry Division (ROK/US)
Video at the link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OfrLpgVXHy4
See US and South Korean troops unleash ordnance during joint live fire exercise
Military Times
398K subscribers
9. Korean Peninsula without USFK: South Korea must reckon with Trump’s foreign policy
But this is exactly what Moon Chung In and his comrades want - a Korea without USFK.
As a reminder these are some of Moon's positions from our friends at Wikipedia). Please keep these in mind when you read anything from Dr Moon. He is no friend of the ROK/US alliance despite other public pronouncements by him.
Moon was one of the architects of the Sunshine Policy, and advocates, and calls for, the revival of the engagement policy, which seeks the thawing of relations with North Korea and the Government of North Korea.[8] Moon believes that every other option including sanctions and pressures, military actions, containment, and waiting for the regime in Pyongyang to collapse has failed. Moon has blamed US administrations, particularly that of former President George W. Bush, for disrupting the effects of the Sunshine Policy, which had some initial successes before the policy was cancelled in 2008.[2][9]
In a contribution to Foreign Affairs in April 2018, Moon argues it would be difficult to justify the ongoing presence of U.S. forces in South Korea after the adoption of a North-South peace accord.[10] In a 2018 interview, Moon stated it would be in the best interest of South Korea to abolish the U.S.-South Korea alliance in the long run.[11] At an international conference held by the National Diplomatic Academy's Institute of Foreign Affairs and National Security in April 2019, Moon posed a hypothetical to China “If U.S. Forces Korea withdraws its troops from South Korea without North Korea's denuclearization, what would it be like for China to provide a nuclear umbrella for South Korea and negotiate with North Korea in that state?”[12] In a column written in The Hankyoreh, Moon believes that South Korea should focus more attention on their economic relationship with North Korea than on their alliance with the United States.[13]
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moon_Chung-in
Korean Peninsula without USFK: South Korea must reckon with Trump’s foreign policy
The Korea Times · February 11, 2025
Moon Chung-in, professor emeritus of Yonsei University, speaks during an interview with The Korea Times at the newspaper's office in central Seoul, Feb. 4. Korea Times photo by Choi Won-suk
Scholar suggests new multilateral security architecture in Northeast Asia
By Shim Jae-yun
As anticipated, U.S. President Donald Trump has embarked on a series of bold moves that are set to reshape the global landscape. Recent actions following his Jan. 20 return to office, such as imposing stiff tariffs and pursuing controversial acquisitions of territories like Greenland, the Panama Canal and the Gaza Strip, signal a return to the business-like, deal-driven approach that Trump champions. Under this administration, even traditional allies like South Korea may not be immune to its aggressive foreign policy stance.
For South Korea, Trump’s transactional approach poses a particular challenge, as it may disrupt the longstanding ironclad alliance between the two nations. Moon Chung-in, a political analyst, and James Laney, a distinguished professor at Yonsei University, predict that under Trump’s second presidency, the South Korea-U.S. alliance could experience significant, if not radical, shifts.
In an exclusive interview with The Korea Times on Feb. 4, Moon explained his analysis of the likely consequences of a Trump-led U.S. on South Korea’s foreign policy, particularly in the realms of defense, trade and security. He cited the need to adopt the idea of "thinking the unthinkable" such as "The Korean Peninsula without the U.S. and U.S. troops."
Below is an excerpt of The Korea Times interview with Moon. It has been edited for clarity and readability.
Q: What do you expect from Trump’s second term in office, particularly in terms of foreign policy?
A: As expected, Trump has shown his aggressive and highly transactional approach. His policies will disrupt global dynamics, especially for countries like South Korea that have been longtime allies of the U.S. In this new era, Trump will not hesitate to leverage his “America First” agenda to maximize U.S. interests, which could undermine decades of cooperation. For South Korea, this means facing profound strains in the alliance that have long been viewed as unshakeable.
Q: What are the primary challenges South Korea faces in maintaining its alliance with the U.S. under Trump?
A: There are three key issues that could put a significant strain on the South Korea-U.S. relationship during Trump’s second presidency.
First, we may see a renewed dispute over defense cost-sharing. Under the Joe Biden-Yoon Suk Yeol governments, South Korea agreed to contribute $1.1 billion annually to defense costs starting in 2026, with an 8 percent increase planned for 2025. However, Trump has recently insisted that South Korea should pay at least $10 billion annually. It cannot be ruled out that he could reduce or even withdraw its military presence in South Korea as leverage in these negotiations, which could trigger anti-American sentiments in the country.
Second, there is a divergence in threat perceptions. Trump’s focus will likely be on building effective deterrence against China, rather than North Korea. Meanwhile, South Korea’s priority remains deterring threats from the North. This misalignment will test the strength of the alliance, especially as South Korea is also increasingly concerned about the security situation in the Taiwan Strait and South China Sea.
Lastly, the issue of nuclear deterrence will be a flashpoint. Trump’s “America First” logic suggests that he may not prioritize the defense of South Korea at the cost of American territories like Hawaii or Los Angeles. This could weaken U.S. commitments to extended nuclear deterrence for South Korea, potentially prompting Seoul to reconsider its own nuclear ambitions. Such a move could lead to a nuclear arms race in Northeast Asia — a deeply concerning scenario.
Q: How will Trump’s tariff policies impact South Korea?
A: Trump’s tariff war is coming for South Korea. As one of the U.S.’ largest trade surplus countries, South Korea is likely to become a target for Trump’s protectionist policies. In 2024, South Korea recorded a trade surplus of nearly $60 billion with the U.S., and Trump may seek to correct the trade deficit by imposing new tariffs or renegotiating the U.S.-Korea Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA).
New tariffs on key sectors like semiconductors, automobiles and steel could have devastating effects on South Korea’s economy, which is already under pressure. To counter this, the South Korean government must engage in tough negotiations with the U.S., utilizing a combination of retaliatory tariffs and investment incentives. Additionally, South Korea should pursue greater trade diversification, strengthening regional trade frameworks like Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and the China-Japan-ROK Free Trade Agreement. It’s crucial that South Korean firms also take active measures, such as engaging Washington lobbyists and mobilizing their U.S. constituents.
Q: South Korea could face a serious security crisis under Trump’s leadership. What are the potential strategies for managing this?
A: While I wouldn’t describe it as a crisis, South Korea will undoubtedly face challenging security dynamics. The country has three potential strategies to consider. 1) Compliance: South Korea could acquiesce to American demands, demonstrating continued loyalty to the U.S. conservatives. However, this would not be a popular option among many South Koreans. 2) Protest and defiance: South Korea could resist Trump’s demands and engage in tough negotiations. But this may prove difficult, given Trump’s dominant and often unilateral negotiating style. 3) Reducing dependence on the U.S.: This is perhaps the most likely strategic option. South Korea could pursue greater self-reliance in defense while improving relations with other countries like North Korea, China and Russia. This would allow South Korea to reduce its security dependence on the U.S., while diversifying its foreign policy approach.
Q: Trump has described North Korea as a nuclear power and suggested a possible summit with Kim Jong-un. How does this stance affect South Korea?
A: Trump’s reference to North Korea as a nuclear power has raised concerns in South Korea, which has long adhered to the principle of complete, verifiable and irreversible dismantlement (CVID) of North Korea’s nuclear weapons. However, I believe Trump’s use of the term “nuclear power” simply reflects his acknowledgment of the reality that North Korea possesses nuclear weapons. It doesn’t necessarily imply formal recognition of North Korea as a nuclear weapons state. Trump reaffirmed the denuclearization of North Korea as a common goal when he met Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba in Washington, D.C.
In terms of summit diplomacy, Trump seems confident that Kim Jong-un will engage with him again. However, I remain skeptical. North Korea’s position is clear: It will not engage diplomatically unless the U.S. abandons its hostile policies, including joint military exercises and training with South Korea, the forward deployment of strategic weapons and the imposition of sanctions. If the two sides can reach a compromise, there is potential for another summit, but only if the U.S. is willing to offer substantial concessions.
Q: Could we see a new bloc structure emerging in Northeast Asia, with Japan, South Korea and the U.S. on one side, and China, North Korea and Russia on the other?
A: I am concerned about the rise of bloc politics in Northeast Asia, which could harken back to the Cold War era. The southern trilateral axis of Japan, South Korea and the U.S. seems solid, but I have doubts about the cohesion of the northern trilateral ties between China, North Korea and Russia.
While Russia and North Korea have strengthened their relationship in the wake of the Russia-Ukraine war, China’s ties with North Korea have weakened. China is reluctant to embrace North Korea and Russia in an anti-U.S. front, as it fears a return to a Cold War structure that it sees as an American trap. Moreover, China’s concerns about North Korea’s actions, particularly in relation to sanctions, suggest that the northern bloc will face significant internal challenges.
Q: What do you think of Trump’s claim that he can end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours? How might this impact North Korea-Russia relations and the Korean Peninsula?
A: Trump’s promise to end the war in 24 hours was overly optimistic. While it hasn’t materialized, there is still a chance for a ceasefire, as the U.S. continues to put pressure on Ukraine and leverage Trump’s personal ties with Vladimir Putin.
For North Korea, the war has opened the door for stronger security and economic ties with Russia. North Korea could send troops to support Russia, further cementing their alliance. The new treaty between Kim and Putin, signed in June 2024, demonstrates this growing partnership. North Korea may also seek to gain advanced military technologies from Russia, posing a significant security threat to South Korea. However, there is little evidence that Russia is providing such technology yet, as it remains cautious, preferring to maintain economic ties with Seoul.
Q: In the context of the growing U.S.-China rivalry, what strategic options are available for South Korea?
A: South Korea has several options. One is a pro-American balancing strategy, which is favored by conservatives. Another option is to bandwagon with China, which may appeal to some progressives. A more radical option is for South Korea to stand alone, either by acquiring nuclear weapons or declaring neutrality. These options sound great, but seem unrealistic. Many South Koreans, regardless of conservatives and progressives, favor a “status quo” approach (i.e., alliance with the U.S. and a strategic cooperative partnership with China) that can muddle through the current sandwiched situation. I personally support a transcending diplomacy in which South Korea and like-minded middle powers together engage in a multilateral preventive diplomacy to avoid the coming conflict between China and the U.S.
Q: With South Korea facing external pressures and domestic political turmoil, how should the country navigate these crises?
A: The first priority must be the return of normalcy in domestic politics. Once South Korea achieves stability in its domestic affairs and secures a national consensus, it will be in a better position to handle external challenges with greater ease.
In the age of global uncertainties triggered by Trump 2.0, South Korea should demonstrate diplomatic imagination that can harmonize national interests with values, blend alliance with strategic autonomy and combine bilateralism with multilateralism.
The Korea Times · February 11, 2025
10. South Korea slams NK for taking drone complaint to UN
I think the South should make the regime put up or shut up and allow a complete on the ground investigation by the UNC (MAC). UNC/MAC investigators must visit all alleged locations in north Korea and be given access to all north Korean radar intercepts and every piece of evidence to prove their allegations.
Otherwise this is simply north Korean lawfare.
South Korea slams NK for taking drone complaint to UN
The Korea Times · February 11, 2025
A purported drone, indicated by the large red circle, and a pack of leaflets, in the smaller red circle, are seen in this photo published by the North's state-run Korean Central News Agency, Oct. 12. The regime claimed that South Korean drones scattered anti-North Korean leaflets over Pyongyang on three occasions on Oct. 3, 9 and 11. Yonhap
Pyongyang takes airspace intrusion claim to ICAO
By Lee Hyo-jin
South Korea on Tuesday criticized North Korea for taking its allegations of South Korean drone incursions to the United Nations aviation agency, urging Pyongyang not to politicize the incident without providing clear evidence.
The North Korean regime, which suspects the South Korean military was behind the alleged drone incursions that occurred in October, recently submitted a request to the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) to investigate the incident.
"Our position is that we oppose North Korea's attempt to politicize the ICAO issue without presenting clear evidence. Additionally, North Korea should first halt its GPS jamming attacks, which pose serious threats to the international community and the safety of civilian aircraft," a foreign ministry official said on condition of anonymity.
While the ICAO has not confirmed whether Pyongyang made the request, officials in Seoul are reportedly considering response measures in preparation for a possible investigation by the international organization.
"We believe it is not appropriate for us to speak on matters that have not been formally addressed by the relevant international organization," foreign ministry spokesperson Lee Jae-woong said.
However, Lee noted that, under ICAO regulations and practices, the organization is required to look into any issues raised by its member states.
Both South and North Korea are ICAO member states.
The allegations of the drone incursions date back to October, when Pyongyang claimed that South Korean drones dropped anti-Pyongyang leaflets over its capital on three separate occasions earlier that month.
The North unveiled its analysis of the flight logs of the drones, alleging that they took off from Baengnyeong Island in the West Sea. The reclusive regime described the acts as "shameless provocation by the South Korean military gangsters" and threatened immediate retaliation in the event of further intrusions.
The South Korean military has refused to comment directly on the North's claims, stating that they are “neither worth confirming nor refuting.”
"We do not have any specific comments on the matter," defense ministry spokesperson Jeon Ha-kyou said at a briefing on Tuesday, when asked about the ICAO complaint.
Lee Jae-woong, spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, speaks during a briefing at the ministry headquarters in Seoul, Tuesday. Yonhap
The North's request for a U.N. probe into the drone allegations comes at a sensitive time for South Korea, as the country is dealing with the political turmoil resulting from the fallout of President Yoon Suk Yeol's martial law declaration.
Some opposition lawmakers have speculated that the government may have been behind the alleged drone incursions, which came less than two months before Yoon's sudden declaration of martial law on Dec. 3.
They claimed that the drone launches may have been intended to provoke Pyongyang. During the 1960s and 1980s, South Korea's authoritarian regimes often cited North Korean threats to justify suppressing dissent and civil liberty.
However, the Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) refuted these claims.
"It is our strategy to maintain secrecy while exerting psychological pressure on our enemy by causing confusion and ultimately gaining an advantage," JCS Chairman Adm. Kim Myung-soo said during a parliamentary session, Jan. 14.
"The moment our cards are revealed, we can no longer create psychological conflict or confusion for the enemy, which is why the cards must not be disclosed."
The United Nations Command (UNC), which oversees the armistice between the two Koreas, launched a probe into the drone intrusion allegations but has yet to announce its findings.
The UNC did not immediately respond to The Korea Times' inquiry regarding its investigation.
The Korea Times · February 11, 2025
11. Intensified polarization amid martial law
Conclusion:
The following two to three months will likely bring even greater turmoil due to the results of the impeachment trial and its aftermath. This is a moment that demands strong political leadership. At times like these, the distinction between genuine leaders and mere political opportunists becomes clear. It will soon be evident who is truly defending democracy and undermining it.
Intensified polarization amid martial law
donga.com
Posted February. 11, 2025 07:39,
Updated February. 11, 2025 07:39
Intensified polarization amid martial law. February. 11, 2025 07:39. .
A survey on perceptions of polarization, conducted by the East Asia Institute on January 22 and 23 using an online web survey of 1,514 adults, starkly illustrates the political polarization and deepening divisions that have emerged following the December 3 martial law declaration. The widespread political and party-based hostility has worsened compared to the institute's survey conducted four years ago. Among People Power Party supporters, 58.8 percent said they "extremely disliked" the Democratic Party of Korea, an increase from 50.5 percent in the previous survey. Likewise, 69.0 percent of Democratic Party of Korea supporters stated they "extremely disliked" the People Power Party, a sharp rise from 40.8 percent four years ago.
This survey reflects the grim reality of a society deeply divided and plunged into chaos. Growing distrust and attacks on institutions that serve as social pillars, such as the Constitutional Court and the judiciary, have weakened public confidence and fueled partisan hatred. The recent storming of the Seoul Western District Court, which resulted in 62 arrests, was followed by revelations of a planned riot at the Constitutional Court. The shift from verbal criticism to physical force signals that the situation has moved beyond a warning phase. Security for the eight Constitutional Court justices has been reinforced, and live ammunition has even been issued for their protection.
Beyond radical YouTubers, even responsible politicians have begun publicly questioning the backgrounds of Constitutional Court justices, portraying them as members of a particular political faction. In the process, the authority and credibility of the court tasked with interpreting the constitution and assessing the legitimacy of political actions by state institutions have been seriously undermined. It begs the question: what do those destabilizing society's foundations hope to gain?
Political leaders also bear significant responsibility for neglecting their duty of unifying society and acting solely based on political gains and losses, which resulted in the growing polarization and public disillusionment with politics. President Yoon Suk Yeol, following the declaration of martial law, referred to his most ardent supporters as "patriotic citizens" and has acted more like the leader of a political faction than a head of state, being deeply engaged in prison politics. Meanwhile, the Democratic Party of Korea, wielding its overwhelming parliamentary majority, has continued its one-sided approach to governance, showing similar irresponsibility. Before the impeachment, the primary responsibility for political dysfunction lay with the president and the ruling party. However, as the largest party, the Democratic Party of Korea must step up and engage in responsible politics. The fact that its approval ratings have remained stagnant even after the impeachment suggests that the party is now being judged for its past reliance on mere opposition in the shadow of the president.
The following two to three months will likely bring even greater turmoil due to the results of the impeachment trial and its aftermath. This is a moment that demands strong political leadership. At times like these, the distinction between genuine leaders and mere political opportunists becomes clear. It will soon be evident who is truly defending democracy and undermining it.
한국어
donga.com
12. Ex-interior minister denies trying to cut off power, water to media outlets after martial law declaration
(3rd LD) Ex-interior minister denies trying to cut off power, water to media outlets after martial law declaration | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Seung-yeon · February 11, 2025
(ATTN: ADDS more details in paras 17-20)
By Lee Haye-ah
SEOUL, Feb. 11 (Yonhap) -- Former Interior Minister Lee Sang-min denied Tuesday that he ordered cutting off power and water to major media outlets during the short-lived imposition of martial law or received such instructions from President Yoon Suk Yeol.
Lee made the remarks as a witness during the seventh formal hearing of Yoon's impeachment trial at the Constitutional Court, referring to allegations in the prosecution's indictment of Yoon that the president ordered him around midnight on Dec. 3 to cut off power and water to Hankyoreh, the Kyunghyang Shinmun, MBC and JTBC -- left-leaning media outlets critical of Yoon -- as well as opinion polling agency Flower Research.
Former Interior Minister Lee Sang-min (C) appears at the Constitutional Court in Seoul on Feb. 11, 2025, to attend the seventh hearing of President Yoon Suk Yeol's impeachment trial over his short-lived imposition of martial law in December. (Pool photo) (Yonhap)
"Such measures were completely excluded from the martial law (decree) so I don't think there was reason to give such instructions," Lee said.
"It was a known fact that the interior minister has no authority to command the police or the firefighting agency, and the president knew that better than anyone, so he would not have given me such form of instructions," he added.
Lee did acknowledge however that he saw a note on Yoon's desk headed with the word "National Fire Agency chief" and listing the names of the media outlets and the polling agency.
"I saw a few notes from afar inside the president's office and one of them mentioned the fire agency cutting off power and water," he said.
The minister also testified that he tried to stop Yoon from declaring martial law when he was called to the presidential office on the night of Dec. 3.
"After 11 Cabinet members had gathered, President Yoon reentered wearing a suit and we discouraged the president," he said. "President Yoon, however, said he is aware of its economic and diplomatic impact, and the political burden it would be, but that he had thought carefully and that a president's situation awareness and sense of crisis and responsibility were completely different from those of a Cabinet member."
President Yoon Suk Yeol (L) talks with his lawyer, Bae Bo-yoon, as he attends the seventh hearing of his impeachment trial at the Constitutional Court in Seoul on Feb. 11, 2025, over his short-lived imposition of martial law in December. (Pool photo) (Yonhap)
Prior to Lee's testimony, Yoon asked the bench for a chance to speak.
He voiced his opposition to the Constitutional Court using as evidence the prosecution's reports on interrogations of key suspects in the martial law case, saying the testimonies are inconsistent because they were given to multiple investigation agencies.
Acting court President Moon Hyung-bae said he would raise the issue with the other justices.
The trial has entered its final stretch with only one more scheduled hearing on Thursday, though the court could still designate additional sessions.
Later Tuesday, National Security Adviser Shin Won-sik, who was also called as a witness, recalled that during a dinner with Yoon and others at a presidential safe house sometime between late March and early April, the president mentioned the need for an "exceptional measure."
"I understood it as the military needing to play a role in real politics," Shin said. "I didn't think as far as martial law, and expressed my opinion that it would not be appropriate in any event."
Shin, who was the defense minister at the time, also said he rejected the idea as "not very useful," based on his perceptions of history, the realities of the military and the public's political consciousness.
Baek Jong-wook, former third deputy director of the National Intelligence Service (NIS), and Kim Yong-bin, secretary-general of the National Election Commission (NEC), also testified later in the day.
Baek and Kim were called to testify regarding the election fraud allegations, cited by Yoon as a main reason for declaring martial law.
When asked about such a possibility, Baek did not give a clear statement, saying it was "not what we saw" and his mission was confined to checking the ballot counting system.
Baek said the NIS had found that the NEC system had vulnerabilities and could have potentially been exposed to hacking during its 2023 inspection, but that should not be viewed in the same context as the alleged election fraud.
The court, meanwhile, rejected the request from Yoon's legal team to call Prime Minister Han Duck-soo and Lee Kyung-min, acting commander of the Defense Counterintelligence Command, to testify as witnesses, deeming it unnecessary.
The Constitutional Court's eight justices -- (from L to R, rear) Chung Kye-sun, Kim Bok-hyeong, Jung Jung-mi, Lee Mi-son, Moon Hyung-bae, Kim Hyung-du, Cheong Hyung-sik and Cho Han-chang -- are seated in their courtroom in Seoul on Feb. 11, 2025, to attend the seventh hearing of President Yoon Suk Yeol's impeachment trial over his short-lived imposition of martial law in December. (Pool photo) (Yonhap)
Yoon was impeached by the National Assembly in December on charges of inciting an insurrection through his short-lived imposition of martial law.
The Constitutional Court has been reviewing whether to uphold the impeachment and remove him from office or dismiss the impeachment and reinstate him.
Yoon is currently being held at a detention center ahead of a separate criminal trial on the insurrection charges.
hague@yna.co.kr
elly@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Seung-yeon · February 11, 2025
13. National security adviser tells court he tried to dissuade Yoon from declaring martial law
National security adviser tells court he tried to dissuade Yoon from declaring martial law
https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/news/2025-02-11/national/politics/National-Security-Adviser-tells-court-he-tried-to-dissuade-Yoon-from-declaring-martial-law/2239898
Published: 11 Feb. 2025, 18:56
Updated: 11 Feb. 2025, 19:30
- MICHAEL LEE
- lee.junhyuk@joongang.co.kr
Korea JoongAng Daily
National security adviser tells court he tried to dissuade Yoon from declaring martial law
4 min
Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI
National Security Adviser Shin Won-sik arrives at the Constitutional Court in Jongno District, central Seoul, on Feb. 11. [YONHAP]
National Security Adviser Shin Won-sik testified that he told President Yoon Suk Yeol not to declare martial law at the seventh hearing of Yoon’s impeachment trial at the Constitutional Court on Tuesday.
Shin, who was summoned as a witness by both Yoon’s lawyers and the National Assembly’s impeachment investigation committee, said that he “instinctually thought declaring martial law was not an appropriate measure” when the president informed him of his intent to impose martial law on Dec. 3.
Shin was one of four witnesses summoned to speak at Tuesday’s hearing. The others were former Interior Minister Lee Sang-min, former National Intelligence Service Third Deputy Director Baek Jong-wook and National Election Commission Secretary General Kim Yong-bin.
Questioning of Shin focused on allegations that Yoon had mentioned declaring martial law at a dinner party last spring that was also attended by National Intelligence Service Director Cho Tae-yong, then-Defense Counterintelligence Command chief Lt. Gen. Yeo In-hyeong and Kim Yong-hyun, who was then serving as chief of the Presidential Security Service.
Related Article
At the time, Shin was serving as defense minister. Kim later replaced him in the post, but stepped down in early December after being accused of trying to enforce Yoon’s martial law decree.
During his testimony, Shin said he tried to steer Yoon away from the idea of declaring martial law when the president mentioned “in passing” that “troops could play a role in politics.”
Shin said he responded by saying that such use of the military “would not be useful in light of the country’s history and political culture.”
The national security adviser noted that he came to oppose the use of martial law as a Korea Military Academy cadet in December 1979, when then-Maj. Gen. Chun Doo Hwan initiated a coup d’état and suspended the country’s civilian government.
Shin added that both he and Cho advised Yoon against declaring martial law because they believed the move “would not be accepted by Korea’s international partners and diminish the country’s standing abroad.”
Shin testified after former Interior Minister Lee Sang-min, who told the court that Yoon did not order him to cut off power and water to certain media companies the night he declared martial law.
Former Interior Minister Lee Sang-min speaks at the seventh hearing of President Yoon Suk Yeol's impeachment trial at the Constitutional Court in Jongno District, central Seoul, on Feb. 11. [CONSTITUTIONAL COURT]
Although Lee acknowledged phoning the chief of the country’s firefighting and emergency services on the night of Dec. 3, he claimed that call was “only to request thorough attention to public safety.”
Lee’s testimony appeared to clash with prosecutors’ claims that Yoon directed Lee during the Dec. 3 Cabinet meeting to shut off electricity and water to left-leaning newspapers Kyunghyang Shinmun and Hankyoreh as well as broadcasters MBC and JTBC and polling company Ggot.
“If the president had given me such an order, I would have relayed it as quickly as possible in that kind of situation instead of delaying for over two hours before calling the fire chief,” Lee said.
Lee also testified that no Cabinet members explicitly supported or opposed Yoon's plan to declare martial law, contradicting previous remarks by both acting President Choi Sang-mok and Foreign Minister Cho Tae-yul that they actively tried to dissuade the president.
According to Lee, none of the ministers present at the Dec. 3 Cabinet meeting believed the plan to declare martial law to be unconstitutional, but some expressed concerns about how the decree might be received by the public and its potential impact on the country’s economy and foreign relations.
During Tuesday’s hearing, Yoon argued that the involvement of multiple agencies in the investigation into his martial law declaration had caused witness statements to become “inconsistent.”
“The investigation was not carried out comprehensively by a single agency. Instead, multiple authorities rushed in, resulting in a disorganized investigation mixed with records from National Assembly hearings,” Yoon told the justices.
He also called on the court to “thoroughly review” the “discrepancies” in witness statements.
In response, acting Chief Justice Moon Hyung-bae said the justices would discuss the issue.
The eighth and final hearing of Yoon’s impeachment trial is scheduled for Thursday.
Though the Constitutional Court may schedule more hearings, a spokesperson said Monday that the court has “not yet reached a decision” about whether to hear more oral testimonies in the case.
BY MICHAEL LEE [lee.junhyuk@joongang.co.kr]
14. S. Korea mulls forging diplomatic ties with Syria following fall of Assad
Another move on the Go/Wei Chi/Baduk board as the South competes with the north over intleice over territory.
(LEAD) S. Korea mulls forging diplomatic ties with Syria following fall of Assad | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Minji · February 11, 2025
(ATTN: ADDS details throughout including Syria's response)
SEOUL, Feb. 11 (Yonhap) -- The South Korean government has decided to review establishing a formal diplomatic relationship with Syria following the recent fall of the Assad family's half-century-long dictatorship, an official said Tuesday.
An official at the foreign ministry revealed the plan after returning from a trip to Syria earlier this month, where the official confirmed the Syrian interim government's willingness to establish diplomatic ties with Seoul and examined the country's current situation.
"In our judgment, the underlying environment for establishing diplomatic relations is becoming favorable," the official noted, saying that the Syrian interim government welcomed the move.
The official quoted Syria's interim Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani as expressing an intent on newly establishing bilateral ties with South Korea.
Syria is the only U.N. member country with which South Korea does not have diplomatic ties. Bilateral relations, if forged, are expected to broaden Seoul's diplomatic landscape.
Last year, South Korea established diplomatic relations with Cuba in a surprise move and opened its embassy in Havana last month.
In December, rebel fighters, led by Ahmed al-Sharaa, overthrew the government of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, bringing an end to half a century of dictatorship by the Assad family. He has since been named president for the "transitional period."
Syria established diplomatic ties with North Korea in 1966, but the interim government is believed to be seeking to minimize relations with countries that had close ties with the fallen Assad regime.
The official, who led the first South Korean delegation to Syria in 22 years, said the government stressed its continued support for the Syrian people's journey for freedom and democracy.
Also emphasized during talks with Syrian counterparts were the benefits that could be reaped from their potential economic cooperation and Seoul's intent to take part in efforts to rebuild Syria, the official added.
Syrian authorities are known to be prioritizing energy, communications, infrastructure, education and public health in rebuilding the country.
This image from Reuters shows Syria's Defense Minister Murhaf Abu Qasra. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
pbr@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Minji · February 11, 2025
15. Government-private line is being blurred in the U.S. (South Korean OpEd)
Government-private line is being blurred in the U.S.
donga.com
Posted February. 11, 2025 07:39,
Updated February. 11, 2025 07:39
Government-private line is being blurred in the U.S.. February. 11, 2025 07:39. .
The public status of Tesla CEO Elon Musk, the butcher who’s been 'mutilating' the U.S. federal government and the hottest newsmaker in America right now, has only recently become widely known.
Musk, leading the newly established Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), is pressuring to cut 10% of federal employees and has gained access to classified information from the Department of the Treasury and the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), actions that have led to him being bombarded with criticism for exceeding his authority. Even though he is the closest aide to the president, what authority does he, once a private citizen, have to make such radical moves?
The White House officially announced Musk's appointment as a Special Government Employee (SGE) last Monday (local time). SGEs are part of a program that allows the government to temporarily hire outside experts for up to 130 days a year to bring expertise and agility to its operations. The appointment meets the minimum requirements for performing official duties within the White House.
SGEs, which past U.S. administrations have also used, are subject to laxer ethics rules and oversight compared to regular government employees, consistently raising transparency concerns. Former President Joe Biden appointed longtime Democratic lobbyist Anita Dunn as an SGE. Dunn later sparked a conflict-of-interest controversy when she was accused of exploiting a loophole that exempts SGEs from disclosing their assets. In 2016, then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton was also criticized for appointing close confidants as SGEs, granting them access to insider government information.
Musk faces similar criticism on a larger scale. However, he is not just a political lobbyist but the world’s most prosperous billionaire entrepreneur, running several global companies, including Tesla, X, and SpaceX. His international influence and political standing, backed by President Trump, is unprecedented. In addition, the official status of the young engineers at Musk's DOGE is unclear.
It is also ironic that the man who has been at the forefront of Trump’s campaign to 'demolish the deep state' (the vested interests within the federal bureaucracy) is now at the center of a massive conflict-of-interest controversy. “It’s probably the first time in history that an outsider has been given such unfettered power in the U.S. government,” says Michael Gerhardt, professor of Constitutional Law at the University of North Carolina School of Law.
The federal judiciary of the United States has recently put the brakes on DOGE's reforms. The Democratic Party is also ramping up its backlash, calling it a “coup by an unelected power.” Conservatives, on the other hand, are pleased with the 'hammer' Musk is wielding, Politico reported. The Washington Post characterized the SGE program itself as “blurring the lines between government and private.” If Musk's work gains clear support from either camp, this 'blurring of the lines' will likely become an inevitable trend of the era, not something that can be resisted.
The SGE system paved the way for behind-the-curtain confidants of powerful individuals to operate openly. Musk’s actions have reignited the debate over their authority in earnest. It will be interesting to see whether transparent oversight of unelected power can be implemented to protect the public interest or if it will ultimately empower a new kind of 'behind-the-scenes' power.
한국어
donga.com
16. The families held hostage in North Korea
Wednesday
February 12, 2025
dictionary + A - A
The families held hostage in North Korea
https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/news/2025-02-12/opinion/columns/The-families-held-hostage-in-North-Korea/2238977
Published: 12 Feb. 2025, 00:02
Jang Seok-kwang
The author is the general secretary of the Academy of National Intelligence.
News has surfaced that a North Korean soldier, on the verge of capture by Ukrainian forces, shouted “General Kim Jong-un” before detonating a grenade. A memo found on his body contained explicit orders: “Die before being captured.” While debates continue over the credibility of this intelligence, those familiar with North Korean affairs are hardly surprised. Suicides and self-detonation missions by North Korean operatives have long been part of Pyongyang’s standard operating procedure. In September 1996, during an infiltration attempt in Gangneung, Gangwon, 11 out of 26 armed North Korean commandos took their own lives rather than be captured. North Korean agents and operatives are indoctrinated with the belief that they must become “suicidal heroes who willingly sacrifice their youth and lives.”
An image released on Ukraine's SPRAVDI social media account, October last year, shows soldiers believed to be part of the North Korean army. [SPRAVDI/YONHAP]
Since the late 1970s, when Kim Jong-il declared that a “revolutionary's only way to maintain integrity is self-destruction,” poison capsules have been standard issue for infiltrators. A well-known case is Kim Hyon-hui, the North Korean agent responsible for the 1987 Korean Air bombing, who attempted suicide at Bahrain International Airport.
One of the most painful incidents in North Korean espionage investigations occurred in October 1997. At the National Security Planning Agency — now the National Intelligence Service — female interrogators meticulously searched a 28-year-old North Korean female operative, identified as "A," who had been extradited from Ulsan. The first and foremost task when capturing a North Korean agent is locating poison capsules. When the team discovered three cyanide ampoules, they provided her with fresh undergarments and a tracksuit.
During questioning, A repeatedly stated, “I came for the cause of national reunification and cannot betray General Kim Jong-il.” She refused to eat or drink — except for coffee. When an interrogator asked, “The man in the next room — is he your husband?”, she nodded.
“Do you have children?”
“A five-year-old son.”
“His name?”
She hesitated. Her pupils shook.
She then asked to see her husband. Not knowing whether granting her request would help or harm the investigation, the interrogators politely refused. An older investigator attempted to persuade her: “Living is the only way to help your son. When Korea is unified, you can see him again.”
A handwritten letter apparently carried by a North Korean soldier who died in Russia’s Kursk region dated Dec. 9, 2024, released by the Ukraine’s Special Operations Forces on its Facebook account Dec. 24, 2024. [SCREEN CAPTURE]
But despite what had seemed like a thorough body search, investigators had missed a hiding spot. The 28-year-old mother, trained as a North Korean operative, ultimately carried out her final mission. She died three days later.
The stark contrast with foreign espionage
Suicide under duress is not unique to North Korean agents. On Jan. 9, a Swiss national detained in Iran on espionage charges died in Tehran’s Evin Prison. The diplomatic fallout between Switzerland and Iran remains to be seen, but the case underscores the extreme psychological pressure spies endure.
At the International Spy Museum in Washington a device containing a hidden cyanide capsule is displayed — made in 1974 by the CIA for Soviet diplomat-turned-double agent Aleksandr Ogorodnik.
Ogorodnik, a mid-ranking official at the Soviet Foreign Ministry, was recruited by the CIA in Bogotá, Colombia, in 1973 after growing disillusioned with the oppressive Soviet regime. When he returned to Moscow in 1974, he worried that, if exposed, he would suffer unbearable torture at the hands of the KGB. He requested a suicide device from the CIA, believing that death was preferable to capture.
For three years, Ogorodnik continued feeding sensitive information on Soviet foreign policy to the United States. However, on June 22, 1977, a CIA mole exposed him, and the KGB raided his Moscow apartment.
Arrested and forced to sign a confession, Ogorodnik collapsed, dead before he hit the floor.
While spies worldwide sometimes choose death over capture, there is a fundamental difference between foreign intelligence and North Korean operatives' self-destruction. Western agents primarily act out of personal fear or ideological disillusionment. North Korean operatives, however, are haunted by the fate of their families back home. In North Korea, entire families serve as hostages — and without family members left behind as leverage, one cannot serve as a soldier, intelligence agent, diplomat, laborer abroad or even a foreign student. The North Korean soldiers dying in Ukraine are likely driven by the same coercion.
North Korea offers no training on handling capture
A mother’s fear for her child’s safety is one of the strongest motivators for self-sacrifice. A few days after A’s death, her husband, "B," was interrogated. His weapons had already been confiscated. Investigators deliberately withheld news of his wife’s suicide.
A North Korean soldier wounded and captured by Ukrainian forces are seen in this photo posted on Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky's Telegram channel on Jan. 11. [SCREEN CAPTURE]
During meals, B was talkative and even shared jokes — his demeanor noticeably brighter than in his initial days of detention. Watching him, unaware of his wife’s fate, brought a mix of emotions to the investigators.
One striking pattern in North Korean interrogations is that agents receive no training on how to handle capture. In contrast, other nations provide operatives with extensive training on how to resist interrogation, endure psychological pressure and navigate legal proceedings. Even during the Cold War, the KGB ensured that its spies knew how to survive if captured.
But not North Korea.
For Pyongyang, there is only one standing order for its operatives: "If captured, you must die."
The recent deaths of North Korean soldiers in Ukraine serve as another grim reminder that Pyongyang’s hostage-state tactics remain unchanged.
Translated using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.
If you or someone you know is feeling emotionally distressed or struggling with thoughts of suicide, LifeLine Korea can be contacted at 1588-9191. The Seoul Foreign Resident Center offers English-language counseling. Contact 02-2229-4900 to arrange a session. Other international helplines can be found at www.befrienders.org.
17. Editorial: Lee Jae-myung's inconsistency leaves public confused
They should also be confused by his support for China and north Korea. He showed his true colors on the first draft of the impeachment motion which accused President Yoon of being a traitor due his efforts to strengthen the ROK/US alliance and improve trilateral cooperation with Japan because he and his comrades argued those actions damaged relations with China and north Korea. But he had to quickly back rack for political purposes and remove that language from the subsequent impeachment draft and make a statement in support of the ROK/US alliance because he knows that no one can be elected President in South Korea without stating support for the ROK/US alliance and the defense of South Korea. He "keeps changing his stance based on political gain."
Excerpt:
The public is confused because Lee keeps changing his stance based on political gain. During his party leadership bid last year, he emphasized growth when his approval ratings dropped. Yet, he also pushed for cash handouts, surplus rice purchases, and the labor-friendly “Yellow Envelope Bill.” Meanwhile, key bills for national competitiveness, such as the Semiconductor Act, power grid expansion, and AI regulations, have been delayed. Despite appeals from businesses, he pushed through pro-labor, anti-business laws like the Severe Accident Punishment Act. His words on growth and pragmatism do not align with his actions, which lean toward ideology and populism.
Editorial: Lee Jae-myung's inconsistency leaves public confused
By The Chosunilbo
Published 2025.02.11. 09:13
Democratic Party leader Lee Jae-myung delivers a speech on recovery and growth at the National Assembly plenary session in Seoul on Feb. 10. /News1
In a National Assembly speech on Feb. 10, Democratic Party leader Lee Jae-myung announced plans to establish a “Committee for Recovery and Growth Toward a Basic Society.” He also proposed a four-day workweek, saying, “Productivity improvements should lead to shorter working hours.” Regarding exceptions to the 52-hour workweek, he said, “Trying to secure global competitiveness through long hours and labor exploitation is contradictory,” which differed from his recent stance.
At a New Year’s press conference last month, Lee distanced himself from his pledges on basic income, housing, and loans, saying, “Right now, creating wealth is more important than redistribution,” and that he was seriously reconsidering these proposals. He also emphasized that “growth is the top priority,” likely to appeal to centrist voters ahead of a possible early election. His “basic society policies,” which require massive taxpayer money, were never realistic. Yet, just two weeks later, he has brought them back.
Lee had said regarding exceptions to the 52-hour workweek, “I had no argument against allowing concentrated shifts, so I will consider it positively.” However, after facing backlash from party hardliners and the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions, he backtracked with vague wording. While mentioning “growth” 24 times in his speech, he also pushed for a four-day workweek and shorter hours. He framed this as shared prosperity, but his policies remain unclear.
The public is confused because Lee keeps changing his stance based on political gain. During his party leadership bid last year, he emphasized growth when his approval ratings dropped. Yet, he also pushed for cash handouts, surplus rice purchases, and the labor-friendly “Yellow Envelope Bill.” Meanwhile, key bills for national competitiveness, such as the Semiconductor Act, power grid expansion, and AI regulations, have been delayed. Despite appeals from businesses, he pushed through pro-labor, anti-business laws like the Severe Accident Punishment Act. His words on growth and pragmatism do not align with his actions, which lean toward ideology and populism.
Lee proposed a legislative recall system that would allow voters to remove lawmakers during their term. But critics argue that he would be the first target of this system. For the past three years, political turmoil and legislative gridlock have resulted from his attempts to block corruption probes and push through laws. His leadership has distorted and paralyzed state affairs. If he does not stand by his own words, his “inconsistency” will become his only “consistency.”
18. N. Koreans dismiss Kim Jong Un's latest anti-corruption drive as theater
Are the regime's policies backfiring?
Knowledge among the Korean people in the north is providing greater understanding. This could create the conditions for change.
N. Koreans dismiss Kim Jong Un's latest anti-corruption drive as theater - Daily NK English
Some believe the harsh response to local officials' misconduct is meant to deflect blame for failed regional development
By Lee Chae Eun - February 11, 2025
dailynk.com · by Lee Chae Eun · February 11, 2025
The Rodong Sinmun newspaper reported that a splendid New Year’s concert was held at the May Day Stadium in Pyongyang on Jan. 1. North Korean leader Kim Jong Un attended the concert with his daughter. (Rodong Sinmun, News 1)
North Korea is cracking down on corrupt provincial officials, but many people don’t believe it is having much effect.
Multiple sources in North Korea told Daily NK recently that a recent Central Committee secretariat meeting has become a major topic of discussion. The meeting, officially called the 30th Enlarged Meeting of the Secretariat of the Eighth Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of Korea, was chaired by Kim Jong Un on Jan. 27. It addressed two main issues: officials from Nampo’s Onchon county party committee violating party rules, and farm inspectors in Ushi county engaging in abusive behavior.
According to state media, party officials in Onchon county severely violated rules by accepting drinks at a bar, while farm inspectors in Ushi county committed “flagrant and unpardonable” violations by misusing their authority to seize residents’ property.
During the meeting, Kim Jong Un denounced these actions as “enormous crimes” – a move apparently intended to reinforce public loyalty and internal discipline. However, North Koreans seem unmoved by this theatrical punishment of officials, believing it fails to address underlying problems.
While the regime is threatening to dissolve organizations and harshly punish everyone involved, locals view these threats as mere political theater. A source in South Hamgyong province shared Hamhung citizens’ perspective: “People don’t see how getting treated to drinks could be an ‘enormous crime’ when it’s so commonplace here. If anything, they feel sympathy for the officials being made examples of.”
People familiar with the incidents in both Nampo and Ushi county argue the situations were overblown. “The officials were caught at a celebration drink after completing a local factory. It’s hardly the ‘enormous crime’ the central government claims,” a Nampo source explained.
A source in Jagang province offered similar insights about the Ushi county incident: “Those who know the details say the inspectors were just trying to secure funding and materials for a local factory. They weren’t planning to pocket the money. The whole thing’s been blown out of proportion.”
Some believe the harsh response to local officials’ misconduct is meant to deflect blame for failed regional development. “When factories are built in the provinces, they lack electricity and materials to operate. The authorities seem to be scapegoating local officials, painting their corruption and incompetence as the main barriers to regional development,” explained a source in North Hamgyong province.
Read in Korean
dailynk.com · by Lee Chae Eun · February 11, 2025
De Oppresso Liber,
David Maxwell
Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy
Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation
Editor, Small Wars Journal
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
Phone: 202-573-8647
email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com
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