Quotes of the Day:
“The point of modern propaganda isn’t only to misinform or push an agenda. It is to exhaust your critical thinking, to annihilate the truth.”
- Garry Kasparov
“The propagandist’s purpose is to make one set of people forget that certain other sets of people are human.”
- Aldus Huxley
“You can sway a thousand men by appealing to their prejudices quicker than you can convince one man by logic.”
- Robert A. Heinlein, Revolt in 2100/Methuselah's Children
1. Top brass says Moon's gov't let them down
2. South Koreans overwhelmingly want nuclear weapons to confront China and North Korea, poll finds
3. Thinking Nuclear: South Korean Attitudes on Nuclear Weapons
4. Moon says Ukraine's sovereignty must be respected
5. N.Korea's Kim congratulates China on Olympics, says together they will frustrate U.S. threats
6. Korean Conglomerates Snap up Ex-U.S. Gov't Officials
7. North Korea moves to bolster anti-air defenses in certain regions of country
8. Crackdown on foreign videos catches North Korean military officers
9. Pyongyang’s donju are keen to invest in new Hwasong apartment construction
10. Kim Jong-un's Mother, Ko Yong-hui, was Born in Osaka: Did She Share Her Memories of Japan with Her Son?
11. Rival candidates seek different strategies to mend ties with Japan
12. COVAX reduces COVID-19 vaccines allocated for N. Korea: UN agency
13. North Korea highly expected to resume missile tests: experts
14. Can the Korean won become a reserve currency?
15. Lack of vision for unification
16. South Korean culture minister proposes launching Culture Olympics
17. S. Korea to test-fire solid-fuel space rocket next month: military
1. Top brass says Moon's gov't let them down
This might be described as incendiary. It really exposes the Moon administration on so many issues: UNC, JSA, OPCON transition, Yongsan relocation.
But now perhaps for the first time we have former ROK general officers acting in a similar manner as some former US general officers in recent years.
I could have explained the OPCON transition and sovereignty issue better than this (though I have been making this similar point for years):
Choi, former deputy commander of the Korea-U.S. Combined Forces Command (CFC), said politicians intentionally misled the public to think that Korea has no military sovereignty because the United States has wartime operational control over the Korean troops.
"The CFC operates under the command and control of the two countries' joint chiefs of staff, defense ministries and presidents," he said. "Each country has a 50-percent stake if it was compared to a business corporation.
"Politicians know this very well, but insulted the military by saying that top generals are begging the United States to keep operational control," he said. "To obtain the key capabilities to regain the wartime operational control, we need a long time. The handover should be made after we are fully capable, but the Moon administration said it wanted the handover to take place first."
Monday
February 21, 2022
Top brass says Moon's gov't let them down
Former military leaders working on the campaign of the People Power Party’s presidential candidate Yoon Suk-yeol talk to the JoongAng Ilbo on Friday. From right, Choi Byung-hyuk; Lee Wang-keun; Kim Yong-woo; Shim Seung-seop and Jun Jin-goo. [Woo SANG-JO]
Five top military leaders from the Moon Jae-in administration are supporting opposition candidate Yoon Suk-yeol, saying Moon's administration politicized the military, weakened the alliance with the United States and attempted to remove the United Nations Command (UNC) that oversees the Korean War armistice.
In a joint interview with the JoongAng Ilbo, the five retired generals said they are supporting People Power Party (PPP) candidate Yoon to make turn things around.
The five military leaders are former Army Chief of Staff Kim Yong-woo; former Air Force Chief of Staff Lee Wang-keun; former Navy Chief of Staff Shim Seung-seop; and former Deputy Commander of the Korea-U.S. Combined Forces Command (CFC) Choi Byung-hyuk. The four four-star generals were handpicked by Moon to those top posts.
The fifth is retired Lieutenant General Jun Jin-goo, former commander of the Marine Corps. He took up that post on April 13, 2017, shortly before Moon took office.
In the interview with the JoongAng Ilbo Friday, Kim rejected the idea that they joined the Yoon campaign to win prestigious jobs.
"They [the Moon administration and ruling party] must seriously think about why the soldiers, particularly high-ranking generals from the Moon administration, are turning against them," Kim said. "It is because they do not respect the military as a group of professional experts."
The generals said the Moon administration tried to put the military under their surveillance and control.
Kim criticized the DP and the Moon administration for violating the military's political neutrality. "The military should serve the country and the people," he said. "It shouldn't be treated as a military of a particular political party and administration. The current administration forced selective loyalty from the military, as if it were the party's military."
Kim, Lee, Shim and Choi said they were grateful that Moon named them to top posts, but insisted their promotions were not based on personal favors but a legitimate process.
Kim said soldiers must not be penalized for having served in key posts in a previous administration. "Soldiers are loyal to an administration because it is elected by the people, but when the administration is changed, they face demotions and disadvantages," Kim said. "That will create a split inside the military and politicize the military."
Lee, who headed the Air Force from August 2017 through April 2019, deplored the weakening of the Korea-U.S. alliance after the Moon administration scaled down joint military exercises to placate North Korea.
"The United States wanted frequent joint drills to improve readiness, but we were forced to reduce the exercises," Lee said. "The U.S. troops, therefore, headed to the U.S. mainland to exercise on their own in order to make up for the shortage of drills. The slogan of the alliance is 'We go together,' but I wonder if we can go together."
Jun, former head of the Marine Corps, said the alliance has significantly deteriorated over the past five years. "We used to hold 15 to 20 joint exercises annually," he said. "So, one or two U.S. Marine battalions were always in Korea. But after joint exercises were reduced, the roots of the alliance were largely shaken. The United States no longer trusts us."
He added that marine commanders from the two countries had shared field information and strategies, but such consultations ended after the two Koreas signed a military agreement on Sept. 19, 2018.
Choi, former deputy commander of the Korea-U.S. Combined Forces Command (CFC), said politicians intentionally misled the public to think that Korea has no military sovereignty because the United States has wartime operational control over the Korean troops.
"The CFC operates under the command and control of the two countries' joint chiefs of staff, defense ministries and presidents," he said. "Each country has a 50-percent stake if it was compared to a business corporation.
"Politicians know this very well, but insulted the military by saying that top generals are begging the United States to keep operational control," he said. "To obtain the key capabilities to regain the wartime operational control, we need a long time. The handover should be made after we are fully capable, but the Moon administration said it wanted the handover to take place first."
He said American military leaders told him privately that they were concerned. "Now, the North Korean nuclear program is so advanced that the advanced weapons and military command and control system that had been agreed between Seoul and Washington are not enough to handle it. That is why Burwell Bell, former commander of the combined forces command, says that the handover is dangerous."
In the interview, the military leaders said the Moon Blue House tried to weaken the power and role of the UNC, which oversees the Korean War armistice, because they see it as the biggest obstacle to an end-of-war declaration.
Choi, who served as deputy commander of the CFC from April 2019 through September 2020, said the Blue House overtly complained in a meeting in December 2019 that the UNC was trying to expand the scope of operation. "They tried to weaken the UNC, because it stopped the government from assisting the Kaesong Industrial Complex," he said.
He also said a UNC source told him that the Blue House made a failed attempt to remove the United States from the management of the Joint Security Area at the inter-Korean border and arrange for the two Koreas to control the area directly.
DP politicians and Moon allies have consistently argued that the UNC must be dismantled. "The UNC has no legitimacy. It must be controlled so that it won't intervene in inter-Korean relations," DP Chairman Song Young-gil said in August 2020, when he was the chairman of the National Assembly's Foreign and Unification Committee.
Other Moon aides including former Presidential Chief of Staff Im Jong-seok also argued for it to be dismantled.
"It was not a few people's opinions," Choi said. "It was the Blue House's approach toward the UNC in general."
Dismantlement of the UNC has long been a goal of North Korea. At a UN meeting last October, North Korean Ambassador to the UN Kim Song argued that the United States had established the UNC unlawfully. "The United Nations must not be abused under the justification of peacekeeping to realize its evil political and military purpose," he said.
Choi also said in the interview that the Blue House forced the early relocation of the U.S. military facilities in Yongsan, central Seoul, to Pyeongtaek, Gyeonggi, without proper preparation. "Dragon Hill Lodge was an accommodation for U.S. government officials when they visit here, but the government just rushed to relocate it without securing the budget to create an alternate facility," he said. "They probably wanted to show off a political achievement before the [April 2020 legislative] election."
The military leaders said they have faith in Yoon's national security policy, including his controversial remarks that a preemptive strike on the North is possible.
"Yoon made it public to contrast the current administration's powerlessness toward the North," said Shim. "The president is the commander in chief of the military, and he can talk about a preemptive strike. It is intended to deter any threat to the nation's stability. If the commander in chief cannot talk about it, who can?"
The former generals said they want their successors' tenures guaranteed by law in order to strengthen the military leadership's capabilities and political neutrality. They also said they will work to resume suspended field exercises and joint drills with U.S. forces.
2. South Koreans overwhelmingly want nuclear weapons to confront China and North Korea, poll finds
This is not unusual. These feelings have long simmered in South Korea. And note it is not necessarily about concerns with the alliance and US strategic reassurance and strategic resolve.
Excerpts:
The return of tactical nuclear armament has seemed out of reach for many years, but the debate has cropped up repeatedly. In 2016, then-South Korean President Park Geun-hye reportedly asked the United States to redeploy the tactical weapons but was denied. Currently, South Korea has ambitions for a nuclear-powered submarine.
The poll found that 71 percent of South Koreans supported nuclear weapons — slightly higher than in previous findings. Researchers sought to dig deeper to understand how intensely South Koreans feel about their support and found it has considerable staying power.
For example, when asked to choose between a domestic nuclear weapons program and the stationing of U.S. nuclear weapons in South Korea, similar to that of the past, the public overwhelmingly preferred an independent arsenal, underscoring the desire among South Koreans for greater autonomy over how and when nuclear weapons would be deployed on their behalf.
Researchers also found that, contrary to conventional thinking among security analysts, South Koreans’ support for nuclear weapons remained strong even when they felt confident in the U.S. alliance.
South Koreans overwhelmingly want nuclear weapons to confront China and North Korea, poll finds
TOKYO — There has long been a desire among South Koreans for domestic nuclear weapons capability, but a poll shows that in the face of North Korea’s nuclear ambitions and an assertive China, that view has ballooned to more than 70 percent of the population — most of whom want to go nuclear even when the potential drawbacks are explained.
The poll, released Tuesday by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs, found robust support for nuclear weapons in South Korea: South Koreans want nuclear weapons even when they feel confident about the country’s alliance with the United States and about the strength of their own military. And those who support nuclear weapons now see a level of prestige associated with them.
South Korea is preparing to elect a new president on March 9 in a neck-and-neck race, and the debate over nuclear armament was reignited during the fall primary among conservative candidates as a potential party platform idea. The poll shows that domestic support for nuclear weapons is squarely in the mainstream view — and that the incoming president may need to contend with it.
Throughout much of the Cold War, the United States had stationed nuclear-armed weapons in South Korea. Then, in 1991, President George H.W. Bush initiated the withdrawal of all tactical nuclear weapons deployed abroad. South Korea remains under the protection of the U.S. nuclear umbrella, which guarantees that the United States would use its nuclear weapons to protect South Korea if needed.
The return of tactical nuclear armament has seemed out of reach for many years, but the debate has cropped up repeatedly. In 2016, then-South Korean President Park Geun-hye reportedly asked the United States to redeploy the tactical weapons but was denied. Currently, South Korea has ambitions for a nuclear-powered submarine.
The poll found that 71 percent of South Koreans supported nuclear weapons — slightly higher than in previous findings. Researchers sought to dig deeper to understand how intensely South Koreans feel about their support and found it has considerable staying power.
For example, when asked to choose between a domestic nuclear weapons program and the stationing of U.S. nuclear weapons in South Korea, similar to that of the past, the public overwhelmingly preferred an independent arsenal, underscoring the desire among South Koreans for greater autonomy over how and when nuclear weapons would be deployed on their behalf.
Researchers also found that, contrary to conventional thinking among security analysts, South Koreans’ support for nuclear weapons remained strong even when they felt confident in the U.S. alliance.
Experts say the findings suggest that U.S. policymakers need to have a deeper understanding of South Koreans’ views.
“We can’t just ignore this. We can’t treat it as, ‘the public is emotional on these issues,’ ” said Toby Dalton, co-director and senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment’s Nuclear Policy Program and a co-author of the report.
Pronuclear South Koreans saw armament as a way to increase the country’s prestige in the international community. When presented with potential consequences for going nuclear — such as international sanctions or a U.S. troop withdrawal from South Korea — pronuclear respondents largely remained supportive.
“They want to take that next step on the international stage,” said Karl Friedhoff, a fellow in public opinion and Asia policy at the Chicago Council on Global Affairs and a polling expert based in South Korea who co-wrote the report. “The people who support weapons basically support them no matter what.”
South Koreans’ desire for nuclear weapons is often viewed as a way to counter threats from North Korea, a nuclear-armed state that is now working to expand and diversify its arsenal. But the poll found that South Koreans increasingly view China as a long-term threat to the country. They also view Japan as less of a military threat than their two nuclear neighbors.
A majority of South Koreans believe it is unlikely that North Korea will denuclearize, which has also hardened their desire for a nuclear program, said Lami Kim, a co-author of the report and a national security professor at the U.S. Army War College.
“Some may have held out hope during the last diplomatic engagement with the North in 2018 and 2019, but after that failed, most feel their skepticism toward North Korea’s denuclearization has been vindicated,” she said.
S. Paul Choi, principal at the Seoul-based consultancy StratWays Group and a former South Korean military officer who was not involved in the research, warned against reading too much into hypothetical questions about alliance matters and consequences, given the complexities of the issue and the fact that wording choices can make a big difference across polls.
But Choi said a robust debate on the topic is overdue, especially given that a majority of South Koreans have expressed support for a domestic nuclear weapons program for more than a decade.
“South Koreans, the South Korean public, are very aware of the volatile regional security environment in which we live, and the nuclear North Korea threat that we face,” Choi said. “With that understanding, they’re increasingly supportive, or open to, a domestic nuclear program but believe in pursuing that with a strong U.S.-ROK alliance,” he said using the abbreviation for South Korea’s official name.
“For me, as a South Korean, if we didn’t have this debate, that would be worrisome. Given the environment in which we live, we need to examine, review and consider all options and decide which one supports, most effectively, our security interests,” Choi said.
3. Thinking Nuclear: South Korean Attitudes on Nuclear Weapons
Thinking Nuclear: South Korean Attitudes on Nuclear Weapons
February 21, 2022
RESEARCH by Toby Dalton, Karl Friedhoff, and Lami Kim
Reuters
New public opinion data finds robust support for a domestic nuclear weapons program in South Korea.
Once a topic for the political fringe, acquisition of nuclear weapons has become a mainstream feature of South Korea’s national security discourse. Public opinion polling over the last decade shows consistent majority support for nuclear possession. Leading political figures publicly discuss the idea of either developing a South Korean domestic nuclear weapons program or seeking the reintroduction of US tactical nuclear weapons to the Korean Peninsula. In recent national elections, the conservative party included the return of US nuclear weapons in its policy platform. However, public attitudes around the distinctions between an independent nuclear arsenal and US deployment, as well as the potential implications of pursuing either option, are not well explored. Even though the nuclear issue is not prominent in campaigns ahead of South Korea’s March 2022 presidential election, the growing threats in the region and doubts about the security alliance with the United States make the nuclear question increasingly relevant.
This report investigates public attitudes on these issues and finds robust majority support for a domestic nuclear weapons program and smaller majority support for the stationing of US nuclear weapons in South Korea. When asked to choose between the two, the public overwhelmingly prefers a domestic weapons program to deployment of US nuclear weapons. Public support for both options appears to be insensitive to potential negative repercussions for South Korea’s relations with China, South Korea’s economic security, the alliance with the United States, or hopes for North Korea’s denuclearization.
Key Findings
- Support for nuclear weapons is robust, with 71 percent in favor of South Korea developing its own nuclear weapons, while 56 percent support a deployment of US nuclear weapons in South Korea. However, when asked to choose between these two options, the public overwhelmingly prefer an independent arsenal (67%) over US deployment (9%). Interestingly, 40 percent oppose US deployment, while just 26 percent oppose a domestic nuclear arsenal
- Public attitudes on nuclear weapons do not strongly align with rationales for armament offered by some South Korean politicians and analysts.
- Six in ten (61%) remain confident the United States will defend South Korea in a conflict with North Korea.
- Confidence that the United States will carry through on alliance commitments is positively associated with support for nuclear weapons, contrary to beliefs that alliance commitment concerns are a main driver of public views on nuclear acquisition.
- Some politicians argue that nuclear acquisition would increase the likelihood that North Korea will disarm, yet 82 percent of South Koreans believe it is unlikely North Korea will give up its nuclear weapons, and they are the most likely to support a domestic weapons program.
- “Threats other than North Korea” are a main driver of support for a domestic nuclear arsenal, and a majority (55%) say China will be the biggest threat to South Korea in ten years.
- But the prestige offered by being a nuclear weapons state is a strong secondary factor. One in four South Koreans (26%) ranked increasing South Korea’s prestige in the international community as the main reason for their support of nuclear weapons, similar in number to countering the North Korean threat (23%).
- Among the majority that supports nuclear weapons acquisition, potential consequences —such as pressure from China, international economic sanctions, or US troop withdrawal —do not strongly diminish support. Only 11 percent of supporters changed their view when faced with these hypothetical consequences.
About the Authors
Toby Dalton
Senior Fellow, Carnegie Endowment
Toby Dalton is co-director and a senior fellow of the Nuclear Policy Program at the Carnegie Endowment. An expert on nonproliferation and nuclear energy, his work addresses regional security challenges and the evolution of the global nuclear order.
Marshall M. Bouton Fellow for Asia Studies
Karl Friedhoff was a Korea Foundation-Mansfield Foundation US-Korea Nexus Scholar and a member of the Mansfield Foundation’s Trilateral Working Group prior to joining the Council. Previously, he was a program officer in the Public Opinion Studies Program at the Asan Institute for Policy Studies based in Seoul, South Korea.
Lami Kim
Assistant Professor, U.S. Army War College
Lami Kim is an Assistant Professor in the Department of National Security and Strategy at the U.S. Army War College, a US-Korea NextGen Scholar at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and an Adjunct Fellow at Pacific Forum.
4. Moon says Ukraine's sovereignty must be respected
Excerpts:
"Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity must be respected," he said. "Countries around the world must come together and work for a swift and peaceful resolution to the situation in Ukraine. South Korea will actively participate in these efforts as a responsible member of the international community."
...
"We must assume a more rapid and detailed response posture," he said. "Our economic relationship with Ukraine is not large, but as the situation persists over a long period of time and the United States and the West impose strong sanctions on Russia, the impact on our economy will also be large."
(4th LD) Moon says Ukraine's sovereignty must be respected | Yonhap News Agency
(ATTN: UPDATES with statements by foreign, defense ministries, other details in paras 8-13; ADDS byline)
By Lee Haye-ah and Choi Soo-hyang
SEOUL, Feb. 22 (Yonhap) -- President Moon Jae-in said Tuesday that Ukraine's sovereignty must be respected and South Korea will join efforts for a peaceful resolution to the crisis.
Moon made the remarks during a National Security Council meeting convened after Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered the deployment of troops to two breakaway regions in Ukraine after recognizing their independence.
"Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity must be respected," he said. "Countries around the world must come together and work for a swift and peaceful resolution to the situation in Ukraine. South Korea will actively participate in these efforts as a responsible member of the international community."
Moon said the crisis has been developing in a "pressing" manner, with the United States and other Western nations condemning Russia's actions as a violation of Ukraine's sovereignty and international law, and threatening immediate sanctions against Moscow.
The president instructed officials to prepare thoroughly to ensure the safety of South Korean nationals and protect the South Korean economy from supply chain disruptions caused by the crisis.
"We must assume a more rapid and detailed response posture," he said. "Our economic relationship with Ukraine is not large, but as the situation persists over a long period of time and the United States and the West impose strong sanctions on Russia, the impact on our economy will also be large."
Moon noted there could be disruptions to energy and raw material supplies, as well as to global financial markets, and ordered officials to "actively" come up with responses for various scenarios to protect the South Korean economy from sudden blows.
In a separate statement, Seoul's foreign ministry "strongly urged" relevant parties to seek a peaceful resolution to the situation "in respect of international laws and the Minsk agreement."
The agreement refers to a 2015 ceasefire deal by Russia and Ukraine following months of conflict in eastern Ukraine.
As of Monday, there had been 63 South Korean nationals remaining in Ukraine, excluding embassy staff and those in Crimea, according to the foreign ministry.
Second Vice Foreign Minister Choi Jong-moon convened an emergency meeting earlier in the day and discussed evacuation plans to use in the event of an emergency.
The defense ministry said it will "actively cooperate" in case any support is needed for the evacuation, such as by mobilizing military transport aircraft.
"We are closely monitoring how the situation unfolds," defense ministry spokesperson Boo Seung-chan told a regular press briefing.
Moon addressed the crisis during a government meeting last week, saying the government needs to support exporters and South Korean businesses in Ukraine, and act preemptively against supply and demand fears in the energy, raw materials and grain sectors.
Tuesday's meeting was attended by Moon's chief of staff You Young-min, national security adviser Suh Hoon, Finance Minister Hong Nam-ki, Unification Minister Lee In-young, Defense Minister Suh Wook and other senior foreign policy and economic officials.
hague@yna.co.kr
scaaet@yna.co.kr
(END)
5. N.Korea's Kim congratulates China on Olympics, says together they will frustrate U.S. threats
It is Kim who harbors and advances a hostile policy that seeks domination of the Korean peninsula.
Excepts:
North Korea and China are defending and advancing socialism, while "frustrating the undisguised hostile policy and military threat of the U.S. and its satellite forces" by strengthening strategic cooperation and unity, Kim said.
Kim praised the Games for making a mark on history, and said under Xi's leadership, China had persevered in the face of an "unprecedentedly severe health crisis and the hostile forces' maneuvers."
North Korea did not participate in the Games, which ended on Sunday.
In a previous letter from sports authorities in January, North Korea blamed "hostile forces" and COVID-19 risks for its not being able to attend.
N.Korea's Kim congratulates China on Olympics, says together they will frustrate U.S. threats
SEOUL, Feb 22 (Reuters) - North Korea's Kim Jong Un vowed to strengthen cooperation with China and together "frustrate" threats and hostile policies from the United States and its allies, state media reported on Tuesday.
Kim made the remarks in a verbal message to Chinese President Xi Jinping, congratulating him on the successful completion of the Beijing Olympics, state news agency KCNA said in a summary.
North Korea and China are defending and advancing socialism, while "frustrating the undisguised hostile policy and military threat of the U.S. and its satellite forces" by strengthening strategic cooperation and unity, Kim said.
Kim praised the Games for making a mark on history, and said under Xi's leadership, China had persevered in the face of an "unprecedentedly severe health crisis and the hostile forces' maneuvers."
North Korea did not participate in the Games, which ended on Sunday.
In a previous letter from sports authorities in January, North Korea blamed "hostile forces" and COVID-19 risks for its not being able to attend.
North Korean athletes were not eligible to compete under their national flag after the country failed to send a team to the Tokyo Summer Olympics last year, citing COVID-19 concerns.
China has been North Korea's only major ally since the two signed a treaty in 1961.
Reporting by Josh Smith; Editing by Howard Goller
6. Korean Conglomerates Snap up Ex-U.S. Gov't Officials
Korean Conglomerates Snap up Ex-U.S. Gov't Officials
February 22, 2022 13:13
Korean companies are falling over themselves to hire former U.S. government officials for the sake of their real or perceived connections in high places, especially in marketing. The most prominent recent case is a former U.S. ambassador to Seoul who has no business experience.
LG has hired Joseph Hagin, a former deputy chief of staff for President George W. Bush from 2001 to 2008 and for President Donald Trump from 2017 to 2018, as co-president of its new office in Washington.
Hagin is to take charge of lobbying the U.S. government and Congress. With LG's new office, all of the top four Korean conglomerates -- the others are Samsung, Hyundai, and SK -- now have offices in the U.S. capital.
From left, Joseph Hagin, Mark Lippert and Stephen Biegun
Korean conglomerates are increasingly trying to build their own overseas networks to use them in making key business decisions, rather than depending on the Korean government.
Samsung has hired ex-U.S. ambassador to Korea Mark Lippert as vice president for public relations in North America, also mainly a lobbying job.
POSCO, which suffered from sanctions on its steel exports during the Trump administration, hired Stephen Biegun, a former North Korea point man, as an adviser last September.
- Copyright © Chosunilbo & Chosun.com
7. North Korea moves to bolster anti-air defenses in certain regions of country
Is this training as part of the Winter Training Cycle that is underway?
Is this "routine" reorganization and redistribution of resources?
Is the regime planning something and preparing for a possible response - imagine the scale of a north Korean action that would make the regime consider there could be some kind of military response?
Is this deception? While we focus on these areas, what are we not observing and what does the regime not want us to see?
Excerpt:
He added that, ultimately, the order aims to strengthen the anti-air capabilities of Chagang Province, a special zone for the country’s strategic forces, and Gangwon Province, where North Korea’s frontline Kalma Airfield is located.
North Korea moves to bolster anti-air defenses in certain regions of country
North Korean military helicopters involved in an exercise last year (Seogwang)
The North Korean military has reportedly begun moves to bolster anti-air defenses in certain regions.
According to multiple Daily NK sources in the North Korean military on Friday, the General Staff Department issued an order on Feb. 9 and 10 to the staff departments of relevant units in Gangwon and Chagang provinces, respectively, calling for inspections and reorganizations of anti-aircraft units and changes in their services and deployments “in accordance with the strategic intentions of the Supreme Command.”
A military source in Chagang Province said unit staff departments received the General Staff Department order on Feb. 10. He said the order concerned the armed personnel of certain anti-air units, reorganization of formations, general inspections of the units’ firepower, and reinforcements and movements of personnel and weaponry based on those inspections.
A military source in Gangwon Province also said the staff departments of relevant units received a General Staff Department order on Feb. 9 pushing efforts to bolster the firepower of major anti-air units.
Bolstering fighting strength by inspecting the anti-air weapons of certain units while reorganizing parent services and formations, the order appears linked to incremental efforts to adopt a war preparation footing focused on new weaponry produced under the five-year weapon development plan, which was presented during the Eighth Party Congress in 2021.
The key points of the order are:
- A review of the firepower of anti-aircraft units (Ministry of Defense’s Weapons Bureau)
- Determining new combat organizations (Supreme Command and General Staff Department)
- Finalizing weapon outlays for the new combat organizations (General Staff Department and Ministry of Defense’s Weapons Bureau)
- Reorganizing parent services and formations (Supreme Command, General Staff Department, Manpower Supply Bureau, Cadre Bureau)
Another high-ranking source in the North Korean military said the order deploys new anti-air units to protect major military zones in Chagang Province, where North Korea’s strategic forces are concentrated. It also bolsters the anti-air defenses of Wonsan, Gangwon Province, including the islands of the Kalma Peninsula such as Ryodo, Sindo, Sodo and Taedo.
He added that, ultimately, the order aims to strengthen the anti-air capabilities of Chagang Province, a special zone for the country’s strategic forces, and Gangwon Province, where North Korea’s frontline Kalma Airfield is located.
Accordingly, anti-air units in Chagang Province — formerly under Army command — will come under the command of the Strategic Force, and establish a combat readiness system corresponding to the units’ new formations. The source said in the case of Gangwon Province, however, anti-air units will only be enlarged while remaining with their parent service.
Meanwhile, North Koreans are apparently talking about moves to bolster troop strength on the major islands of Wonsan’s Kalma Peninsula. They speculate that the military might have felt it necessary to bolster manpower to defend the country’s leadership.
North Korea’s leaders, including top leader Kim Jong Un, have villas in Wonsan.
In fact, the source said people say that because top leaders frequent Wonsan, home to many villas and resorts, the military is taking pains to pack the area with anti-air units with modern weaponry.
Please direct any comments or questions about this article to dailynkenglish@uni-media.net.
8. Crackdown on foreign videos catches North Korean military officers
Yes the regime is deathly afraid of information and influence. External information is an existential threat to the regime.
But also note the thirst for external information even among the military. Can we see any indications of breakdowns in the three military chains of control (traditional military, political, and security chains?
Note also the impact of "Crash Landing on You."
Crackdown on foreign videos catches North Korean military officers
South Korean TV shows, Japanese porn, and Hollywood films were found on the devices of high-ranking officers.
By Myung Chul Lee
2022.02.21
North Korea has punished more than 10 military officials after they were caught in possession of “impure” video files–South Korean TV shows, Japanese porn and Hollywood films–as a crackdown on illegal foreign media shifted to focus on high-ranking men in uniform, military sources told RFA.
Though citizens of North Korea are forbidden to watch or listen to media from outside the country, foreign TV shows, music, and movies are smuggled in on easily concealable SD cards and USB flash drives. They are then distributed widely among the populace through the black market.
Nervous about all this exposure to outside information, Pyongyang in December 2020 passed the draconian Elimination of Reactionary Thought and Culture Law, which carries a maximum penalty of death for watching, keeping, or distributing media from capitalist countries, particularly from South Korea and the U.S.
To enforce the law, it tasked a strike force called Surveillance Bureau Group 109 with seeking out and arresting violators.
Many civilians caught by Group 109 over the past year have been sentenced to hard labor, life in prison, or even death, but now the strike force is turning its eyes on high-ranking military officials.
“Since the beginning of January, the General Political Bureau of the People’s Army started an intensive inspection on the use and possession of ‘impure’ video media,” a military source in the capital Pyongyang told RFA’s Korean Service Feb. 14.
“Some of the military officers were found to be in possession of impure videos after an inspection conducted by the 109 Joint Inspection Team, made up of members of the General Staff Department, the Ministry of Defense and the State Security Department, under the direction of the General Political Bureau,” said the source, who requested anonymity for security reasons.
The inspection targeted senior officers who own computers or have access to them as part of their duties, and those who have mobile phones, the source said.
“A member of the 109 Joint Inspection Team, to who I am close, said that about 10 officers who stored impure recordings and watched them from time to time have been punished, so the military command is getting nervous,” the source said.
“An official of a trading company directly under the Ministry of Defense was caught with three South Korean movies, 10 Japanese pornographic movies, and seven South Korean dramas, including ‘Crash Landing on You,’ and ‘Descendants of the Sun,’ and five American movies… he was punished after the inspection,” he said.
The two South Korean TV shows named by the source are of particular concern to North Korean authorities due to their subject matter. “Crash Landing on You” is about a South Korean woman who mistakenly crosses the border into North Korea and falls in love with a North Korean soldier, while the main protagonist of “Descendants of the Sun” is a South Korean Special Forces soldier.
The trade official was in a high position in the Ministry of Defense, and this was not the first time he had been caught with foreign media.
“Three years ago, they caught him with South Korean dramas, Japanese porn, and other foreign movies, but they generously forgave him. He was given clemency due to his outstanding performance in foreign trade for the ministry, but this time he will be severely punished in a military trial, with the new Elimination of Reactionary Thought and Culture law in effect,” the source said.
“The inspection also caught a military officer who was the adjutant to the general of the Ministry of Defense. He had three South Korean adult magazines and 20 South Korean superstitious materials on his laptop,” the source said.
The officer was put under the investigation by the Military Security Command of the Korean People's Army, according to the source.
“His superior, a general, was even demoted and dismissed from his position. He is now in a lower-level combat unit.”
The crackdown’s turned its attention to senior military personnel after a whistleblower told the General Political Bureau that that there were banned videos among the entirety of the military command structure, a military source in the northwestern province of North Pyongan told RFA.
“During the inspection, a military officer working in the communication unit directly under the Command Information Bureau of the General Staff Department was caught with an SD card containing one South Korean movie, 27 South Korean dramas and 40 South Korean songs,” said the second source, who requested anonymity to speak freely.
“After they caught him, they began a large-scale inspection of the cellphones on senior unit officers under the Ministry of Defense and General Staff Department,” said the second source.
The military authorities were embarrassed and nervous after the inspection revealed many officers with impure videos at the higher-level units in Pyongyang, the second source said.
“In an internal directive, the General Political Bureau told all the political departments of each unit to take responsibility and cooperate with the 109 Joint Command,” the second source said.
“All units are nervous as they announce that the 109 Joint Command will begin random inspections… of all the units where someone was caught in the crackdown this time.”
An August 2019 Washington Post report documented how certain South Korean media are considered dangerous by North Korean authorities because they encourage people to escape. K-pop and American pop music has had an instrumental role in undermining North Korean propaganda, it said.
It also cited a survey of 200 North Korean escapees living in South Korea, in which 90 percent said they consumed foreign media while living in the North, with 75 percent saying they knew of someone who was punished for it.
More than 70 percent said they believed that accessing foreign media became more dangerous since Kim Jong Un took power in 2011, said the survey by South Korea’s Unification Media Group.
Translated by Leejin Jun. Written in English by Eugene Whong.
9. Pyongyang’s donju are keen to invest in new Hwasong apartment construction
The "haves and have nots?"
Will this nascent "capitalism with juche characteristics" cause political friction?
Excerpts:
The source said many donju are investing their own capital, while those without their own money are investing money borrowed from donju in major provincial cities at high interest. He said donju in major regional cities readily accept lending requests since they believe Kim has essentially guaranteed the money, and they do not know when smuggling opportunities will return with the border closed.
Though donju regard the Hwasong construction project as a real estate investment opportunity, ordinary people reportedly share a deep sense of dejection, worried that they will be mobilized for construction work and compelled to pay “non-tax burdens.”
The source said people are shuddering at the thought that they will be pestered by requests from the state for money and labor in the name of “support.” People are complaining that, given they have not been able to immediately move into homes in Songsin or Songhwa, they do not know why they have to continue to sacrifice their own labor and funds.
Pyongyang’s donju are keen to invest in new Hwasong apartment construction
Ordinary people, however, share a deep sense of dejection, worried that they will be mobilized for construction work and compelled to pay “non-tax burdens"
Pyongyang’s donju (wealthy entrepreneurial class) are scrambling to make investments into a project to build 10,000 new homes in the city’s Hwasong area following North Korean leader Kim Jong Un’s attendance at its groundbreaking. Donju are keen to aggressively invest in the project given the geographic advantages of Hwasong compared to Songsin and Songhwa areas, the sites of previous housing projects.
A source in Pyongyang told Daily NK on Thursday that donju believe the future is bright for the Hwasong apartments. According to them, the homes will be more expensive since the district is better located than Songsin and Songhwa. Many donju are accordingly looking to invest in the project, possibly even with money from donju in major provincial cities.
Kim commenced the groundbreaking ceremony for the Hwasong apartment project on Feb. 12. He said that within the next three years, grand streets lined by homes for countless families, public buildings, and service facilities would criss-cross Hwasong, noting the area’s proximity to Kumsusan Palace of the Sun and September 9 Street. This would give rise to a new administrative district, he added.
While Kim highlighted Hwasong’s political significance by stressing its location near Kumsusan Palace of the Sun, where Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il are entombed, donju are reportedly appraising the investment value of the project based on the district’s accessibility from central Pyongyang and its favorable business conditions.
In fact, Hwasong — to be carved out of Taesong District in Pyongyang’s northeast — boasts excellent accessibility to Chung District, considered prime real estate even among downtown districts, especially compared to Songsin and Songhwa in Sadong District in the southeast of the city.
Moreover, Hwasong is relatively close to Kalli Station, with rail links across the country, and it is a good base for going to Pyongsong, South Pyongan Province, the location of North Korea’s biggest wholesale market. Accordingly, it is considered a good place for doing business.
The source said most Pyongyang residents – apart from cadres who can generally survive on their state rations and salaries – get by on so-called “Aug. 3 work” (engaging in unofficial business or other economic activities on conditions that you do not show up at your official work and pay a monthly fee) or commercial activities on the part of wives, much as people elsewhere in North Korea do. In the country, house prices rise according to how close markets are, or how close the parking lots for private buses to markets are.
The Mirae Scientists Street in Pyongyang (Ryugong website)
The source pointed out that having the apartments overlook Kumsusan Palace of the Sun does not add much to its value for business people. In fact, donju looking to invest in new homes first look at whether they are good places for their commercial activities. And in this regard, Hwasong’s proximity to Pyongsong is its greatest strength.
Donju also believe there will be no hiccups during construction of the apartments since the North Korean leader himself attended the groundbreaking. They are sure it is a winning investment as there is no way it can be suspended or changed during construction.
The source said many donju are investing their own capital, while those without their own money are investing money borrowed from donju in major provincial cities at high interest. He said donju in major regional cities readily accept lending requests since they believe Kim has essentially guaranteed the money, and they do not know when smuggling opportunities will return with the border closed.
Though donju regard the Hwasong construction project as a real estate investment opportunity, ordinary people reportedly share a deep sense of dejection, worried that they will be mobilized for construction work and compelled to pay “non-tax burdens.”
The source said people are shuddering at the thought that they will be pestered by requests from the state for money and labor in the name of “support.” People are complaining that, given they have not been able to immediately move into homes in Songsin or Songhwa, they do not know why they have to continue to sacrifice their own labor and funds.
The source said that even people living outside of Pyongyang dislike the project. They believe that because everyone was mobilized to build the homes in Songsin and Songhwa – and because the Hwasong homes should be nicer given the site’s location near Kumsusan Palace of the Sun – the economic burden they must shoulder for the new project will be that much greater.
Please direct any comments or questions about this article to dailynkenglish@uni-media.net.
Ha Yoon Ah is one of Daily NK’s full-time journalists. Please direct any questions about her articles to dailynkenglish@uni-media.net.
10. Kim Jong-un's Mother, Ko Yong-hui, was Born in Osaka: Did She Share Her Memories of Japan with Her Son?
We forget about the irony that Kim Jong-un 's mother was born in Japan. (especially ironic since the legitimacy of the Kim family regime rests on the myth of anti-Japanese partisan warfare). Imagine using that information as part of an influence activities campaign.
Kim Jong-un's Mother, Ko Yong-hui, was Born in Osaka: Did She Share Her Memories of Japan with Her Son? ISHIMARU Jiro
A childhood photo of Kim Jong-un and Ko Yong-hui, likely taken around 1990. Photo from the North Korean propaganda film "Great mother of military-first Korea," (ASIAPRESS).
In June 1962, a 10-year-old Korean girl residing in Japan, originally from Osaka, landed at Chongjin Port in North Korea. More than ten years later, she became a dancer in Pyongyang and had a fateful encounter with a man, Kim Jong-il.
Her name is Ko Yong-hui, and she was born in Tsuruhashi, Osaka, in June 1952. She was one of the 93,000 or so people who returned to North Korea (about 7,000 were Japanese citizens) as part of the Repatriation Project to North Korea. I wonder what kind of feelings Ms Ko had about the colours, wind, smells, sounds, and people of the city of her motherland when she first set foot there.
I have been visiting former North Korean returnees living in Japan and South Korea for the past four years to interview them in detail about their lives in North Korea.
One of them is Ms Mi-jin (pseudonym), who went to North Korea with her family from Tokyo in the early 1960s when she was 13 years old as a junior high school girl. She was placed in North Hamkyung Province in the same northeaster part of the country as the Ko Yong-hui family. She was in a constant state of confusion and discomfort from the moment she arrived.
"Whatever it was, I couldn't get along with the smells of the city, the food, or anything else. My Japanese mother didn't understand Korean, and I had no one to know, so I became depressed and didn't leave the house at all. After I left school, I got a job as a tailor, but after I married a returnee, our relationships were mostly with other former residents of Japan. I lived in North Korea for almost 50 years, but I never really got to know the locals."
Mr Ji-won (pseudonym, male, in his 50s) has had a profound experience. He and his family returned to North Korea from a town in the Kansai region in the 1970s when he was an elementary school student. This was just as Kim Jong-il took a shine to Ko Yong-hui and began living with her in the mid-1970s.
A young Kim Jong-un in military uniform with his mother, Ko Young-hui, likely taken at end of 1980`s. Photo from the North Korean propaganda film "Great mother of military-first Korea," (ASIAPRESS).
Mr Ji-won and his family were sent to a political prison because their father had a dispute with an official of the Ministry of Security (secret police) over a trivial matter. The camp was located in the central part of the country at the Yodok Administration Centre. It was a large area in the mountains used as a prison camp.
"After our first two years of being forced to work on the farm, a village called 'Nippon Village' was established with only returnees. There were about 50 families in a place called 'Kuup-ri.' There were also Japanese wives," Mr Ji-won testified.
In Kuup-ri, the adults worked in the factory, and after work, they had thought study and reflection meetings until late every day, returning home between 9 and 10 pm.
"What was most difficult was that the officials would take away the food rations of the detainees. I couldn't stand the hunger, so my father used to catch snakes and rats for me to eat."
The family was allowed to leave the prison camp for unknown reasons after three years.
"In 'Nippon Village,' there were people who had been imprisoned in Yodok for ten years, and they envied me for it. I was still in junior high school then, but I made up my mind that I would go back to Japan one day."
Mr Ji-won was able to escape from North Korea 30 years after leaving the prison camp. He now lives in South Korea and sends money to his family in North Korea through underground channels.
When I asked second-generation North Korean defectors born into families of North Korean returnees, all of them had been told by their parents about their experiences in Japan. They heard about ethnic discrimination, hardships, popular songs and movies, and nostalgic tastes such as okonomiyaki and sushi.
It is said that Ms Ko died in 2004 in France, where she stayed in secret for breast cancer treatment. Her children, Kim Jong-chul, Kim Jong-un, and Kim Jo-jong, are also "second-generation Korean returnees to Japan."
I wonder what memories of her time as a young girl in Osaka Ko Yong-hui would have shared with her son, who would later become a supreme authority before she died.
11. Rival candidates seek different strategies to mend ties with Japan
Can either candidate improve relations with Japan? Which one might have a better chance? But improving relations with Japan is not an important plank of the platform of the election.
Rival candidates seek different strategies to mend ties with Japan
gettyimagesbankThis article is the fourth in a series about the 2022 presidential election candidates' campaign pledges. In this article, their pledges for Korea-Japan relations are examined and compared. ―ED
Lee pursues strategic ambiguity; Yoon eyes multi-level diplomatic efforts
By Kwon Mee-yoo
South Korea's relations with Japan, its closest neighbor geographically with the exception of North Korea, have been put to the test under the Moon Jae-in administration after sinking to an unprecedented low.
Two leading presidential candidates, Lee Jae-myung of the ruling Democratic Party of Korea (DPK) and Yoon Suk-yeol of the main opposition People Power Party (PPP), have presented starkly contrasting views of the causes of soured relations and how the two countries can mend the frayed ties.
The two sides also revealed significant differences in their diagnosis of the current South Korea-Japan relations.
Worst bilateral ties: undesirable vs. awfully wrong
Wi Sung-lac, former South Korean ambassador to Russia who is currently in charge of foreign policy at the Lee Jae-myung camp, said South Korea-Japan relations were headed in the wrong direction.
"It's true that South Korea's relations with Japan are at their lowest point since the two sides established diplomatic relations," he told The Korea Times. "There's no doubt that the current situation is not desirable at all and thus must be improved."
His counterpart, Kim Sung-han, a professor at Korea University and former vice foreign minister who is in charge of diplomatic policy at the Yoon Suk-yeol camp, however, assessed current bilateral relations very differently. Kim said current South Korea-Japan ties are "completely out of control, so much so that it's really tough to find a way out." Kim added, "Bilateral ties are so troubled that we don't even know where to start to improve them," he said when asked how he views the current relations.
After gaining independence from Japan's colonial rule in 1945, Korea established official diplomatic relations with Japan in 1965. Despite both being an ally of the U.S. and their geographical proximity, the relationship between Korea and Japan deteriorated considerably in recent years due to a number of disputes.
In 2018, the Supreme Court upheld a lower court's ruling that awarded compensation to laborers forced to work for a Japanese company during World War II. The ruling infuriated Japan, which claimed that the verdict violates the 1965 agreement on the settlement of disputes concerning property and claims between the two countries.
The following year, Japan imposed an export ban on semiconductor materials to Korea and the two countries ended up removing each other from their "whitelist" of preferred trading partners.
Former Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga even skipped a summit with President Moon during his tenure from 2020 and 2021, reflecting the icy relations between the two countries.
Lee Jae-myung, right, presidential candidate of the ruling Democratic Party of Korea, shakes hands with Japanese Ambassador to Korea Koichi Aiboshi at the party's headquarters in Yeouido, Seoul in this Dec. 27, 2021 file photo. Korea Times file
Historical animosity vs. populism
The Lee and Yoon camps were miles apart on why South Korea-Japan relations had soured so much.
Wi said that the rekindled historical animosity has fueled the deterioration of bilateral ties.
"In addition to that, the Korean Supreme Court's ruling in favor of Korean forced laborers during the Japanese colonial period played a part to bring the issue back to the table. The two governments responded to each other in a hostile manner, making the situation go from bad to worse," Wi said.
DPK candidate Lee seeks to mend ties with Japan through a two-track approach ― the separation of historical issues and economic and diplomatic cooperation ― to pave the way for a better future for the two countries while resolving historical issues. Lee has reiterated the importance of pragmatism in diplomacy, but blamed Japan for historical issues, which could end up repeating what has happened during the current administration.
In a meeting with Japanese Ambassador to Korea Koichi Aiboshi in late December, Lee said Korea and Japan should move toward future-oriented, cooperative relations. However, Lee has been rather firm about historical issues involving Korea and Japan.
When Japan placed a bid to enlist the Sado mine, where Koreans were forced into labor during Japan's colonial rule, as a UNESCO World Heritage site, Lee immediately criticized Japan's move.
"The Sado mine is evidence of wartime forced labor and a result of Imperialist plunder. Japan should stop distorting and sugarcoating the history of Imperialism... The Lee administration will make efforts to improve Korea-Japan relations, but won't overlook Japan's distortion of history," Lee wrote on his Facebook.
However, Lee's camp did not unveil specific diplomatic measures to deal with Japan.
"We are looking for ways to improve Korea-Japan relations. It is important to create an atmosphere to improve relations as many issues involving Korea and Japan are sensitive to public opinion. We will prevent unfavorable factors such as the Sado mine issue from popping up and interfering with communications between Korea and Japan," Wi said.
"Under a more amicable environment, we can try new ways to solve problems. (An improvement of Korea-Japan relations) cannot be done at one, but can be achieved gradually if we take a small step and Japan takes another step in response."
Regarding the source of diplomatic friction, the Yoon camp blamed Korean politicians for using diplomatic issues to fan nationalist sentiment and bolster voter support, resulting in soured South Korea-Japan relations.
"The deteriorating relations have been escalated by the Korean administrations which used diplomatic feuds, especially those related to history, in domestic politics. We should separate history and security issues from domestic politics," said Kim at Korea University.
In protest against Japan's export restrictions of key products to South Korea, consumers in the South launched a boycott of Japanese products, representing an example of diplomatic relations getting entangled in domestic politics.
Kim emphasized that Japan is a key U.S. ally and an important partner in the US-Japan-South Korea trilateral relationship.
"South Korea is an ally of the U.S. Some may think that it would be okay to maintain good relations only with the U.S., but an amicable South Korea-Japan relationship is a must for smoother trilateral relations," Kim said. "Even if South Korea and Japan do not get along well, the two countries should cooperate on security issues continuously to pressure North Korea and eventually China with the U.S."
Yoon Suk-yeol, right, presidential candidate of the main opposition People Power Party, speaks with Japanese Ambassador to Korea Koichi Aiboshi at the party's headquarters in Yeouido, Seoul in this Nov. 26, 2021 file photo. Korea Times file
Restoring relations
Kim said restoring diplomatic meetings from the working level to ministerial talks and summits is essential to rebuild trust.
"Korea and Japan are close and we can visit each other the same day. If we meet more often, we will find ways to resolve the feuds," Kim said.
During a televised debate on Feb. 3, the candidates were asked to set priorities of countries they would hold summits with if elected.
Lee remained discreet in the name of pragmatic diplomacy, saying "We don't have to determine the order now. Korea is a peninsular state where sea power clashes with continental power and practical diplomacy for national interests is the most important for us."
While Lee remains rather firm on historical issues, Yoon favors friendlier ties with Japan, putting historical issues behind. The basis of Yoon's diplomatic policy on Japan comes from the 1998 joint declaration between then-leaders President Kim Dae-jung and Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi.
Yoon clearly stated his priorities in order, saying he would meet the U.S. president first, followed by the Japanese prime minister, Chinese president and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un.
"Under the DPK's rule, diplomacy leaned toward pro-China and pro-North Korea, damaging Korea-U.S. and Korea-Japan relations. Restoring relations with the U.S. and Japan should be prioritized," Yoon said.
Yoon's side suggests a comprehensive solution to resolve the protracted discord between the two countries.
"There are many pending issues between the two countries including wartime forced labor and sex slavery as well as export restrictions. Dealing these issues one by one will take a long time and the first negotiation might influence the next one and vice versa," Kim said. "Since all of these issues are closely interconnected, we will bring all of them to the negotiation together for a comprehensive solution in Korea-Japan relations."
12. COVAX reduces COVID-19 vaccines allocated for N. Korea: UN agency
If the regime did not bite the hand that would feed it, it might be able to get the Korean people vaccinated.
(LEAD) COVAX reduces COVID-19 vaccines allocated for N. Korea: UN agency | Yonhap News Agency
(ATTN:UPDATES with unification ministry official's remarks in last 2 paras)
SEOUL, Feb. 22 (Yonhap) -- The COVAX Facility, a global vaccine distribution platform, has reduced the amount of COVID-19 vaccines allocated for North Korea, a U.N. website showed Tuesday, apparently canceling a batch of jabs developed by a U.S. company, in a move seen attributable to the lack of a response from Pyongyang.
A total of 1.29 million vaccines have been allocated to the North, according to the U.N. Children's Fund's COVID-19 Vaccine Market Dashboard, down 252,000 from the previous 1.54 million doses as of earlier this month.
In its vaccine allocation decision proposal last month, COVAX set aside 252,000 Covovax vaccines developed by Novavax Inc. for North Korea.
COVAX previously set aside 1.29 million doses of AstraZeneca vaccines for the North this year.
North Korea, which has claimed to be coronavirus-free, has yet to receive coronavirus vaccines amid its prolonged border controls against the pandemic.
An official at South Korea's Ministry of Unification, which handles inter-Korean affairs, told reporters on background that the government is aware that "various working-level" consultations between North Korea and COVAX are underway.
"As these consultations are going on, the government will continue to keep an eye on related issues," the official added without elaborating.
yunhwanchae@yna.co.kr
(END)
13. North Korea highly expected to resume missile tests: experts
Probably a high percentage bet. Some kind of test is very possible in the near future. Then again I would not be surprised if there is a longer hiatus.
But as always we need to assess what effect Kim will be trying to achieve if he conducts various tests? And of course the big question is whether he will cross the "red line" of ICBM and nuclear tests?
Note the comments about China restraining the north from a 7th nuclear test. Can Xi really restrain Kim?
North Korea highly expected to resume missile tests: experts
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un speaks during a groundbreaking ceremony for the construction of a greenhouse farm in South Hamgyong Province, Friday, in this photo provided by the North's Korean Central News Agency (KCNA).
Yonhap
China's Paralympics, two significant political meetings may affect Pyongyang's decision
By Kang Seung-woo
As the Beijing Winter Olympics have come to a close, North Korea is anticipated to restart its show of force in the near future amid an impasse in nuclear talks with the United States, according to diplomatic observers.
Pyongyang carried out an unprecedented seven rounds of missile launches in January, including a test-firing of an intermediate-range ballistic missile (IRBM), but has since refrained from saber-rattling in what seems to be a move to not steal attention from the 2022 Beijing Winter Olymmpic Games hosted by China, its lone economic pipeline and diplomatic protector. The quadrennial sporting event held its closing ceremony on Sunday.
"I think North Korea refrained from any missile launches ― or other activities ― that could have interfered with media coverage of the Winter Olympics in Beijing. Now that the Olympics are over, it's likely we'll see a resumption of missile launches from North Korea, possibly to include an ICBM launch," said Joseph DeTrani, a former U.S. special envoy for negotiations with North Korea.
Ramon Pacheco Pardo, a professor of international relations at King's College London, presented a similar view, citing the absence of North Korea's negotiations with South Korea and the U.S.
"Once testing resumes, I would imagine that it will involve short-range ballistic missiles, medium-range ballistic missiles and technologies useful for intercontinental ballistic missiles," he said.
Amid growing speculation that North Korea is likely to soon pick up its saber-rattling where it left off to capture U.S. attention for its missile and nuclear threats, the South Korean unification ministry urged the North to return to dialogue, Monday.
However, experts differed on the timing of the North Korean weapons tests as China is scheduled to hold the Winter Paralympics at the same time as two major sessions ― from March 4 to 13. The two sessions are the National People's Congress (NPC), the top legislative body, and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), the top political advisory body.
"North Korea does not seek approval from China for its testing schedule, but Pyongyang is sensitive to the impact these tests will have on relations with Beijing," U.S. Naval War College Professor Terence Roehrig said.
According to the state-run Korean Central News Agency, Tuesday, its leader Kim Jong-un has sent a verbal message to Chinese President Xi Jinping to congratulate China on the "successful" closing of the Beijing Winter Olympics in an apparent effort to strengthen ties with his country's traditional ally, according to the unification ministry.
"I think it is likely North Korea will hold off on any further testing until after China holds its March meetings, but after that, there could easily be a restart," Roehrig said.
Pacheco Pardo also said, "The dates of the conference overlap with the Paralympics. I think that this will make North Korea reluctant to conduct any tests then."
However, DeTrani said China would have no interest in North Korea's weapons tests, unless it detonates a nuclear bomb.
"I doubt that China's National People's Congress scheduled to be convened in March will affect North Korea's decision to launch one or more missiles," DeTrani said.
"It probably will, however, influence the North not to have a seventh nuclear test during the NPC."
Roehrig and Pacheco Pardo said Kim may also wait until South Korea's March 9 presidential election is over to see how the new administration's North Korea policies take shape.
Recently, the North Korean regime threatened to lift its self-imposed moratorium on nuclear and ballistic missile tests in protest of Washington's "hostile" moves. The North Korean leader declared a halt to all nuclear and ICBM tests in April 2018, during talks with then-U.S. President Donald Trump.
In that respect, the pundits speculate that North Korea may reach out to the U.S. in order to offer a formal testing moratorium in exchange for sanctions relief.
"Talks on a formal testing moratorium are certainly possible, but so far North Korea has shown no interest in talking and Pyongyang will expect something in return, most likely some level of sanctions relief," Roehrig said.
"(U.S. President Joe) Biden might be willing to offer some concessions in return for a formal agreement on a testing moratorium, but that is unclear."
DeTrani added, "If they did, it's likely the subject of a moratorium on missile launches and nuclear tests in exchange for the lifting of selective sanctions will be discussed."
Pacheco Pardo said North Korea will want to talk with both the U.S. and South Korea if it sees a window of opportunity with the new South Korean president.
"I think that the Biden administration would agree, since it has openly called for dialogue," he said.
"Plus, the Biden administration will want the new South Korean president on its side with its China policy. Reducing U.S.-North Korea tensions would help with this."
14. Can the Korean won become a reserve currency?
Interesting question but I am skeptical.
Can the Korean won become a reserve currency?
D-15
Mar. 9,2022
Published : Feb 22, 2022 - 14:38 Updated : Feb 22, 2022 - 14:38
Presidential nominee Lee Jae-myung of the ruling Democratic Party of Korea (Joint Press Corps)
Presidential nominee Lee Jae-myung of the ruling Democratic Party of Korea claimed that the South Korean won is close to becoming a reserve currency, a comment that was immediately met with a huge uproar and mocked.
During a presidential debate Monday, Lee said he is aware of a report that South Korea is close to seeing its local currency become a reserve currency like the US dollar, which will enable the country to increase its budgetary spending and raise the national debt level without worries.
"Our country’s national debt level is much lower than those of other advanced nations," Lee said while debating monetary policies with his main rival Yoon Suk-yeol of the main opposition People Power Party.
"Our debt ratio is not even at 50 percent, and there was a report that Korea has high probability of reaching the status of reserve currency nation soon."
He also elaborated on the idea in answering a follow-up question from People’s Party candidate Ahn Cheol-soo about whether Lee is aware of the difference between countries issuing reserve currencies and those that do not.
"Of course, I know. Our economy is strong enough to potentially see itself become a country owning a reserve currency," Lee said.
Ahn refuted that countries without the power of reserve currency like South Korea could run into problems if they issue more treasury bonds, as the demand for them are not high overseas.
Lee was arguing for increased government spending in response to financial difficulties from the COVID-19 pandemic and anti-virus rules, claiming the government must be willing to make up for any losses incurred by Koreans, even if it that takes raising the national debt level.
He was claiming that raising the debt level would be manageable if South Korea sees its national currency obtain reserve currency status, hinting he is willing to aggressively raise the annual budget to launch his initiatives.
Lee was citing a report released from the Federation of Korean Industries on Feb. 13 that South Korea could push to have Korean won to earn special drawing rights, which is a status defined and maintained by the International Monetary Fund as supplementary foreign exchange reserve assets.
At the moment, the US dollar, euro, Chinese yuan, Japanese yen and British pound are defined as currencies with special drawing rights, enabling them to be called reserve currencies in the global market.
The local business lobbying group said Korea could reasonably work to bring its currency to that level, citing the country’s notable economic status, high export volume, increasing volume of international trade using Korean won and accordingly growing international recognition of the currency.
But the reality is that the Korean won is far from reaching that level, as its proportion of use in global transactions is not even on the list of top 20 currencies being used.
According to the Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication, the US dollar was the most used currency in global transactions in January, accounting for 39.92 percent of total. The euro came in second with 36.56 percent, followed by the pound (6.3 percent), yuan (3.2 percent) and yen (2.79 percent).
In response to Lee’s Monday comments, the Federation of Korean Industries said in a statement that the Feb. 13 report was to spread a hopeful message for Korea to prevent future economic crises, not as an analysis of certainty that South Korea’s currency could be included in the list of currencies with special drawing rights.
"Even if South Korean won is included in the basket of currencies with special drawing rights, demand for Korean won-based government bonds will not immediately increase," the group added.
Experts also criticized Lee's Monday comments, saying Korean won is far from reaching the level of reserve currency, as earning that status requires an issuing country to obtain significant trust on an international level in terms of economic, political and military power.
"I have no idea what the basis of his comment was," said Park Jung-soo, an economics professor at Sogang University, in response to Lee’s comment made during the TV debate.
"There is an almost zero percent chance for South Korea to reach that status in the future. Even China is struggling to reach that status, and I definitely think he was misinformed or there was a miscommunication between him and his staff members."
Opposition campaigns immediately lashed out at Lee over the ruling party candidate’s comments, questioning if he really is a “competent presidential candidate strong on economy” as is said in his main campaign slogan.
"It makes my heart race to hear that (Lee) will make our country a reserve currency nation to take care of our national debt," People Power Party Chairman Lee Jun-seok said in ridiculing Lee’s comments.
The People Power Party concentrated fire on Lee’s ignorance of the basic economic concept, saying Lee might be a candidate who could bring another financial crisis to South Korea.
"Even though South Korea grew into an internationally competitive economy, its weakness in the international financial market has been a major Achilles' heel," Rep. Her Euna, a senior spokesperson for the People Power Party's presidential campaign team, said in a statement Tuesday.
"Printing more money in mimicking reserve currency nations could plummet the value of Korean won and be a major threat to the economy."
15. Lack of vision for unification
Korea needs a deep, serious, and objective look at unification plans, objectives, and strategy.
I will restate my bottomline:
The only way we are going to see an end to the nuclear program and military threats as well as the human rights abuses and crimes against humanity being committed against the Korean people living in the north by the mafia-like crime family cult known as the Kim family regime is through achievement of unification and the establishment of a United Republic of Korea that is secure and stable, non-nuclear, economically vibrant, and unified under a liberal constitutional form of government based on individual liberty, rule of law, and human rights as determined by the Korean people. In short, a United Republic of Korea (UROK).
Tuesday
February 22, 2022
Lack of vision for unification
Lee Kyung-soo
The author, a former ambassador to Germany, is a guest professor to Yonsei Institute for North Korean Studies.
It is worrisome that more arguments are being made in South Korean society to deny national unification. Objectors of unification said it is necessary to redefine the essence of inter-Korean relations as a relationship between two nations in order to properly challenge the North’s provocations and violations of international laws in the global community or for the sake of peaceful coexistence. A scholar claimed that accepting each other’s sovereignty, ideology and system is a way for permanent peace. Some even said it is already too late to accomplish unification. Another called himself “president of the South.” They are arguments that have lost the long-term goal by making compromises with reality.
Unification is the fundamental resolution to all issues concerning security of the Korean Peninsula, pains from national division and human rights abuses in North Korea. In his memoir, “I wanted German Unity,” Chancellor Helmut Kohl, known as the father of German unification, wrote that at the moment of German unification, he thought of his coworkers who had persistently worked for the goal of unification as proclaimed in the Constitution without compromising with reality. Although West Germany faced endless challenges — such as the victors’ decision-making power over German unification, East Germany’s argument for two ethnic groups and two states, demands to maintain the status-quo, and politicians compassionate toward East Germany. But West Germany kept the goal of unification and consistent unification and foreign policy, although it was alternately governed by the leftist and rightist administrations. That served as the ground for unification.
“The entire German people is called upon to accomplish, by free self-determination, the unity and freedom of Germany,” stated the preamble of the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany. That helped prevent any attempts to recognize East Germany’s status as a state or refuse unification. Willy Brandt, who normalized the relations between East and West Germany, accepted East Germany, but prevented any possibility of national division becoming official. His foresight opened up a path toward future unification.
When the Treaty of Moscow was signed in 1970 between the Soviet Union and West Germany, it was made clear through Egon Bahr’s letters that German division was not permanent. In 1972, when the basic treaty was signed between East and West Germany, West Germany demanded an attachment to be made to insist that the treaty is not against the West German government’s goal of unification, and East-West German relations are temporary and extraordinary.
In 1973, the Constitutional Court of Germany ruled that the basic treaty was not against the Basic Law’s preamble. Furthermore, it made public a logic that Germans must not give up on their pursuit for unification, mending internal political rupture. Through the process, Chancellor Kohl was able to declare that unification was still West Germany’s political goal when the Berlin wall fell in 1989. Subsequently, unification came the next year.
Article 4 of our Constitution stipulates that “the Republic of Korea shall seek unification and shall formulate and carry out a policy of peaceful unification based on the basic free and democratic order.” Clause 3 of Article 66 also said, “The President shall have the duty to pursue sincerely the peaceful unification of the homeland.”
The 1992 South-North Basic Agreement also defined inter-Korean relations as a “special relationship that has been formed temporarily in the process of seeking unification.” It took into account the reality that the two Koreas each and simultaneously joined the United Nations in the previous year while warning against the risk of the two Koreas remaining permanently divided. And all succeeding administrations in the South upheld the agreement.
As national division prolonged and the disparity grew between the people of two Koreas, more South Koreans are seeing the North as a neighboring country. We are increasingly losing the goal of unification stipulated in the Constitution. The government must address this issue publicly, create a national consensus and establish realistic policies and improve diplomatic posture.
Presidential candidates are presenting their visions and national agendas before the March 9 election. Their campaigns must serve as an opportunity to remind the people of the goal of unification. Candidates must show their political abilities to present their future vision for the Korean Peninsula and bring about a national consensus toward unification.
I look forward to seeing a leader who will not miss an opportunity for unification when it arrives.
Translation by the Korea JoongAng Daily staff.
16. South Korean culture minister proposes launching Culture Olympics
I have no words.
South Korean culture minister proposes launching Culture Olympics | Yonhap News Agency
SEOUL, Feb. 22 (Yonhap) -- South Korea's culture minister said Tuesday he has proposed creating a Culture Olympics when he held a meeting with the head of the International Olympic Committee (IOC).
"I proposed adding a Culture Olympics to the Olympic Games and the Paralympics to IOC president Thomas Bach, whom I met during the Beijing Winter Olympics and received a positive answer," Hwang Hee, minister of culture, sports and tourism, said in a press conference Monday to mark his first anniversary in office.
"I will visit the IOC in March, if necessary, to deliver a briefing," he said.
He recently returned from a trip to Beijing, leading the South Korean government delegation to the Winter Games.
During the meeting with Bach, Hwang said he cited the need to make the Olympic Games a bigger event that covers not just sports but also culture "since it is a field that can best represent the Olympic spirit of minimizing cultural differences and bringing about peace and harmony."
He also told Bach that creating a Culture Olympics will help grow the IOC's influence in the United Nations.
Bach responded positively, calling it "a good idea," but asked how well the envisioned cultural meeting will go with the current Olympic Games, which is a competitive event with a ranking system, according to Hwang.
He added Cultural Olympics can have both competitive and noncompetitive events and that winners of a competition can also be decided based on voting by participants as well as spectators.
sshim@yna.co.kr
(END)
17. S. Korea to test-fire solid-fuel space rocket next month: military
It will be interesting to see the possible north Korean response.
S. Korea to test-fire solid-fuel space rocket next month: military | Yonhap News Agency
By Kang Yoon-seung
SEOUL, Feb. 22 (Yonhap) -- South Korea plans to carry out its first test launch of a solid-fuel space projectile next month in line with its project to deploy military surveillance satellites, the defense ministry said Tuesday.
Defense Minister Suh Wook chaired a meeting on the defense science technology in Daejeon, 164 kilometers south of Seoul, to discuss the progress of the military's space project with experts, according to the ministry.
The new solid-fuel engine, developed under cooperation with the Agency for Defense Development, is designed to put small satellites into a low Earth orbit for surveillance operations.
Compared to liquid-fuel space vehicles, solid-based ones are usually simpler and more cost-effective to launch. While it takes around 30 days to prepare the launch of a liquid-fuel projectile, solid-based ones can be ready in less than seven days, the ministry added.
The military said such technologies can be transferred to the private sector in the future to promote the development of the space industry.
colin@yna.co.kr
(END)
V/R
David Maxwell
Senior Fellow
Foundation for Defense of Democracies
Phone: 202-573-8647
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
FDD is a Washington-based nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy.
