Quotes of the Day:
“Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.”
- George Washington, Farewell Address
“Every reform by violence is to be deprecated, because it does little to correct the evil while men remain as they are, and because wisdom has no need of violence.”
- Leo Tolstoy, War and Peace
Fight for the things that you care about, but do it in a way that will lead others to join you.
- Ruth Bader Ginsburg
1. U.S. urges N.Korea to focus on needs of its people, not missiles
2. U.S. think tank identifies North Korea base likely intended for ICBMs
3. Undeclared North Korea: Hoejung-ni Missile Operating Base
4. S. Korea to discuss 'creative' engagement on N. Korea in talks with U.S., Japan
5. Rights group protests China’s repatriation of North Korean escapees
6. N.K. official, known for 2018 cross-border thaw, appears to be leading overseas Korean issues
7. Disqualifications in Beijing bring out ire against China
8. Seoul in denial that Pyongyang scrapped moratorium on weapons tests
9. 'Stolen Olympic medals' infuriate Koreans, spur anti-China sentiment
10. North Korea 'behaves' for China during Beijing Games
11. Remarks by Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield at a UN Security Council Open Debate on Sanctions and Humanitarian Consequences
12. Seoul Must Stop Condoning N.Korea's Provocations
13. N. Korea denies cyberattack allegations, slams US as 'hacking empire'
14. N.Korea warns of imperialists’ scheme to ‘overthrow regime’ with ideological infiltration
15. South Korea’s Shift Away From Reunification Is a Bad Sign for the Korean Peninsula
16. Can N.Korea Detonate Nuke Warheads in the Air?
17. A growing number of North Koreans refuse to accept money from relatives in South Korea
18. South Korea Needs to Step Up By Yoon Suk-yeol (ROK Presidential Candidate)
1. U.S. urges N.Korea to focus on needs of its people, not missiles
The right message. The Korean people in the north are suffering because of Kim Jong-un's deliberately policy decisions to prioritize nuclear weapons and missiles over the welfare of the people. We need more officials throughout the international community issuing this consistent message.
U.S. urges N.Korea to focus on needs of its people, not missiles
UNITED NATIONS, Feb 7 (Reuters) - The United States called on North Korea on Monday to defund its nuclear and ballistic missile programs and prioritize the needs of its own people, as Russia and China blamed sanctions for worsening the humanitarian situation in the hermit Asian state.
Russia put sanctions under the spotlight at the U.N. Security Council as part of its presidency of the 15-member body during February. However, Russia's U.N. Ambassador Vassily Nebenzia could not chair the meeting because he tested positive for COVID-19, diplomats said.
"We call on DPRK to demonstrate a commitment to the wellbeing of its own people by respecting human rights, defunding its unlawful WMD (weapons of mass destruction) and ballistic missiles program, and prioritizing the needs of its own people – the vulnerable North Koreans," said the U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, Linda Thomas-Greenfield.
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North Korea's formal name is the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. It has been under U.N. sanctions since 2006 over its nuclear and ballistic missile programs.
In November, Russia and China revived a 2019 push to ease U.N. sanctions on North Korea in what they described as a bid to improve the humanitarian situation. The move found little support or engagement among council members, so China and Russia have not put it to a vote.
"If the council were to think of ordinary Koreans and not merely geopolitics then this proposal warrants support," Deputy Russian U.N. Ambassador Dmitry Polyanskiy told the council. "We believe firmly that the Security Council sanctions apparatus requires a strong dose of humanization."
North Korea's humanitarian situation "continues to worsen," according to an excerpt of a confidential U.N. report seen on Saturday by Reuters. The report said that was probably mainly due to Pyongyang's COVID-19 blockade.
Russia and China also both used the council meeting on Monday to blast unilateral sanctions, without naming names. China's U.N. Ambassador Zhang Jun said of such countries: "They have been flinging them about left, right, and center in a frenzy, so much so that they seem to be addicted."
Thomas-Greenfield said she was concerned by attempts "to criticize and delegitimize" unilateral sanctions as unlawful and that the United States categorically rejects that position.
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Reporting by Michelle Nichols; editing by Richard Pullin
2. U.S. think tank identifies North Korea base likely intended for ICBMs
U.S. think tank identifies North Korea base likely intended for ICBMs
WASHINGTON, Feb 7 (Reuters) - A Washington think tank says it has identified a military base close to North Korea's border with China that is likely intended for stationing of intercontinental ballistic missiles.
The Center for Strategic and International Studies based its report on Jan. 21 satellite images of the base at Hoejung-ni, in North Korea's Chagang province about 25 km (16 miles) from the border with China and 280 km (175 miles) northeast of Pyongyang.
"The Hoejung-ni missile operating base will, according to informed sources, likely house a regiment-sized unit equipped with intercontinental ballistic missiles," the report said.
"Should operational ICBMs not become available in the near term, it is likely that intermediate range ballistic missiles (IRBMs) will be deployed," the report added, noting that North Korea tested a Hwasong-12 IRBM from Chagang province last month.
It said Hoejung-ni was one of approximately 20 ballistic missile bases that have never been declared by North Korea and that although its construction began 20 years ago, it was one of the latest to be completed.
Analysts say stationing ICBMs so close to China would make any pre-emptive strike against them difficult because of the risk of hitting Chinese territory.
The CSIS report comes after a slew of recent North Korean missile tests that have raised fears that the country may resume ICBM tests. North Korea has suggested it could restart such tests suspended since 2017 because the United States has shown no sign of dropping "hostile policies". read more
Asked about the CSIS report, a spokesman for the U.S. defense department, Lieutenant Colonel Marty Meiners, declined to comment on "matters of intelligence or commercial imagery analysis."
"However, we have been very clear on the threat posed by (North Korea’s) missile programs, and our commitment to the defense of (South Korea), Japan, and the U.S. homeland, and our commitment to uphold regional peace and stability," he said.
On Saturday, Reuters obtained an excerpt of a confidential United Nations report that said North Korea had continued to develop its nuclear and ballistic missile programs in the past year and cyberattacks were an important revenue source for Pyongyang in the face of international sanctions. read more
CSIS said there were no signs of an ICBM unit at the base as of January and no protective anti-aircraft positions could been seen within 10 km (6 miles), while the nearest "readily identifiable" surface-to-air missile base was 50 km (30 miles) away.
However, it said its images showed Hoejung-ni to be active and well maintained by North Korean standards and that minor development of its infrastructure was continuing.
The images showed two hardened drive-through missile checkout facilities used for missile arming, fueling, systems checkout and maintenance operations, CSIS said.
Each facility consisted of a large concrete-reinforced shelter cut into the side of the adjacent mountain measuring about 35 meters (yards) in length long, sufficiently large to accommodate all known North Korean mobile missile launchers.
Reporting by David Brunnstrom; Editing by Sam Holmes
3. Undeclared North Korea: Hoejung-ni Missile Operating Base
Undeclared North Korea: Hoejung-ni Missile Operating Base - Beyond Parallel
Undeclared North Korea: Hoejung-ni Missile Operating Base
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Base entrance and checkpoint, January 21, 2022. Click to enlarge. (Copyright © 2022 by Maxar Technologies)
The entrance to the missile base’s one of two underground facilities (UGF). Note the unusual arrangement of the entrance immediately in front of a bridge over a stream and no practical opportunity to build a protective berm, January 21, 2022. Click to enlarge. (Copyright © 2022 by Maxar Technologies)
Key Findings
- Located 338-kilometers north of the demilitarized zone and only 25-kilometers from the Chinese border in Chagang Province, the Hoejung-ni missile operating base will, according to informed sources, likely house a regiment-sized unit equipped with intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBM).
- Should operational ICBMs not become available in the near term, it is likely that intermediate range ballistic missiles (IRBMs) will be deployed. A Hwasong-12 IRBM was launched from Chagang Province on January 30, 2022.
- North Korea is not known to have ever made specific references to the existence of the Hoejung-ni missile operating base. This is the first in-depth open-source reporting confirming the ICBM base, though previous reports of an older base at Yongjo-ni surmised of its existence.
- Although construction began almost 20 years ago, the Hoejung-ni missile operating base represents one of the latest Strategic Forces bases to be completed.
- This long construction timeline suggests a considerable level of prior development planning that is rarely appreciated and was likely linked to projected ICBM developments and basing needs.
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The base is one of approximately 20 ballistic missile operating bases that have never been declared by North Korea. Additionally, it does not appear to have been the subject of any denuclearization negotiations previously conducted between the United States and North Korea.
The Hoejung-ni (회중리) missile operating base is located in Hwapyong-gun (화평군, Hwapyong County), Chagang-do (자강도, Chagang Province), 280-kilometers northeast of Pyongyang, 338-kilometers north of the demilitarized zone, 420-kilometers northeast of Seoul and 1,285-kilometers northwest of Tokyo. Notably, the base is also located 25-kilometers from the border with China and 15-kilometers northwest of the older Yongjo-ni (영저리) missile operating base.
Location map of the Hoejung-ni and Yongjo-ni missile operating base, October 29, 2021. Click to enlarge. (Copernicus Sentinel Data, 2022)
The overall layout and design of the Hoejung-ni base are different than from those of older missile operating bases and more closely aligned with those of the Sangnam-ni missile operating base. The timing of the construction of these two bases suggests that their construction may have been sequenced, Sangnam-ni being first, as part of a third phase in North Korea’s development of its strategic or rear ballistic missile belt. This missile belt is itself a component of an extensive and growing nation-wide dispersed ballistic missile network subordinate to the Strategic Force—the Korean People’s Army (KPA) organization responsible for all long-range ballistic missile units.
Although construction began almost 20 years ago, the Hoejung-ni missile operating base represents one of the latest Strategic Forces bases to be completed. The fact that construction of it began so long ago suggests not only significant resource constraints, but also a considerable level of development planning that is rarely appreciated by outside experts and was likely linked to projected ICBM developments and basing needs.
According to informed sources, the KPA unit that will eventually be based at will be equipped with intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBM). Should operational ICBMs not become available in the near term, it is likely that the unit will be equipped with intermediate range ballistic missiles (IRBMs) – a Hwasong-12 IRBM was launched from Chagang Province on January 30, 2022. When this occurs, the unit will represent a vital component of what is presumed to be North Korea’s evolving ballistic missile strategy, expanding existing strategic-level deterrence and strike capabilities. Until more is known, however, the latter capability should be characterized as a “potential” or “emergency” launch capability as the true operational status of North Korea’s various ICBM programs and the units equipped with them remain among the critical unknowns concerning the Strategic Force.
North Korea is not known to have ever made specific references to the existence of the Hoejung-ni missile operating base and its national designator is unknown. The provisional title of Hoejung-ni missile operating base is derived from its location adjacent to the small town of Hoejung-ni, sometimes identified as Hoejung-dong.
While construction has proceeded at a somewhat slower pace than other missile operating bases, it has been steady and logically sequenced. Satellite imagery as of January 21, 2022, indicates that—similar to the Sangnam-ni missile operating base—the Hoejung-ni base will likely house a regiment-sized missile unit. The base is active and well-maintained by North Korean standards, and minor development of the base’s infrastructure is continuing.
Base Organization
Hoejung-ni missile operating base (41.369883, 126.913631) encompasses approximately 6 square kilometers and extends approximately 4 kilometers up a small, isolated wooded mountain valley running in a generally north-to-southeast direction. The valley itself is on the south side of the Taehoedong-chon (대회동천, Taehoedong stream). This valley is bisected by a meandering stream, has several small branch valleys, and is flanked on the east, west, and south by three mountains—the Chongsok-san (청석산, Chongsok Mountain), Hoeyang-san (회양산, Hoeyang Mountain) and Hyeondo-san (현도산, Hoeyang Mountain). Most of the area encompassed by the base consists of unoccupied tree-covered mountains and a few small agricultural and forestry activities that support the base. Located immediately outside of the base are the village of Hoejung-ni and the Hoejung-ni railroad station, both of which undoubtedly provide some level of support to the base.
As of January 21, 2022, the base can be functionally divided into six general activities: entrance and security; headquarters and administration; hardened drive-through missile checkout facilities (sometimes referred to as missile support facilities); primary underground facility; secondary underground facility; and a variety of small housing, support, and agricultural support activities.
Overview of the Hoejung-ni missile operating base, January 21, 2022. Click to enlarge. (Copyright © 2022 by Maxar Technologies)
Located adjacent to the Hoejung-ni railroad station at the base of the valley is the base’s entrance and checkpoint (41.384978, 126.906453). It consists of two large structures, one small structure, and a greenhouse. It has remained unchanged since late-2019. An inactive (likely abandoned) rail spur line branches off the main Hyesan-Manpo-Chongnyon rail line approximately 1.3 kilometers east (41.385879 126.922805) of the base’s entrance and checkpoint. The spur runs approximately 725-meters in a curving southwest direction before terminating (41.383043 126.915528) just outside the presumed perimeter of the Hoejung-ni missile operating base. This spur line is unlikely to have contributed to its development and, unless extended, will not contribute to future operations.
Base entrance and checkpoint, January 21, 2022. Click to enlarge. (Copyright © 2022 by Maxar Technologies)
A January 21, 2022, image showing the abandoned rail spur line east of the base’s entrance. Click to enlarge. (Copyright © 2022 by Maxar Technologies)
What is believed to be the base security headquarters compound is located approximately 400-meters up the valley road (41.382416, 126.909427). It consists of seven administration and housing buildings, a greenhouse, small motor vehicle maintenance facility, storage facility, two circular gardens, and a formal base entrance sign erected over the road at the south end of the area (such signs are often seen at important KPA bases). Since December 2019, the area has witnessed only minor changes.
Base security headquarters compound, January 21, 2022. Click to enlarge. (Copyright © 2022 by Maxar Technologies)
Although not from the Hoejung-ni missile operating base, this image shows an example of a North Korean circular garden that is often found at many bases and large industrial and agricultural facilities. Click to enlarge. (Rodong Sinmun)
The base’s headquarters and administration compound is located approximately 900-meters up the valley (41.378688, 126.910740) and consists of approximately 20 large and medium-sized buildings (including a small greenhouse and large cultural education hall with monument) and a parade ground/football pitch. Its size and layout are similar to those seen at other missile operating bases. Immediately south of the area is a small agricultural support compound with four buildings. In addition, sometime between 2015 and 2017, a small communications facility (41.377742 126.923232) was established on a lower peak of the Hoeyang-san, 1.1 kilometers east of the headquarters and administration compound—to which it is connected by buried cable. Since 2017, these activities have witnessed only minor changes.
Base headquarters and administration compound. The cultural education hall is the large building in the center of the compound with the adjacent monument, January 21, 2022. Click to enlarge. (Copyright © 2022 by Maxar Technologies)
The small communications facility above the base headquarters and administration compound, September 26, 2021. Click to enlarge. (Copyright © 2022 by Maxar Technologies)
Located approximately 2-kilometers up the valley, on the west side of the stream, are the base’s two hardened drive-through missile checkout facilities (41.370204 126.912578 and 41.368924 126.913694). These are used for missile arming, fueling, systems checkout, and maintenance operations. Each facility consists of a large concrete-reinforced shelter cut into the side of the adjacent mountain; the shelter measures approximately 35-meters-long, has a 25-meter opening at each end, and is covered with soil and rocks with vegetation planted on top. The length and size of the openings are of sufficient size to accommodate all known, and likely planned, KPA ballistic missile transporter-erector-launchers (TEL), mobile-erector-launchers (MEL), transporter-erectors (TE), and missile support vehicles and equipment. It should be noted that reported KPA wartime ballistic missile doctrine calls for these launchers to exit the base to conduct launch operations. The maturing vegetation consisting of trees and bushes on top of each structure makes it increasingly challenging to locate them using commercial satellite imagery in all but winter months, during which long shadows also provide a challenge.
The base’s two hardened drive-through missile checkout facilities are clearly visible in this 2010 image when they have just been completed. The nearby concrete road bridge over the stream is clearly visible, February 22, 2010. Click to enlarge. (Copyright © 2022 by Maxar Technologies)
This image has been rotated to “look angle,” as seen when looking out the window of an aircraft and shows details of the southern hardened drive-through missile checkout facility. Backfilling of the soil and rock on top of the facility has not yet been completed, February 22, 2010. Click to enlarge. (Copyright © 2022 by Maxar Technologies)
This image, also rotated to “look angle,” shows details of the northern hardened drive-through missile checkout facility. Backfilling of the soil and rock on top of the facility has been completed and trees and bushes have been planted, February 22, 2010. Click to enlarge. (Copyright © 2022 by Maxar Technologies)
Located on the east side of the stream across from the drive-through facilities is a large motor vehicle maintenance and support facility (41.370537 126.913751) for the unit’s support vehicles.
To support movement across the stream and through these facilities, two reinforced concrete deck bridges were constructed during 2008-2010. The first bridge, approximately 21-meters-long-by-7.5-meters-wide, is located approximately 200-meters northeast (41.370998 126.913043) of the exit to the northern drive-through facility. The second bridge, approximately 11-meters-long-by-7.5-meters-wide, is located approximately 730-meters southeast (41.367516 126.922529) of the southern entrance to the drive-through facility.
An October 3, 2020, overview image shows the base’s two hardened drive-through missile checkout facilities, motor vehicle maintenance and storage facility, and the nearby northern concrete road bridge. The growth of vegetation on the drive-through facilities is readily visible and has made identification more challenging. Click to enlarge. (Copyright © 2022 by Maxar Technologies)
Two years later, a January 21, 2022, overview image of the base’s two hardened drive-through missile checkout facilities, the motor vehicle maintenance and storage facility across the stream, and the northern concrete road bridge over the stream. Even in winter, the tree and bush growth and long shadows have made identification more challenging. Click to enlarge. (Copyright © 2022 by Maxar Technologies)
The southern concrete road bridge over the stream, January 21, 2022. Click to enlarge. (Copyright © 2022 by Maxar Technologies)
The imagery acquired during the construction of the two hardened drive-through missile checkout facilities provides a unique opportunity to gain insight into the KPA’s construction sequence and timing for these distinctive facilities.
Construction Sequence for the Hardened Drive-Through Missile Checkout Facilities
June
2005Excavation operations have begun for the northern facilityDecember 2005Concrete walls had been poured at the northern facility
Excavation operations have begun for the southern facilityNovember 2006Roofs have begun to be poured at northern facility
Walls poured for southern facilityApril
2008Roof on northern facility approximately 75% complete
Roof on southern facility approximately 40% completeFebruary
2010External construction and back filling of northern facility complete
External construction of southern facility complete and backfilling ongoingDecember 2015Construction and both facilities complete and the planting of trees and bushes on both facilities for camouflage and concealment was ongoingOctober
2017Vegetation on top of both facilities mature enough to provide moderate camouflage and concealment
Approximately 2.5-kilometers up the valley, built under a mountain west of the stream, is the base’s primary underground facility (UGF) with two entrances—northern (41.366821 126.919889) and southern (41.365287 126.915955). The direct line distance between the two entrances is approximately 375-meters. However, given what is known concerning large North Korean UGF construction, it is likely about 450-meters-long and potentially longer. The openings for both entrances are approximately 6.25-meters-wide and, like the drive-through facilities, can accommodate all known and likely planned launchers and missile support vehicles and equipment. Located approximately 30-meters in front of the northern entrance is a soil and rock protective berm measuring approximately 38-meters-long and supported by a concrete wall facing the entrance.
The northern entrance to the missile base’s primary UGF. The concrete wall supporting the protective berm in front of the entrance is clearly visible, January 21, 2022. Click to enlarge. (Copyright © 2022 by Maxar Technologies)
The southern entrance to the missile base’s primary UGF. The sawmill a short distance to the south of the UGF entrance is also visible. Note that this entrance does not have a protective berm due to the narrowness and steepness of the valley, January 21, 2022. Click to enlarge. (Copyright © 2022 by Maxar Technologies)
Located southwest of the northern UGF entrance and approximately 400-meters southwest of the northern UGF entrance, up a branch valley extending to the south, is the southern UGF entrance consisting of the entrance portal and a small soil and rock bridge with a culvert. Approximately 150-meters further south of this entrance is a small sawmill (41.364011 126.915273) with a small bridge over the stream. This sawmill has been visible in all imagery, and piles of woodchips are occasionally observed during the summer months.
What appears to be a second UGF (41.365161 126.928513) is located approximately 3.4-kilometers up the valley on the east side of the stream. Excavation of this facility began sometime during 2016-2017 once a bridge across the stream was built. To facilitate this activity, two small support areas were established adjacent to the entrance and on both sides of the stream. The growth of the spoil piles indicates that excavation continued until about 2020, and an image from January 21, 2022, shows no significant activity on the spoil piles or at the portal since that time. This suggests that excavation is either complete or has been suspended.
The entrance to the missile base’s one of two underground facilities (UGF). Note the unusual arrangement of the entrance immediately in front of a bridge over a stream and no practical opportunity to build a protective berm, January 21, 2022. Click to enlarge. (Copyright © 2022 by Maxar Technologies)
There are several unorthodox aspects to the location and construction of this facility that have led some informed sources to argue both for and against its use as a UGF, with some suggesting that it is a small mining facility.
- While other North Korean ballistic missile operating bases often have UGF entrances near small fordable streams, none have UGF entrances directly on a stream or require a bridge immediately outside the portal to access them. Having either of these characteristics increases the facility’s vulnerability to neutralization from even minor artillery, missile, or air strikes.
- Almost all North Korean ballistic missile operating bases have large protective berms in front of their UGF entrances to help protect them from attack. To date, this facility has none, and it is unlikely that an effective one could be built on the west side of the stream.
- While most existing bases have wide radius turns, the road leading from this facility has a tight 90° turn radius that could present a challenge for ICBM launchers to navigate, especially for longer towed transporter-erectors.
- No North Korean missile operating bases have active mining operations within their confines.
A final determination as to the intended function of these facilities remains elusive.
In addition to the above activities, since at least the early-1970s and until the present, small agricultural and forestry activities (many often transitory) have been observed in satellite imagery dispersed along the length of the valley and on the adjacent slopes where the Hoejung-ni missile operating base would be built. Today, those agricultural and forestry activities within or adjacent to the current base’s presumed perimeter are likely used to support the base.
A declassified KH-9 mapping camera image from December 19, 1974, showing the Hoejung-ni area and the general extent of agricultural and forestry activity (visible as white patches). Click to enlarge. (CIA)
An example of a small transitory agricultural activity at the southern end of the Hoejung-ni missile operating base that was only present during 2019-2020 and then razed, October 3, 2020. Click to enlarge. (Copyright © 2022 by Maxar Technologies)
Another example of a small agricultural activity, this time at the northern end of the base, that has been present in different forms since 2003, January 21, 2022. Click to enlarge. (Copyright © 2022 by Maxar Technologies)
As of January 21, 2022, the base is active and being well-maintained by North Korean standards. As best as can be determined from satellite imagery, informed sources, and what little data is available, the base is ready to receive an operational ICBM unit.
Order-of-Battle
The organizational relationship between the Hoejung-ni and Yongjo-ni missile operating bases is unclear. However, it would not be unusual for both bases being in the same geographic area to be subordinate to the same intermediate headquarters beneath the Strategic Force headquarters.
As noted above, informed sources indicate that a KPA ballistic missile unit equipped with ICBMs will be based at Hoejung-ni sometime in the future. As of January 2022, there are no indications that this unit is present. The reasons for this are likely some combination of the following:
- While much of the base appears to be externally complete, minor construction is ongoing and the final installation of equipment (and potentially minor construction) of the primary UGF may be ongoing.
- There are challenges manufacturing finished ICBMs which are operational qualified, as opposed to those for test and evaluation. This is likely a result of both supply chain constraints and competition for limited resources among various programs and design bureaus.
- There are issues revolving around the supply of sufficient numbers of fully trained missile operators and support personnel and limited opportunities to train with operational missile systems. However, this latter factor may be easing, given the recent missile launches during late-2021 and early-2022.
Similar to the Sangnam-ni missile operating base, the layout, organization, and size of the infrastructure visible in satellite imagery of Hoejung-ni suggest that the base will eventually house a regiment-sized unit consisting of a headquarters, small service elements, and several firing batteries. With this said, it should be noted that the organizational structures of KPA ballistic missile units may not neatly fit into western organizational structures.
Due to the strategic importance of the KPA’s ballistic missile operating bases and concerns of either pre-emptive or wartime airstrikes against these facilities, most missile operating bases have some level of organic air defense capabilities, are within the coverage of the national air defense missile shield, or both. This does not appear to be the case with the Hoejung-ni missile operating base. There are no readily identified fixed anti-aircraft artillery positions within 10-kilometers of the base and the nearest readily identifiable surface-to-air missile base (an SA-2/S-75 Dvina unit) is at Kanggye 50-kilometers to the southwest. However, it is likely that when a ballistic missile unit is finally stationed at the base, it will possess an organic air defense unit equipped with both light AAA and shoulder fired air defense missiles (e.g., SA-7, SA-14, SA-16, etc.). The nearest Korean People’s Air Force (KPAF) airbase is the Manpo-up Airfield 53-kilometers to the southwest. As it is dirt-surfaced and houses an An-2 transport unit, it provides no support to the Hoejung-ni missile operating base.
Development
2003-2006
The author first became aware of what is now identified as the Hoejung-ni missile operating base during a conversation with an informed source in the early 2000s—shortly after the first signs of construction were observed. From that time until 2018, no public information of significance concerning the facility was available. In 2018, Dave Schmerler and Jeffery Lewis published a blog posting on the Yongjo-ni base that also described the Hoejung-ni facility.
The location selected for the Hoejung-ni base is within a small, isolated wooded mountain valley adjacent to the Hoejung-ni railroad station on the south side of the Taehoedong-chon (대회동천, Taehoedong stream). This valley is bisected by a stream and flanked on three sides by mountains. Prior to the commencement of base construction, only minor agricultural activity around a tiny agricultural hamlet of about 34 structures, and minor logging operations scattered further up the valley were present.
As best as can be determined from satellite imagery, construction of the Hoejung-ni missile operating base began sometime prior to 2003—perhaps as early as the late-1990s. The earliest readily available clear high-resolution satellite image of the area, collected on May 6, 2003, shows that the base entrance and checkpoint consisted of main and support buildings on the south side of the Hoejung-ni railroad station and along the road leading up the valley. Further up the valley, two support and construction worker housing areas support the construction of a nearby underground facility. It is believed that many of the construction personnel stationed here at this time were specialized engineering troops from the KPA’s Military Construction Bureau. As noted above, the timing of this construction may be related to the construction progress at the Sangnam-ni missile operating base, which had progressed to a point that permitted the release of a portion of the specialized engineering troops from the KPA’s Military Construction Bureau to begin work excavating the Hoejung-ni base’s UGF.
The 2003 image shows that the first support and construction worker housing area was located approximately 2.5-kilometers up the valley road on both sides of the stream at the intersection of the main valley and a branch valley. It consisted of approximately 55 structures of various sizes and types (livestock pens, greenhouses, housing, etc.). Among these were four square compounds for worker housing and equipment storage. Most notable, however, was evidence of the earliest stages of excavation for two entrances to an underground facility. At the northern entrance adjacent to the support area, excavation, grading, and construction of the concrete portal for the UGF are visible. The southern entrance was located 400-meters to the southwest of the northern entrance, up a branch valley extending to the south. Located here were the portal on the east side of a small stream, four structures of various sizes on both sides of the stream, and a soil and gravel access road with culvert across the stream. Approximately 150-meters further up this branch valley was a small sawmill with a small bridge over the stream. At both UGF construction sites, excavated spoil was being spread out locally.
Located approximately 3.1-kilometers up the main valley road was the second support and construction worker housing area that consisted of five compounds of various sizes with a total of approximately 35 structures (e.g., worker housing, equipment storage, agricultural support, and a sawmill). These were distributed on both sides of the stream and connected by one road bridge and two small footbridges.
Imagery collected on June 13 and December 10, 2005, show that construction of two hardened drive-through missile checkout facilities had commenced and that construction operations at the two UGF entrances were expanding by this time.
Located approximately 2-kilometers up the main valley on the west side of the stream, excavation for the first of two hardened drive-through missile checkout facilities had begun during early 2005. By December 10, 2005, construction on the first facility had reached the stage where concrete walls had been poured, and excavation for the second had recently begun. The excavated soil and rock were placed adjacent to the construction sites to be used for future backfill and overhead cover of the two facilities. To support this construction activity, a construction worker housing and support area was built on the east side of the valley, and a small ford across the river was reinforced with soil and rock excavated from the facilities. The housing and support area consisted of approximately 25 structures of various sizes and shapes (including a motor vehicle maintenance and storage facility).
In the December 10, 2005, image, a concrete portal had been built at the northern UGF entrance, fresh spoil pile activity was observed being deposited 40-meters from it, and six small structures had been built. At the southern UGF entrance, a concrete portal was under construction, a small walled compound on the west side of the stream had been built, the number of small structures on both sides of the stream had increased to 17, and a soil and rock bridge had been built across the stream. The beginning of a spoil pile was observed approximately 120-meters north of the portal on the east side of the stream.
Elsewhere in the base, the 2005 imagery shows only minor activity typical of what would be expected, such as the addition of a wall around the support building at the main entrance, razing or construction of small agricultural-related structures, etc.
2006-2009
Three satellite images collected during November and December 2006 show that progress was slowly continuing at the two hardened drive-through missile checkout facilities. Most noticeable was that the first-stage excavation for the second facility had been completed, and several concrete walls had been poured. A November 15, 2006, image shows that construction work on the UGFs was continuing, as evidenced by expanding spoil piles and activity at both portals. At the northern portal, activity was observed on the hillside above it, and a concrete wall had been erected approximately 35-meters in front of it. The latter would serve as the face of a protective berm being built from the rock and gravel being excavated from inside the facility. At the southern portal, a finished concrete portal was now visible, and a small footbridge had been built. The same November 15 image shows the first signs of activity at the second support and worker housing area for what would become a second UGF. A small temporary bridge was erected across the stream to the east bank.
Two years later, an image collected on April 15, 2008, shows continued progress on the two hardened drive-through missile checkout facilities, with much of the concrete roofing on the first facility having been poured, and progress being made on pouring the walls and portions of the concrete roof on the second facility. To support future operations of the drive-through facilities, construction of a concrete road bridge approximately 200-meters northeast of the northernmost drive-through facility had recently begun, while a second concrete road bridge located approximately 730-meters southeast of the southern drive-through facility was partially complete. Rock and gravel excavated from both drive-through facilities were used to build up the shoulders of the bridges and banks along the stream.
The two years between 2008 and 2010 witnessed significant development of the Hoejung-ni missile operating base, as indicated by a satellite image collected on February 22, 2010.
As far back as 2003, the area 400-meters up the valley road from the entrance was simply cultivated fields. By February 2010, however, a small new housing and support area consisting of ten new buildings had been erected. The location, layout, and type of buildings suggest that this area was being developed into a compound for the base’s security headquarters and housing.
Approximately 375-meters further up the valley road, all but five of the 34 structures had been razed and a new support building erected at the small unnamed agricultural hamlet. This area would subsequently be developed into the missile base’s headquarters and administration area with barracks, support buildings, and a cultural education hall.
2010-2016
The satellite image acquired on February 22, 2010, shows that both hardened drive-through missile checkout facilities had been externally completed, back filling of the northern facility had been completed, construction of southern facility had been completed, and backfilling operations were ongoing. Both were approximately 35-meters-long and had 12-meter-wide openings at both ends. Internal work, however, would likely continue for some time afterward. In addition, construction of the reinforced concrete deck bridges supporting the hardened drive-through missile checkout facilities was completed sometime during 2008-2010. This, in turn, allowed for the nearby reinforced ford to be removed and restored to its original status.
This same February image shows that major excavation and construction activity on the primary UGF had apparently been completed, although interior work undoubtedly continued for some time. All but nine of the structures composing the support and construction worker housing area adjacent and across the stream from the northern UGF entrance had been razed. Additionally, all the spoil from the excavation had been graded out to form a raised area and bank for the stream and the protective berm in front of the entrance measuring approximately 38-meters-long had been completed. About all that externally remained to finish was the planting of trees and bushes on the slope above the entrance. Likewise, at the southern UGF entrance, all but one structure had been razed, and the spoil graded out north along the stream. The sawmill further up the branch valley, however, remained.
Further up the valley, at the location where a second UGF would be soon built, a satellite image acquired on February 22, 2010, shows that most of the original worker housing and agricultural support buildings had been razed, leaving three buildings and seven smaller structures. The small temporary bridge across the stream had been removed.
With much of the heavy construction work on the hardened drive-through facilities and UGF completed by 2010, the need for large numbers of workers decreased, and construction activity at the base shifted to less demanding operational infrastructure development.
A satellite image collected on December 19, 2015, shows that at the base entrance and checkpoint, both original buildings had been razed and replaced with a new building and large greenhouse. The only notable change at the base security compound was the construction of two large circular gardens. Such gardens are often observed at major military and industrial facilities near headquarters or administrative areas. Further up the valley, the headquarters and administration area had undergone significant development since 2010. By 2015, four large headquarters or administration and four smaller housing or support type buildings had been built, and a cultural education hall was under construction.
The same December 2015 image shows that both hardened drive-through missile checkout facilities were now covered with additional soil, and trees and bushes had been planted. A small building had been built at the southeast corner of the northern facility, and a somewhat larger building constructed 30-meters east of the southeast corner of the southern facility. Two new buildings were constructed across the stream from the northern facility, including a sizeable motor vehicle maintenance and storage facility in the previously razed worker housing and support area.
In the area around the northern entrance to the primary UGF, significant changes had occurred. At the razed support and construction worker housing area, 22 new structures were built, including a barracks compound, agricultural support compound with a large greenhouse, and a large building adjacent to the UGF entrance. In addition, the vegetation on the hillside above the entrance had taken root and appears to have been added to. No significant changes were observed at the southern UGF entrance and the nearby sawmill.
Further up the valley where a second UGF would soon be built, the December 19, 2015, image shows that significant changes had taken place. Six new support buildings had been built in the previously razed worker housing and agricultural support area. Immediately to the south and across the stream, there were some minor changes to the few remaining support buildings, including the addition of a new greenhouse. Significantly, construction had begun on a permanent concrete bridge at the same location as the earlier temporary bridge. Interestingly, no discernable activity was noted on the east side of that earlier bridge from 2006 until 2014. This suggests that this earlier bridge was likely used to support engineering investigation for the forthcoming excavation and bridging.
2017-2022
Two years later, an October 8, 2017, image shows no changes at the base entrance and checkpoint. However, numerous changes had taken place at the base security headquarters compound. One building was razed and replaced by a larger L-shaped building, two additional buildings (including a second L-shaped building) had been built, landscaping in and around the previously noted circular gardens had been completed, and a greenhouse and small pond had been built. Five satellite images from 2018 and 2020 show that the buildings used as housing or offices had been razed and then replaced by four large ones and that both a formal entrance sign over the road had been erected and a small motor vehicle storage facility had been built at the south end of this area. An image acquired on October 16, 2019, shows that two buildings had been added to the entrance and security compound. Since then, satellite imagery shows that only very minor changes have occurred in the entrance, checkpoint, and security compound.
At the base headquarters and administration area, the October 2017 satellite image shows that construction of the cultural education hall had been completed, and two monuments were erected. Most of the small temporary buildings previously seen here had been replaced by larger permanent buildings—some of which were barracks. Several additional support buildings had been erected—including two at the small support area immediately to the south. This brought the number of structures in the area to approximately 20. Since then, satellite imagery shows that the area has witnessed only minor changes such as the construction or razing of small structures.
Sometime between 2015 and 2017, a small communications facility was established on a lower peak of the Hoeyang-san 1.1 kilometers east of the headquarters and administration area. This facility consists of a repurposed forestry building with a small parabolic antenna. It is connected to the headquarters and administration area via buried cable. The facility hasn’t witnessed any significant changes since that time.
While some internal work at the hardened drive-through missile checkout facilities likely continued for some time, by October 8, 2017, both were completed and covered with additional soil, with trees and bushes planted. Since then, only minor changes have been observed. The growth of trees and vegetation on top of the facilities has made it increasingly challenging to locate them using commercial satellite imagery in all but winter months.
At the entrances to the primary UGF, no changes of significance have been observed in satellite imagery from 2017 to the present. However, as with the hardened drive-through facilities, the growth of trees and vegetation on the slopes above the entrances has made it increasingly challenging to locate them using commercial satellite imagery. The same is somewhat true for the protective berm in front of the northern entrance.
At the second UGF, the image from October 8, 2017, shows that a 9-meter-by-6.5-meter concrete bridge had been completed, and excavation on the east side of the stream had begun. Two bridge abutments were poured on the west side of the bridge and most of the spoil from the excavation activity are seen being spread out in a fan shape between these abutments. A second smaller spoil pile was also observed approximately 25-meters south of the bridge on the east side of the stream.
The following year, a September 22, 2018, image shows that both the main and secondary spoil piles had doubled in size and that several small structures had been built in the support area on the west side of the stream and a large building built in the support area across the steam to the east. By March 10, 2019, these small structures had been razed, a gravel road had been laid across the main spoil pile to the bridge, a concrete portal to the UGF had been built, and the spoil piles continued to grow slowly. The most recent image from January 21, 2022, shows that there have been no significant changes to the spoil piles or at the portal, and only minor changes such as the addition of a new footbridge have taken place elsewhere in the area.
Research Notes
This report, as are the others in this series, is based upon an ongoing study of the Korean People’s Army ballistic missile infrastructure begun by Joseph S. Bermudez Jr. in 1985. This study is, in turn, based upon numerous interviews with North Korean defectors, declassified documents, open-source reporting, and interviews with -government, defense, and intelligence officials around the world. Accuracy in any discussion of North Korea’s nuclear, biological, chemical, or ballistic missile programs is always a challenge, and while some of the information used in the preparation of this study may eventually prove to be incomplete or incorrect, it is hoped that it provides a new and unique look into the subject. The information presented here supersedes or updates previous works by Joseph S. Bermudez Jr. on these subjects.
Although 31 high- and medium-resolution satellite images were analyzed during the preparation of this report, the images ultimately presented in this report were purposely selected for their sensor resolutions, off-nadir angle, unique view, or absence of foliage. The latter allows for a more unobstructed and detailed view of the structures and activities within and around the Hoejung-ni missile operating base.
Gazetteer of Named Places
NameCoordinatesChongsok-san (청석산)41.370556 126.875278 (West)Chung-dong (중동)41.388333 126.893889Hoejung-ni (회중리)41.386486 126.914728Hoejung-ni missile operating base41.369883 126.913631Hoeyang-san (회양산)41.370556 126.944167 (East)Hyeondo-san (현도산)41.341944 126.928611 (South)Kanggye-si (강계시)40.961944, 126.547778Yongjo-ni (영저리)41.329722, 127.083889
The authors wish to thank Seiyeon Ji, Andy Lim, Morgan Waterman, Seongjoon Hwang, Sang Jun Lee, and Dana Kim for their invaluable research in support of this project.
Joseph S. Bermudez Jr. is an internationally recognized analyst, award-winning author, and lecturer on North Korean defense and intelligence affairs and ballistic missile development in developing countries. He is concurrently senior fellow for Imagery Analysis at the Center for Strategic and International Security (CSIS); senior adviser and imagery analyst for the Committee for Human Rights in North Korea (HRNK); author for IHS Markit (formerly the Jane’s Information Group); and publisher and editor of KPA Journal. Formerly, he has served as founder and CEO of KPA Associates, LLC, senior imagery analyst for 38 North at Johns Hopkins SAIS, chief analytics officer and co-founder of AllSource Analysis, Inc., and senior all-source analyst for DigitalGlobe’s Analysis Center.
Victor Cha is senior vice president and the inaugural holder of the Korea Chair at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
Jennifer Jun is a program coordinator and research assistant with the iDeas Lab and Korea Chair at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
Headline image credit: Copyright © 2022 by Maxar Technologies
References
-
Schmerler, Dave and Jeffery Lewis. “North Korean Missile Base At Yeongjeo-Dong,” Arms Control Wonk, December 6, 2018, https://www.armscontrolwonk.com/archive/1206442/north-korean-missile-base-at-yeongjeo-dong/. This blog posting was subsequently the source for Choe Sang-hun. “North Korea Is Expanding Missile Base with Eye Toward U.S., Experts Warn,” New York Times, December 6, 2018. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/12/06/world/asia/north-korea-missile-bases.html.
- Yongjo-ni is sometimes referred to as Yongjo-ri, Yongjo-dong, or Yeongjeo-dong.
-
Bermudez Jr., Joseph S., Victor Cha and Lisa Collins. “Undeclared North Korea: Missile Operating Bases Revealed,” Beyond Parallel, November 12, 2018, https://beyondparallel.csis.org/north-koreas-undeclared-missile-operating-bases/.
-
All KPA units have official and cover designations. The latter is what is commonly seen being used in North Korea media. For example, a fictional unit mentioned in Rodong Sinmun might have a cover designation of “KPA Unit 702,” however, its official designation is the “123rd Infantry Division.” Some units also have an honorific name assigned to its official designation in recognition of some significant accomplishment. Using our example “KPA Unit 702” would be the “123rd Guards Infantry Division.” The “Guards” honorific having been applied in recognition of the unit’s accomplishments during the Korean War. To make this more complicated it is not unusual for a cover designation to be randomly changed. Cover designations are sometimes referred to as “military unit cover designation” (MUCD).
- Interview data acquired by Joseph S. Bermudez Jr.; Yi Yong-chong: “Taepo Dong-2 Manufactured at Namp’o on Its Way in Camouflage to Launch Site,” JoongAng Ilbo, June 20, 2006; and Hwang, Yang-joon. “North Korea Builds Six Bases for 550 km-range Missiles,” Hankook Ilbo, October 27, 1999.
- Additionally, at various times over the years, there have been several small footbridges across the stream up and down the valley.
- Most Korean People’s Army units are responsible for producing a portion of their own food each year.
- The national designator for the Hoejung-ni missile operating base is unknown.
- Op cit. Schmerler, Dave and Jeffery Lewis.
- Interview data acquired by Joseph S. Bermudez Jr. A brief description of the specialized engineering troops of the KPA’s Military Construction Bureau can be found in Bermudez Jr., Joseph S. Shield of the Great Leader: The Armed Forces of North Korea, (London: I.B. Taurus), 2001.
- Interview data acquired by Joseph S. Bermudez Jr.
4. S. Korea to discuss 'creative' engagement on N. Korea in talks with U.S., Japan
The three countries must demonstrate strong trilateral coordination and cooperation in the face of north Korean and Chinese actions. We must understand that it is a strategic objective of both the north and China to prevent a trilateral alliance.
I also recommend initiating a trilateral military exercise program: air, sea, and land.
S. Korea to discuss 'creative' engagement on N. Korea in talks with U.S., Japan | Yonhap News Agency
SEOUL, Feb. 8 (Yonhap) -- South Korea will have in-depth consultations with the United States and Japan in the upcoming three-way ministerial talks to explore "creative" ways of engagement with North Korea, Seoul officials said Tuesday.
The foreign ministry reaffirmed its commitment to diplomacy with Pyongyang, as South Korean Foreign Minister Chung Eui-yong is set to meet with U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Japanese Foreign Minister Yoshimasa Hayashi in Hawaii on Saturday following the North's recent missile tests.
"In light of the meeting, South Korea and U.S., as well as Japan, plan to have in-depth consultations on creative and various ways to engage with North Korea," ministry spokesperson Choi Young-sam said in a press briefing.
"It is important that North Korea stops acts escalating tension at this point and opts for a diplomatic path via dialogue," Choi added.
The first trilateral ministerial meeting under the Joe Biden administration is expected to discuss ways to bolster their cooperation in response to growing threats from North Korea's nuclear and missile program.
Pyongyang staged seven rounds of missile launches in January, including that of an intermediate-range ballistic missile, marking the largest number of missile tests conducted by the recalcitrant regime in a single month.
It has also hinted at the possibility of breaking its moratorium on nuclear and long-range missile testing, upping the ante in its drawn-out standoffs with Washington.
ejkim@yna.co.kr
(END)
5. Rights group protests China’s repatriation of North Korean escapees
China is complicit in north Korea's human rights abuses.
Rights group protests China’s repatriation of North Korean escapees
Daily rallies in New York coincide with Beijing Olympics in hopes of drawing attention to refugee rights.
By Jaeduk Seo
2022.02.07
With much of the world focused on the 2022 Winter Olympics in Beijing, a U.S.-based group is trying to draw attention to China’s policy of detaining and forcibly repatriating North Koreans, who face severe punishment and even death once returned home.
The North Korean Human Rights Exhibition Association plans protest every day in New York through Feb. 22, two days after the close of the Games, to highlight the plight of escapees who risk it all to cross over to China in search of a better life.
Koo Hoin, the head of the group, told RFA’s Korean Service that while he strongly supports the U.S. government’s diplomatic boycott of the Olympics, additional pressure should be brought to bear on China to change its policy of returning North Koreans to their homeland.
Koo, who was forcibly repatriated from China in 1999, said the U.S., South Korea and the United Nations should actively advocate for the protection of North Koreans outside of its borders.
“We then need to tell China that we know where the refugee is imprisoned and make them release the refugee. Then we need to tell China to send those refugees to South Korea or the U.S. and tell them that we welcome them here. There must be practical solutions like these,” he said.
Repatriated escapees face a grim fate, and China knows this, Victor Park, a Korean-American pastor who protested Sunday told RFA.
“As citizens of the United States, we can convey our voices in a free country. The Olympics aren’t just for China. They are for freedom around the world,” Park said. “To give freedom to North Korean refugees and to make peace by not persecuting other peoples is the real Olympic Games that China should do.”
The North Korean Human Rights Exhibition Association said the protest will be held for two hours each day, starting at 1 p.m. in front of the Chinese Consulate on weekdays and in Times Square on weekends.
Michael Slaveski, a Montreal resident who was visiting New York on Sunday, told RFA he did not know that North Koreans are forcibly repatriated. But Slaveski, who was born in the Soviet Union, said it was not surprising, given that China is a communist country.
Established in 2004, the North Korean Human Rights Exhibition Association holds photo exhibitions, book exhibitions and movie screenings in New York and Los Angeles to raise awareness of human rights abuses in North Korea.
Although the Chinese government has pledged to adhere to the U.N. convention that forbids countries to return refugees to their home countries if they will face serious threats to their life or freedom, the group contends it regards North Korean escapees as illegal immigrants.
Beijing claims it must return North Koreans found to be illegally within Chinese territory under two bilateral border and immigration pacts.
The United Nations recently published a letter it sent to the Chinese government in August 2021, expressing concern about the fate of the 1,170 North Koreans believed to be in Chinese custody in preparation for repatriation.
RFA reported in July that 50 North Koreans were loaded onto buses in the Chinese border city of Dandong and taken across the Yalu River. Sources said many Chinese onlookers showed hostility to the police, warning that they were effectively sending the refugees to their deaths.
Hundreds of thousands of North Koreans fled to China to escape a mid-1990s famine, with about 30,000 making their way to South Korea. As many as 60,000 North Koreans remain in China, despite having no legal status. Some have married Chinese nationals.
RFA reported in August that police had begun actively arresting North Korean spouses of Chinese nationals after a long period of time during which they were treated leniently.
Translated by Leejin Jun. Written in English by Eugene Whong.
6. N.K. official, known for 2018 cross-border thaw, appears to be leading overseas Korean issues
I am sure the focus on ethnic Koreans overseas is really about controlling them and exploiting them for the regime or at least trying to ensure they cannot harm the regime.
(LEAD) N.K. official, known for 2018 cross-border thaw, appears to be leading overseas Korean issues | Yonhap News Agency
(ATTN: UPDATES with demotion of senior military official at bottom; ADDS photo, bylines)
By Kang Yoon-seung and Choi Soo-hyang
SEOUL, Feb. 8 (Yonhap) -- A North Korean official, known for his role in inter-Korean engagement years ago, has emerged as an apparent policymaker on overseas ethnic Korean affairs, Pyongyang's state media showed Tuesday, raising questions over a potential shift in his job.
Maeng Kyong-il led a debate on legislating an act aimed at enhancing rights of ethnic Koreans abroad during a session of the Supreme People's Assembly (SPA), the North's rubber-stamp parliament, earlier this week, according to the North's main newspaper, Rodong Sinmun.
Maeng, currently a vice director of the United Front Department (UFD) in charge of inter-Korean affairs, is said to have played a role in paving the way for a thaw in cross-border ties during the 2018 PyeongChang Olympics in South Korea.
During the Winter Games, he reportedly worked with Andrew Kim, then head of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency's Korea Mission Center, to set the stage for rare high-level talks between the two countries.
It remains uncertain whether Maeng solely deals with affairs related to ethnic Koreans or his UFD role has broadened to cover the matters.
"Now a powerful legal guarantee has been crafted to more widely and actively push for projects for ethic Koreans, including those aimed at further lifting their ethnic pride and patriotic enthusiasm," he was quoted as saying.
The sixth session of the 14th SPA took place in Pyongyang on Sunday and Monday. North Korean leader Kim Jong-un was not seen joining the session packed with senior ruling party and Cabinet officials.
Kwon Yong-jin, director of the General Political Bureau of the North's Korean People's Army, meanwhile, has been demoted to a four-star general from a vice marshal, according to state media footage of the event. The reason was not immediately known.
Kwon had been promoted to the post of a vice marshal in February last year and was spotted wearing a vice marshal badge during a key party plenary meeting in December.
colin@yna.co.kr
scaaet@yna.co.kr
(END)
7. Disqualifications in Beijing bring out ire against China
I saw a humorous tweet. It said in effect that due to Chinese soft power failures, by the end of the Olympics South Korea will join the Quad.
Tuesday
February 8, 2022
Disqualifications in Beijing bring out ire against China
Yoon Hong-geun, head of the Korean athletic delegation at the Beijing Winter Olympics, center, announces a decision to appeal a controversial disqualification of two Korean short track speed skaters with the Court of Arbitration for Sport in Switzerland, in Beijing on Tuesday. [YONHAP]
Koreans weren't happy about controversial disqualifications of Korean short track speed skaters at the Beijing Winter Olympics on Monday evening – and didn't hesitate to express their ire.
Olympic record holder Hwang Dae-heon and Lee June-seo were disqualified from the men's 1,000-meter race at the Beijing Olympics on Monday night and China took the gold and silver medals, Hungary the bronze.
“Why not take all the medals you want, China,” reported the Seoul Shinmun, a local news outlet in Korea, using the phrase for the headline and repeating it over and over for the first ten sentences of the article.
The article, published online around 10:17 p.m. Monday, was deleted later, but not before screen captures of the piece went viral on social media platforms.
Hwang finished first in his heat and Lee came in second in his, but both were disqualified after lengthy video reviews.
Referees said Hwang made an illegal late passing that caused contact with a Chinese skater, and that Lee made a lane change that caused contact with another skater.
Olympic sports are supervised by international committees, which are also responsible for choosing all match officials. Short track speed skating events are organized by the International Skating Union, which chooses referees, who are confirmed by the International Olympic Committee. The Beijing Olympics Organizing Committee has no say over event referees.
Both disqualifications were controversial, with Hwang in particular being penalized for an infraction despite also appearing to have been pushed by a Chinese skater during the trace. The Chinese skater was not penalized.
Short track speed skating, in which competitors race around a 111-meter (364-feet) track at speeds of up to 30 miles per hour, has long been Korea’s best winter sport, and it has won 24 Olympic gold medals to date, the most of any nation.
Vitriol towards China after the race was particularly heavy from Koreans in their 20s and 30s.
In an online community of university students on Facebook, one user ranted about the disqualifications, adding, “I wish China would go extinct.” The post received hundreds of likes.
A 27-year-old office worker surnamed Hwang in Seoul said her ill feelings towards China go further back than this Olympic season.
“They [China] carry this image of people who steal from others rather than creating through honest efforts,” said Hwang. “If you look at Chinese movies and dramas, many look like copy-and-pastes of Korean movies and dramas.”
A 26-year-old student surnamed Sohn said his personal experiences with students from China have affected how he sees the country as a whole.
“I’ve seen Chinese students free-ride in group projects and still get the same grades as the rest of the group,” Sohn said. “When these kinds of experiences build up over time, you cannot but help see a country in a negative light.”
A survey by the JoongAng Ilbo from November to December of 1,031 Koreans aged 18 or over found that six out of 10 Koreans in their 20s and 30s feel unfavorably about China.
Some experts said the results were not surprising given the values of Koreans in their 20s and 30s.
“How fair things are, that is the most important aspect for people in their 20s and 30s,” said Koo Jeong-woo, a professor of sociology at Sungkyunkwan University in Seoul. “So when they see the disqualifications [of the athletes], they think that impartiality and justice have been completely compromised, which leads to these bursts of anger and venting.”
The online element may be another factor in the anti-China venting by young Koreans, said Ha Nam-seok, a professor of Chinese language and culture at the University of Seoul.
“Many of these young students are active online, and things can spread very quickly there,” Ha said. “There’s a need to take steps to discourage rampant hate speech and anti-China expressions in the virtual world.”
Korea said on Tuesday it will appeal the two controversial disqualifications with the Court of Arbitration for Sport in Switzerland.
In a meeting with the press in Beijing Tuesday, Hwang Hee, Korea's minister of culture, sports and tourism, said the Moon Jae-in administration considered pulling Korea's athletes out of the Games to protest the disqualifications, but decided to conclude the matter with a legal appeal.
BY NA UN-CHAE, ESTHER CHUNG [chung.juhee@joongang.co.kr]
8. Seoul in denial that Pyongyang scrapped moratorium on weapons tests
I will keep beating the drum: we must understand the nature, objectives, and strategy of the Kim family regime.
Monday
February 7, 2022
Seoul in denial that Pyongyang scrapped moratorium on weapons tests
South Korean President Moon Jae-in presides over an emergency meeting of the National Security Council at the Blue House on Jan. 30 in response to the North's launch of an intermediate-range ballistic missile earlier that day. [YONHAP]
Seoul does not yet believe that Pyongyang has effectively scrapped a self-imposed moratorium on sensitive weapons tests despite the North's most recent test of an intermediate-range ballistic missile (IRBM), according to a statement made by President Moon Jae-in during a recent National Security Council (NSC) meeting.
The moratorium, which Pyongyang put into place in late 2017 and was formally outlined in April 2018 by North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, entailed a suspension of nuclear and longer range missile testing.
When Kim detailed his regime’s rationale for the moratorium at the time, he said the North “doesn’t need any nuclear tests or mid-to-long-range missile tests.”
The suspension of nuclear and longer range missile tests in 2017 preluded the resumption of inter-Korean diplomacy beginning with the 2018 PyeongChang Winter Olympics, an inter-Korean summit in April 2018, and eventually the first-ever summit between North Korea and the United States in Singapore that June.
However, relations between Washington and Pyongyang rapidly soured after the February 2019 summit in Hanoi, Vietnam, between Kim and then-U.S. President Donald Trump, collapsed without an accord.
While the North has now twice hinted that it would scrap the moratorium on nuclear and missile testing — once in late December 2019, when Kim Jong-un warned he may “no longer refrain” from testing if the United States continued selling weapons to, and conducting military drills with South Korea, and again last month, when the state-run Korean Central News Agency reported the ruling Workers’ Party Politburo was considering “restarting all previously suspended activities” — Seoul has not pronounced a view that the moratorium is dead.
Although Kim’s April 2018 declaration included a halt to mid-range missile tests, President Moon described the North’s launch of an IRBM on Jan. 30 merely as a step “close to scrapping the moratorium declaration” during an emergency NSC meeting that day.
Moon’s statement on Seoul’s position of the IRBM launch also omitted Kim’s own 2018 references to halting mid-range missile tests, with the president merely reiterating that the North “promised to suspend all nuclear and ICBM tests from April 21, 2018.”
With Seoul’s description of Pyongyang’s testing moratorium skirting over mid-range missiles, which Kim said he would also stop testing, analysts are wondering if South Korea is giving the North leeway to claim it has not yet scrapped its suspension on sensitive tests.
Examining the discrepancy between Seoul’s view of the moratorium and Kim’s own language to describe the suspension, Kim Young-soo, a professor of politics and international relations at Sogang University, said, “As a matter of security, the South Korean government should seek to clarify [the status of the moratorium] by sending a simple statement to the North, but the government appears to have fallen short in this area.”
BY MICHAEL LEE [lee.junhyuk@joongang.co.kr]
9. 'Stolen Olympic medals' infuriate Koreans, spur anti-China sentiment
'Stolen Olympic medals' infuriate Koreans, spur anti-China sentiment
The Korea Times · by 2022-02-08 14:27 | Beijing Olympics · February 8, 2022
Hwang Dae-heon of Korea goes past China's Ren Ziwei and Li Wenlong during the men's 1,000m semifinal 1 short track speedskating event at the Winter Olympics Capital Indoor Stadium on Monday. Newsis
Presidential candidates, citizens slam biased rulings, accusing China of undermining Olympic spirit
By Ko Dong-hwan
Many Koreans, including presidential candidates, have expressed anger after two of their national short track speedskaters were disqualified during the 2022 Beijing Olympics, calling the decision by referees "biased and unacceptable."
Criticism spewed out online after Hwang Dae-heon and Lee June-seo, who finished first and second, respectively, in different groups for the men's 1,000m semifinals at Capital Indoor Stadium on Monday, were disqualified. Hwang was penalized for making an illegal late pass causing contact and Lee for a lane change that caused contact. The rulings sent two Chinese athletes into the finals instead, and China ended up collecting gold and silver.
The rulings left many Koreans scratching their heads as they believe Hwang and Lee finished their heats without violating any regulations. Koreans' anti-China sentiment was especially strong because the rulings came after China's alleged appropriation of the Korean traditional dress known as hanbok during Friday's opening ceremony.
The "stolen Olympic medals" allegation has drawn bipartisan support for Korean athletes.
Presidential candidate Lee Jae-myung of the ruling Democratic Party of Korea (DPK) said on Facebook on Monday night that he was "disappointed and irritated" over the rulings. He also wished Korean athletes would "not get discouraged by the incident."
DPK chairman Song Young-gil said on Facebook that he cannot sleep because of anger over the "biased and outlandish rulings." "People will now start believing that a host country will enjoy more than an advantage of winning medals more easily: the country will probably monopolize the medals."
Main opposition People Power Party (PPP) presidential candidate Yoon Suk-yeol said his heart goes out to the disheartened Korean skaters, saying he sympathized with them for their frustration.
When asked to comment on the anti-China sentiment among the Korean public, however, Yoon was cautious and noted that it is inappropriate for a presidential candidate like him to express such a sentiment toward a certain country.
Lawmakers from the DPK also joined in lambasting the Beijing Olympics. Rep. Park Joo-min said the Olympic organizers should be "ashamed of themselves for tarnishing the Olympics into a local Chinese event." The party's floor leader Kim Yong-min said the "biased rulings damaged the spirit of the Olympics as well as our athletes," while the party's lawmaker Jeon Yong-ki said Monday's race "betrayed our athletes' efforts" and condemned China for "not knowing what angered the rest of the world." Rep. Chun Jae-soo questioned whether China "is capable of hosting the Olympics if it allows such biased decisions" and the country "sold out the spirit of sports and the Olympics."
Lee June-seo of Korea, fourth from left, skates among other athletes during the men's 1,000m semifinal 2 short track speedskating event at the Winter Olympics Capital Indoor Stadium on Feb. 7. NewsisThe party's election camp issued a statement on Tuesday, comparing the controversial rulings to "the Bed of Procrustes," in which the Greek mythological figure abducted travelers and either stretched or chopped off their bodies to fit the length of his bed.
"Sport is supposed to unite humanity and offer ingratiating moments of victory, but it has destroyed fairness and sportsmanship," the camp's spokesperson Park Gwang-on said. "Hwang and Lee were disqualified after proving their highest classes in performance and skill. The biased decisions angered not just Korea but also the rest of the world."
PPP lawmaker Ha Tae-keung said on Facebook the true winners of the controversial race are Hwang, Lee and Hungary's Liu Shaolin Sandor who finished first in the game's finals race but was also disqualified ― allowing Chinese athletes to win gold and silver. He said the International Olympic Committee (IOC) must be shut down if it cannot control unjust rulings and cheating in sports.
Rep. Kim Jae-seob of the party also said, "Illegal gambling, game manipulation and violence in sports are chronic problems in China's professional soccer league. If you find the cases of Hwang and Lee unfair, it was just one of those typical China-like examples."
Other presidential candidates also chimed in on the anti-China movement. Ahn Cheol-soo of the minor opposition People's Party accused China of stealing Korea's medals.
"China must immediately cancel the dirty call and return Korea's gold medal," he wrote on Facebook, Tuesday, urging China to apologize to the athletes of Korea and the world. "As a presidential candidate of Korea, I strongly urge (China) to right the wrong call on its own," he said. "What China did was a very ugly act that ruined the spirit of sports and will not be able to win the support of anyone in the world."
Sim Sang-jung, another presidential candidate of the minor progressive Justice Party, issued a similar statement decrying the incident as a violation of the Olympic spirit.
"Amid the COVID-19 disaster, many people around the world are looking for hope in the Beijing Olympics," she wrote on Facebook. "More than any other Olympics, this Olympics will have to be fair."
The head of the Korean athletic delegation to the Beijing Olympics Yoon Hong-geun, center, speaks during a press conference at the Main Media Center in Beijing, Feb. 8, saying he has requested the International Skating Union and the International Olympic Committee to overturn the rulings on Hwang Dae-hoon and Lee June-seo. Newsis
Koreans' anger goes viral online
Korean national volleyball player Kim Yeon-koung, who plays for Shanghai in China's professional volleyball league, tweeted Monday expressing her anger over Hwang and Lee's disqualifications. RM from K-pop boy band BTS posted on Instagram a video clip of Hwang outpacing two Chinese skaters during his heat and put emojis of clapping hands and a thumb-up.
Other Koreans online also criticized the controversial decision, undercutting the value of the medals the Chinese won and urging Korean national players to boycott the Olympics. Some also took aim at the host nation, raising conspiracy theories that the IOC has probably rigged the Olympics in favor of China.
Korea lodged a protest with the International Skating Union (ISU), the international skating governing body, on Tuesday regarding Hwang's penalty. The ISU rejected it, citing Rule 123 of its General Regulations, arguing that decisions regarding disqualification for rule violations cannot be challenged.
Korea plans to take the matter to the Court of Arbitration for Sport, the top international sports tribunal.
Yoon Hong-geun, the head of the Korean athletic delegation to the Olympics, held a press conference in Beijing, Tuesday, and said he has requested a meeting with IOC President Thomas Bach over the controversial decisions. He said Ryu Seung-min, the IOC member and a former national table tennis player, and Lee Ki-heung, another IOC member and the president of the Korean Sport and Olympic Committee, helped him request the IOC to stress "the importance of the spirit of fair play and to help prevent the repetition of unjust officiating."
"In sports, fair play must be guaranteed," said Yoon, also the president of the Korea Skating Union. "We will take appropriate steps to make our appeal in due course. The final decisions may not be overturned, but we believe that our appeal will help address unfair refereeing in future competitions. We will take whatever measures necessary to make sure such injustices will never occur again in international sports."
Yoon said he had been asked by sports fans and politicians to pull the entire Korean team from the Olympics in protest, but he said it wouldn't be the best course of action at this juncture.
"We have a lot of Olympics still left here," Yoon said. "The best we can do now is to do everything we can to help our athletes compete. I'd like to ask for continued support from our fans."
The Korea Times · by 2022-02-08 14:27 | Beijing Olympics · February 8, 2022
The Korea Times · by 2022-02-08 14:27 | Beijing Olympics · February 8, 2022
Hwang Dae-heon of Korea goes past China's Ren Ziwei and Li Wenlong during the men's 1,000m semifinal 1 short track speedskating event at the Winter Olympics Capital Indoor Stadium on Monday. Newsis
Presidential candidates, citizens slam biased rulings, accusing China of undermining Olympic spirit
By Ko Dong-hwan
Many Koreans, including presidential candidates, have expressed anger after two of their national short track speedskaters were disqualified during the 2022 Beijing Olympics, calling the decision by referees "biased and unacceptable."
Criticism spewed out online after Hwang Dae-heon and Lee June-seo, who finished first and second, respectively, in different groups for the men's 1,000m semifinals at Capital Indoor Stadium on Monday, were disqualified. Hwang was penalized for making an illegal late pass causing contact and Lee for a lane change that caused contact. The rulings sent two Chinese athletes into the finals instead, and China ended up collecting gold and silver.
The rulings left many Koreans scratching their heads as they believe Hwang and Lee finished their heats without violating any regulations. Koreans' anti-China sentiment was especially strong because the rulings came after China's alleged appropriation of the Korean traditional dress known as hanbok during Friday's opening ceremony.
The "stolen Olympic medals" allegation has drawn bipartisan support for Korean athletes.
Presidential candidate Lee Jae-myung of the ruling Democratic Party of Korea (DPK) said on Facebook on Monday night that he was "disappointed and irritated" over the rulings. He also wished Korean athletes would "not get discouraged by the incident."
DPK chairman Song Young-gil said on Facebook that he cannot sleep because of anger over the "biased and outlandish rulings." "People will now start believing that a host country will enjoy more than an advantage of winning medals more easily: the country will probably monopolize the medals."
Main opposition People Power Party (PPP) presidential candidate Yoon Suk-yeol said his heart goes out to the disheartened Korean skaters, saying he sympathized with them for their frustration.
When asked to comment on the anti-China sentiment among the Korean public, however, Yoon was cautious and noted that it is inappropriate for a presidential candidate like him to express such a sentiment toward a certain country.
Lawmakers from the DPK also joined in lambasting the Beijing Olympics. Rep. Park Joo-min said the Olympic organizers should be "ashamed of themselves for tarnishing the Olympics into a local Chinese event." The party's floor leader Kim Yong-min said the "biased rulings damaged the spirit of the Olympics as well as our athletes," while the party's lawmaker Jeon Yong-ki said Monday's race "betrayed our athletes' efforts" and condemned China for "not knowing what angered the rest of the world." Rep. Chun Jae-soo questioned whether China "is capable of hosting the Olympics if it allows such biased decisions" and the country "sold out the spirit of sports and the Olympics."
Lee June-seo of Korea, fourth from left, skates among other athletes during the men's 1,000m semifinal 2 short track speedskating event at the Winter Olympics Capital Indoor Stadium on Feb. 7. NewsisThe party's election camp issued a statement on Tuesday, comparing the controversial rulings to "the Bed of Procrustes," in which the Greek mythological figure abducted travelers and either stretched or chopped off their bodies to fit the length of his bed.
"Sport is supposed to unite humanity and offer ingratiating moments of victory, but it has destroyed fairness and sportsmanship," the camp's spokesperson Park Gwang-on said. "Hwang and Lee were disqualified after proving their highest classes in performance and skill. The biased decisions angered not just Korea but also the rest of the world."
PPP lawmaker Ha Tae-keung said on Facebook the true winners of the controversial race are Hwang, Lee and Hungary's Liu Shaolin Sandor who finished first in the game's finals race but was also disqualified ― allowing Chinese athletes to win gold and silver. He said the International Olympic Committee (IOC) must be shut down if it cannot control unjust rulings and cheating in sports.
Rep. Kim Jae-seob of the party also said, "Illegal gambling, game manipulation and violence in sports are chronic problems in China's professional soccer league. If you find the cases of Hwang and Lee unfair, it was just one of those typical China-like examples."
Other presidential candidates also chimed in on the anti-China movement. Ahn Cheol-soo of the minor opposition People's Party accused China of stealing Korea's medals.
"China must immediately cancel the dirty call and return Korea's gold medal," he wrote on Facebook, Tuesday, urging China to apologize to the athletes of Korea and the world. "As a presidential candidate of Korea, I strongly urge (China) to right the wrong call on its own," he said. "What China did was a very ugly act that ruined the spirit of sports and will not be able to win the support of anyone in the world."
Sim Sang-jung, another presidential candidate of the minor progressive Justice Party, issued a similar statement decrying the incident as a violation of the Olympic spirit.
"Amid the COVID-19 disaster, many people around the world are looking for hope in the Beijing Olympics," she wrote on Facebook. "More than any other Olympics, this Olympics will have to be fair."
The head of the Korean athletic delegation to the Beijing Olympics Yoon Hong-geun, center, speaks during a press conference at the Main Media Center in Beijing, Feb. 8, saying he has requested the International Skating Union and the International Olympic Committee to overturn the rulings on Hwang Dae-hoon and Lee June-seo. Newsis
Koreans' anger goes viral online
Korean national volleyball player Kim Yeon-koung, who plays for Shanghai in China's professional volleyball league, tweeted Monday expressing her anger over Hwang and Lee's disqualifications. RM from K-pop boy band BTS posted on Instagram a video clip of Hwang outpacing two Chinese skaters during his heat and put emojis of clapping hands and a thumb-up.
Other Koreans online also criticized the controversial decision, undercutting the value of the medals the Chinese won and urging Korean national players to boycott the Olympics. Some also took aim at the host nation, raising conspiracy theories that the IOC has probably rigged the Olympics in favor of China.
Korea lodged a protest with the International Skating Union (ISU), the international skating governing body, on Tuesday regarding Hwang's penalty. The ISU rejected it, citing Rule 123 of its General Regulations, arguing that decisions regarding disqualification for rule violations cannot be challenged.
Korea plans to take the matter to the Court of Arbitration for Sport, the top international sports tribunal.
Yoon Hong-geun, the head of the Korean athletic delegation to the Olympics, held a press conference in Beijing, Tuesday, and said he has requested a meeting with IOC President Thomas Bach over the controversial decisions. He said Ryu Seung-min, the IOC member and a former national table tennis player, and Lee Ki-heung, another IOC member and the president of the Korean Sport and Olympic Committee, helped him request the IOC to stress "the importance of the spirit of fair play and to help prevent the repetition of unjust officiating."
"In sports, fair play must be guaranteed," said Yoon, also the president of the Korea Skating Union. "We will take appropriate steps to make our appeal in due course. The final decisions may not be overturned, but we believe that our appeal will help address unfair refereeing in future competitions. We will take whatever measures necessary to make sure such injustices will never occur again in international sports."
Yoon said he had been asked by sports fans and politicians to pull the entire Korean team from the Olympics in protest, but he said it wouldn't be the best course of action at this juncture.
"We have a lot of Olympics still left here," Yoon said. "The best we can do now is to do everything we can to help our athletes compete. I'd like to ask for continued support from our fans."
The Korea Times · by 2022-02-08 14:27 | Beijing Olympics · February 8, 2022
10. North Korea 'behaves' for China during Beijing Games
So far. They are not over yet.
North Korea 'behaves' for China during Beijing Games
A session of North Korea's Supreme People's Assembly is held in Pyongyang, Sunday and Monday, in this photo, provided by the Korean Central News Agency. Yonhap
By Kang Seung-woo
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un's absence from the country's key parliamentary meeting ― as well as the lack of public message for South Korea or the United States ― is raising speculation that the reclusive contry is refraining from its saber-rattling mainly due to the ongoing Beijing Winter Olympics.
According to its state-run Korean Central News Agency, the totalitarian state held the sixth session of the 14th Supreme People's Assembly (SPA) in Pyongyang, Sunday and Monday without Kim's attendance. The SPA is the highest organ of power under the North Korean Constitution, although it rubber-stamps decisions of the ruling Workers' Party.
The meeting came on the heels of seven missile tests, in total, in January, including the launch of an intermediate-range ballistic missile. In addition, the country has threatened to lift its self-imposed moratorium on nuclear and ballistic missile tests in protest against Washington's "hostile" moves. The North Korean leader declared a halt to all nuclear and ICBM tests in April 2018, while engaging in talks with former U.S. President Donald Trump.
Since Kim assumed power in 2011, the leader has attended the SPA on eight out of 14 occasions, with him unveiling the regime's policy directions twice ― in 2019 and 2021.
"At this point, a message that can be issued by Kim about its foreign policy would boil down to its decision to scrap the moratorium and sending such a serious message during the Beijing Olympics could pose a problem to its ties with China, which does not want any military tension during the period," said Park Won-gon, a professor of North Korean studies at Ewha Womans University.
China is North Korea's lone economic pipeline and diplomatic protector who prevents the United Nations Security Council from imposing sanctions on Pyongyang for its provocations.
Other analysts also see Kim's congratulatory message to Chinese President Xi Jinping for the opening of the Winter Games last week as a sign of suspending missile tests.
The North Korean leader said in the message that the bilateral relations had been cemented into "invincible strategic relations."
"Although North Korea test-fired missiles seven times in January, it is anticipated to refrain from staging provocations until the Beijing Winter Olympics are over (on Feb. 20)," said Cheong Seong-chang, the director of the Center for North Korean Studies at the Sejong Institute.
Plus, there were no specific movements, Tuesday, when the nation marked the 74th anniversary of the military's founding.
Park said North Korea may stage a military parade on Feb. 16 to celebrate the 80th birth anniversary of late former leader Kim Jong-il, father of the current leader, during which it may showcase its nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles arsenal, but it would not ruffle China's feathers.
Instead, North Korea is highly expected to stage a major show of force in April, when it is scheduled to mark the 100th birthday of its founder Kim Il-sung on April 15.
"North Korea has propagated 2022 as the 'year of revolutionary, auspicious occasions' and April is the most important month to the country, so it could do something significant for its part," Park added.
11. Remarks by Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield at a UN Security Council Open Debate on Sanctions and Humanitarian Consequences
The Ambassador identifies the real problem. Do not blame the suffering of the Korean people in the north on sanctions.
We call on DPRK to demonstrate a commitment to the wellbeing of its own people by respecting human rights, defunding its unlawful WMD and ballistic missiles program, and prioritizing the needs of its own people – the vulnerable North Koreans.
Remarks by Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield at a UN Security Council Open Debate on Sanctions and Humanitarian Consequences
Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield
U.S. Representative to the United Nations
New York, New York
February 7, 2022
AS DELIVERED
Thank you, Mr. President. And let me join others in welcoming you to the chair this month and I wish you the best success. And I also want to take the opportunity to thank Norway, again, for a successful presidency during the month of January. Thank you, Under-Secretary DiCarlo and Under-Secretary Griffiths, for your briefings and for your remarks.
Sanctions are a potent tool, and as you heard from Under-Secretary DiCarlo, they can be a vital tool to deter and address threats to international peace and security, and ultimately to enhance the security of vulnerable civilians. They make it harder for terrorists to raise funds via international financial systems. They have slowed the development of certain capabilities of the DPRK’s unlawful WMD and ballistic missile programs. And they constrain the resources of those who would spoil peace processes, threaten UN peacekeepers, commit atrocities, and obstruct humanitarian assistance. Like any tool, sanctions can be used effectively or poorly. But that’s a reason to deploy them carefully, not to condemn their use entirely.
Today, I want to outline three ways we can ensure sanctions are as effective and targeted as possible: by committing to minimalizing unintended consequences; by working together as a Security Council to deploy sanctions when we know it will help civilians; and by not undermining sanctions and exacerbating the situations that make such measures necessary in the first place.
First, we have to do everything in our power to ensure sanctions are effective and targeted and minimize unintended consequences. The United States is fully committed to this, and toward taking steps to protect the delivery of humanitarian aid. In fact, the United States has led efforts in every instance in which the Security Council established a humanitarian carveout or a process for humanitarian exemptions to sanctions. In certain cases, humanitarian exemptions can strengthen sanctions by ensuring their economic costs are more effectively targeted.
We have done this routinely in the DPRK Sanctions Committee, in Yemen, and in Somalia. Most recently, this Council unanimously adopted a resolution the United States introduced in December to establish a humanitarian carveout for the Afghanistan sanctions regime. These carveouts were important to help ensure lifesaving humanitarian aid continues to flow to people in dire need. It ensures the pain of sanctions is felt most acutely by leaders, entities, and individuals being targeted, not everyday citizens or those trying to help them. These individuals will argue that the people are being hurt, but the truth is they are being hurt, and they are the ones responsible for hurting ordinary people.
We welcome more Council discussions on this topic. And we encourage the sanctions committees to monitor impediments to the delivery of humanitarian assistance and engage with NGOs and other aid providers – engagement that some Council members reject – to prevent and address any unintended impact of sanctions. And in the meantime, the United States will remain in constant dialogue with our humanitarian partners, with UN agencies, and others on how to ensure sanctions don’t impact their work.
Second, the Security Council should continue to use sanctions when appropriate to improve the lives of people in conflict zones, protect civilians, and promote the peaceful resolution of disputes. We hear regularly from victims asking us to impose sanctions on human rights violators in their country. The key is to work together to ensure these sanctions are effective. If done properly, sanctions can minimize suffering and counter political corruption, violence, abuse, and repression. They can prevent weapons from falling into the hands of those who would use them to target civilians, while exemption procedures allow legitimate actors, such as host governments, to secure the resources that they need. Together, we can use targeted sanctions to discourage attacks on humanitarian aid workers or organizations, medical workers, and UN personnel. That includes using targeted sanctions to address attacks by paramilitary groups, such as Wagner, whose actions curb access to the most vulnerable populations in humanitarian crises, exacerbate or prolong conflict, and increase suffering.
Which leads me to my third and final point: too often, the Security Council’s routine work on sanctions is blocked or undermined by our own members. Certain Council members have blocked critical designations of peace process spoilers, high profile terrorists, human rights abusers, and sanctions evaders. They have blocked the routine appointment of members of sanctions expert panels, including experts in humanitarian affairs. They make it harder for the tool to work as intended. We need to work together to fix this.
When Member States willfully ignore sanctions evasion activity or fail themselves to live up to the commitments, we have all made to enforce these measures, they undermine the tool’s utility, and the work of the Council itself. Meanwhile, it is the legal and moral right of individual Member States or other multilateral groups to impose sanctions on their own, where appropriate, to achieve these important ends.
The United States – to be clear – far prefers to impose sanctions by multilateral means, such as the UN Security Council. But, as we all know, often the Council can become deadlocked, undermining its ability to maintain international peace and security. Member States, including even those on the UN Security Council, sometimes prove unwilling to uphold the UN Charter by implementing their binding obligations. In such situations, the United States and many other countries in the world are prepared to use the legitimate regulations of our sovereign currencies and domestic financial systems as economic leverage to address urgent global challenges, such as nuclear proliferation, human rights abuses and violations, and corruption.
We are concerned some Council members and other Member States have used this discussion to criticize and delegitimize sanctions imposed by individual Member States, with some even arguing that such sanctions are unlawful. The United States categorically rejects that position. It is well established that sanctions imposed by individual Member States or groups of Member States are consistent with international law. Widespread and long-standing State practice, whether by the United States, by the EU and its Member States, or by numerous other Member States, demonstrates that sanctions imposed by individual States are a lawful and effective tool to respond to a range of actions. So, we fully support partners and regional organizations, such as the European Union, the African Union, ECOWAS, that impose their own sanctions in response to threats. We often coordinate with these partners and regional organizations when deadlock prevents Security Council action.
I recognize that Council members may have ideological differences over when and how to use sanctions. But at the same time, all Council members have voted in favor of sanctions that we know will address global threats such as ISIS. We also all share the same commitment to ensure that these measures do not harm innocent civilians. Building on these areas of agreement, I hope the Council can find a way to work together to advance these objectives and minimize efforts to undermine this critically important tool.
Specifically, on DPRK, this Council heard from OCHA in its December briefing to the 1718 Committee that the number one barrier to sending humanitarian assistance into the DPRK is the DPRK’s self-imposed border closures, not international sanctions, as our colleagues have alleged today. The United States remains committed to addressing the humanitarian situation in the DPRK, which is why we have continued to support the 1718 Committee’s swift processing of sanction exemptions for aid organizations, and it is why we are now working closely with the UN Secretariat to establish a reliable banking channel. We call on DPRK to demonstrate a commitment to the wellbeing of its own people by respecting human rights, defunding its unlawful WMD and ballistic missiles program, and prioritizing the needs of its own people – the vulnerable North Koreans.
Colleagues, we must do more to help countries implement sanctions effectively, reinvigorate the work of the Security Council’s sanctions committees and expert panels, which monitor implementation and provide critical reporting on conflict situations, and better integrate sanctions measures into broader preventative diplomacy, peacebuilding, and conflict-resolution strategies. We look forward to engaging in good faith with our partners on the Council to advance a more productive, positive discourse on these issues.
Thank you, Mr. President.
###
12. Seoul Must Stop Condoning N.Korea's Provocations
Seoul must acknowledge the regime's political warfare and blackmail diplomacy strategies and its intent to dominate the Korean peninsula.
Seoul Must Stop Condoning N.Korea's Provocations
Eight permanent members of the UN Security Council plus Japan held an emergency meeting last Friday and issued a statement condemning North Korea's latest launch of an intermediate-range ballistic missile. "We condemn this unlawful action in the strongest terms," they said. But South Korea took no part in the statement even though it was North Korea's seventh missile provocation this year, the most ever in a month, and most of them are pointed at the South.
Last month, UNSC members also issued two statements condemning North Korea's missile launches. The EU, Germany and Sweden took turns issuing strongly worded statements against the North, while the foreign ministers of ASEAN members also condemned the North Korea's actions. Even Vietnam and Laos, which are close to North Korea, signed up. Only China and Russia want nothing further done.
South Korea took no part in any of those statements. Last month, the top nuclear negotiators of the U.S. and Japan in an emergency meeting condemned North Korea's provocations as violating UNSC resolutions, but the South Korean government merely called for a quick resumption of dialogue with the North. Seoul did not even mention that the UN ambassadors of South Korea, the U.S. and Japan discussed responses to North Korea's missile launches. The U.S. is conducting joint military exercises with Japan and Australia in order to thwart North Korea's military provocations, but the South Korean military is sitting them out.
The government here did not even label the North's missile launches "provocations" and merely voiced mild "regret" each time. It finally "condemned" North Korea after the latest launch, and President Moon Jae-in said he is concerned about the North's repeated missile launches "ahead of the presidential election." It is unclear whether he is worried about our country's security or the election results. Moon was quick to voice "strong condemnation" of Yemeni rebels for attacking the UAE halfway around the world, but at home military is busy claiming that the North "exaggerated" the capacity of its purported hypersonic missile, which prompted North Korea to launch another one that flew at a speed of Mach 10.
The government even failed to announce the North's launch of a cruise missile in March last year, saying it did not have to mention every single one of these provocations. Yet North Korea's missiles are the biggest threat to South Korea's national security. How does it expect to protect it if it refuses to cooperate with the international community in dealing with North Korea? It is high time for this craven appeasement to end.
13. N. Korea denies cyberattack allegations, slams US as 'hacking empire'
"Admit nothing, deny everything, make counter accusations." north Korea has this construct down pat.
N. Korea denies cyberattack allegations, slams US as 'hacking empire'
Published : Feb 8, 2022 - 11:20 Updated : Feb 8, 2022 - 11:20
(123rf)
North Korea has denied allegations it has carried out a series of cryptocurrency thefts and cyberattacks on other countries, calling them a "creation" by the United States.
It also denounced the US as a "hacking empire and country of intelligence theft."
The North made the claim in a piece posted on the country's foreign ministry website Monday, following a recent report by US blockchain analysis firm Chainalysis that said North Korean hackers stole around $400 million worth of cryptocurrency through cyberattacks in 2021.
"The United States is making a fuss from the outset of the new year, widely publicizing our 'cryptocurrency theft' and 'cyber-attack' on other countries," the article said. "This is a 'creation' that could only be produced by the US hardened to the marrow with the inveterate repugnance towards our country."
Calling the US "a state of the world's gravest cybercrimes," the North criticized Washington for "abusing the cyberspace" for "pursuing its hegemony."
"The American despicable acts of publicizing the sophistries of our 'cyber-attack' and 'cryptocurrency theft' are intended for tarnishing the prestige of our state as well as for seriously threatening and challenging our sovereignty, and therefore, we will never overlook these acts," the ministry wrote.
Citing a confidential UN report by a panel of experts, Reuters earlier reported North Korea stole more than $50 million between 2020 and mid-2021 from at least three cryptocurrency exchanges in North America, Europe and Asia. (Yonhap)
14. N.Korea warns of imperialists’ scheme to ‘overthrow regime’ with ideological infiltration
Probably no better admission of how much the regime fears information. Just think if we were really conducting a comprehensive information and influence campaign. I am not talking about some pinprick classified activities. I am talking about a comprehensive and synchronized overt information and influence campaign.
N.Korea warns of imperialists’ scheme to ‘overthrow regime’ with ideological infiltration
Party organ urges strengthening youth indoctrination in a special article
Published : Feb 7, 2022 - 17:15 Updated : Feb 7, 2022 - 17:17
North Korean people lay flowers and pay respect to the statues of the late North Korean leaders, Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-Il on Feb. 2. (Yonhap)
The North Korean party’s official newspaper on Monday called for more intense ideological education for younger generations, warning about “imperialists’ calculation” to overthrow the North Korean regime with cultural and ideological infiltration.
The Rodong Sinmun, an organ of the ruling Workers’ Party of Korea, said “anti-socialist maneuvers of the imperialists have been implemented very subtly and viciously in all aspects, including politics, military, economy and culture” in a special article.
In the article, the newspaper claimed that the imperialists have sought to “infiltrate their rotten bourgeois ideological cultures and lifestyles by fair means or foul.”
The Rodong Sinmun notably warned that “reactionary ideology and culture are playing the leading role in (the imperialists’) aggression at present, whereas they were a guide to their invasion in the past.”
“The imperialists’ calculation is that they can easily fulfill the goal of invading (North Korea) and carry out a maneuver to overthrow the (North Korean) regime and system without direct military intervention if they corrupt people’s ideology with a large-scale reactionary ideological and cultural offensive and diffuse exotic lifestyles.”
In particular, the party organ underscored the importance of strengthening ideological education for younger generations to raise their “anti-imperialist class consciousness.”
The newspaper pointed out that the reality is that the “new generation, who only heard of (the imperialists’) exploitation and oppression without experiencing the ordeal of war, has become the main force of the revolutionary ranks.”
The reality, the newspaper said, requires the country to “turn up the intensity of anti-imperialist class education.”
“Ideological consciousness is never hereditary, and anti-imperialist class consciousness must be passed down from generation to generation as a baton of revolution,” the Rodong Sinmun said in the Korean-language dispatch.
“As time goes on and revolution advances, we should firmly prepare the new generation as vanguard fighters of a class who can mercilessly strike down those who intend to harm our ideology and system, dignity, and right to live… by deeply instilling unshakable anti-imperialist class consciousness in the hearts of the new generation.”
The Party organ repeatedly underlined the significance of anti-imperialist class education in preventing ideological degeneration and the collapse of socialist development.
“There can never be satisfaction and vanity in (anti-imperialist) class education. If we weaken class education, it could ideologically disarm us against imperialists and class enemies.”
The Rodong Sinmun said the people’s “hostility toward class enemies” is proportionate to how strong their spirits of self-reliance and self-development are.
Monday’s special article is in line with North Korea’s continuous move to step up its large-scale nationwide ideological campaign to wipe out “non-socialist and anti-socialist practices” since the eighth Party Congress in January 2021.
Prior to the party congress, Pyongyang in December 2020 adopted the “law on rejecting reactionary ideology and culture” at a plenary meeting of the Presidium of Supreme People’s Assembly.
The law stipulates the rules that all institutions, enterprises, organizations, and citizens must follow to “thoroughly prevent the inflow and spread of anti-socialist ideology and culture.”
In particular, Pyongyang has strengthened indoctrination and education of young people and toughened crackdowns on them. As part of the efforts, the 10th Youth League Congress was held for the first time in April 2021 in five years.
In addition, last April, North Korea’s leader Kim Jong-un conspicuously said that education of the younger generation is “a matter of life and death for the party, the revolution, the country and the people” in his concluding speech delivered during the Sixth Conference of Cell Secretaries of the Workers‘ Party of Korea.
Kim pointed out that the reality of “profound changes taking place in the ideological and mental states” of the younger generation calls for Party cells to put greater effort into the education of young people.
Pyongyang has also established a legal framework to mandate young North Koreans’ participation in countrywide ideological campaigns. It adopted a law on the “provision of education of young people” at the session of the Supreme People’s Assembly held last September.
15. South Korea’s Shift Away From Reunification Is a Bad Sign for the Korean Peninsula
We should not be misled by these types of reports. While they may be accurate in terms of polling, they may not be grounded in reality and what will likely happen and what will likely be demanded of South Korea should there be war or instability and regime collapse in the north.
Unfortunately reports as this will lead people to believe that there is no need to plan for unification. That will come back to haunt decision makers.
Conclusion:
Reunification is falling out of vogue, both in the progressive and conservative camps. Younger generations, who will guide the future of inter-Korean relations, not only spurn the concept and possibility of reunification but also are increasingly hostile to the North. Realistically speaking, reunification is becoming more far-fetched each passing day. But its perceptive framework and behavioral manifestations can still contribute to reincorporating the North into the spirit of cooperation and diffusing the malaise draped over the peninsula. Otherwise, the major shift from reunification to mere economic cooperation risks weakening the core ideology that has allowed South Korea to embrace and avoid direct confrontation with the North – that the two owe their provenance to the same language, culture, and ethnicity.
South Korea’s Shift Away From Reunification Is a Bad Sign for the Korean Peninsula
South Koreans increasingly reject reunification with the North amid intensifying hostility and indifference. But inter-Korean relations that prioritize economic ties over reconciliation easily fall prey to global geopolitics.
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South Korean textbooks describe the Korean War as the tragedy of fratricide. Countless families have been split along the 38th parallel and widely broadcast reunions of these separated families serve as a regular reminder that the two Koreas indeed share blood ties. Ethics classes during elementary and middle school frame the matter of reunification as an ethical imperative.
Abiding by a constitution that “aspires to peaceful reunification,” progressive regimes have pursued rapprochement with the “fraternal” North. Former President Kim Dae-jung became the first Korean Nobel Peace Prize laureate for his contribution to détente on the peninsula by staging the first inter-Korean summit in 2000. His successor, Roh Moo-hyun, represented continuity in advancing the “Sunshine Policy” that enticed the North into tighter economic cooperation and dialogues through humanitarian aid. Following a decade of conservative rule, incumbent President Moon Jae-in from the ruling Democratic Party made history by arranging out three inter-Korean summits in 2018.
Yet younger generations have a different view. According to the Korea Institute for National Unification, the vast majority of people under 40 years old eschew reunification. Meanwhile, research by the Korea Institute for Health and Social Affairs illustrates this cohort’s overwhelming preference for perpetuating the status quo, under which the liberal democratic South prospers alone.
As opposed to the older generations’ conception of reunification as a “national mission” or “humanitarian realization,” the younger demographic increasingly subjects inter-Korean relations to rigorous analyses of whether or not such engagements represent “economic leaps” for the South. Lee Jae-myung, the current presidential candidate from the ruling Democratic Party, conforms to this sentiment. Lee favors pragmatic economic relations over reconciliation, deeming reunification to be an outdated goal.
Alarmingly, however, hostility and indifference are brewing underneath this change. As the sense of ethnic commonality diminishes, it’s easier for younger South Koreans to view the North entirely through the lens of enmity. Young South Koreans petitioned Moon to revoke the decision to field an inter-Korean ice hockey team at the 2018 Winter Olympics. Tellingly, around 60 percent of South Korean millennials now bristle at Moon’s intention to donate COVID-19 vaccines to the North. The share of South Koreans regarding the North as “the enemy” has more than doubled since 2005, while those entirely indifferent to whatever happens up north saw a significant uptick.
Politicians have seized on this change in sentiment to score points. Lee Jun-seok, the chairman of the leading opposition People Power Party, posited that “there is no room for compromise with the North,” adding that the South “should take over the North.” In January 2022, Yoon Suk-yeol, the presidential candidate from the PPP, labeled North Korea as “the nemesis,” even mulling preemptive strikes.
Arguments against providing humanitarian aid have gained traction as indifference reigns and people’s vulnerability to misinformation regarding the North increases. The “alchemist conspiracy” holds North Korea transmutes rice into uranium by exchanging staple foods donated from the South for raw materials needed for nuclear weapons. Underpinning the aloofness and animosity is the growing “repugnance to North Korea’s backwardness.”
These changes in public perceptions, and their diplomatic manifestations, could hamper progress toward reciprocal and peaceful coexistence. Abandoning hopes of ethnic integration widens the psychological distance between the two Koreas, which fosters hostility and indifference.
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The desire to minimize the divide between the two societies in order to buffer the repercussions of potential reunification has long formed the bedrock of humanitarian aid and economic cooperation. These efforts are predicated on the vision of peaceful “coexistence and co-prosperity” and “healing the single ethnic community,” which was expected to eventually feed into reunification. The fundamental element of this approach has been the interpretation of North Korean provocations as mere attention-seeking antics meant to clinch favorable international deals and to divert public attention from internal troubles.
Therefore, hopes for reunification enabled casting the North not as an existential threat but as a neighbor in need. Historically, a soft touch on South Korea’s part has gone a long way toward dissipating regional tensions. Despite the North’s 2017 nuclear test, which enraged the United States, it was Moon’s benign diplomatic maneuvers that achieved summits with Kim Jong Un the following year. Even Moon’s two conservative predecessors – Park Geun-hye and Lee Myung-bak – had tolerated provocations from the North in order to keep economic and national ties alive.
Yet once the ideological, if not realistic, goal of reunification fades away, future inter-Korean relations will hang by flimsy economic lines. These weaker motivations would become more prone to larger geopolitical influences. It will be harder to resist, let alone mediate, the tide of grander strategies and combined postures, especially given the intensifying U.S. commitment to East Asia in the aftermath of the Afghanistan debacle.
Treating the North as a lost cause and downplaying ethnic and cultural links will hamper the avuncular approach pursued by a succession of South Korean administrations. Should Pyongyang resort to more military provocations, a South Korea that has given up on reunification would be more likely to completely reject the North as a pariah state and pursue more economic sanctions and even military retaliation. South Korea has always fared relatively well without inter-Korean economic cooperation, but still stayed the course to revitalize dialogues and mutual understanding with reunification in mind. Without the overarching tenet of reunification that has defied hostility from the North, maintenance of a peaceful relationship would be fraught and bumpy.
So far, diplomatic overtures on South Korea’s part have been meant to create the conditions necessary to pave the way to eventual amalgamation of the two Korean societies. Conditions such as denuclearization, economic integration, regional leveling-up of the North, and subsequently diminished grip of autocracy have been considered indispensable precursors to reunification. South Korea has shunned building its own nuclear arsenal based on the notion of the denuclearized Korean Peninsula as a precept for enduring peace. Although the prospect of South Korea developing nuclear weapons remains dim, the evaporation of reunification in the public mind and the North’s unrelenting insistence on nuclear weapons mean one less reason not to pursue nuclearization of the South.
The ramifications stretch to humanitarian causes as well. South Korea adheres to the principle of jus sanguinis in granting citizenship, meaning that even a drop of Korean blood warrants full access to Korean society. Hence, South Korean governments have always provided North Korean defectors with social security numbers and housing. Diplomatic shuffling such as a transfer of authority over inter-Korean relations from the Ministry of Unification to the National Intelligence Service or the Ministry of Foreign Affairs – as suggested by Lee Jun-seok of the PPP – relegates the status of these defectors to that of asylum seekers, toward whom the South is infamously averse.
Reunification is falling out of vogue, both in the progressive and conservative camps. Younger generations, who will guide the future of inter-Korean relations, not only spurn the concept and possibility of reunification but also are increasingly hostile to the North. Realistically speaking, reunification is becoming more far-fetched each passing day. But its perceptive framework and behavioral manifestations can still contribute to reincorporating the North into the spirit of cooperation and diffusing the malaise draped over the peninsula. Otherwise, the major shift from reunification to mere economic cooperation risks weakening the core ideology that has allowed South Korea to embrace and avoid direct confrontation with the North – that the two owe their provenance to the same language, culture, and ethnicity.
16. Can N.Korea Detonate Nuke Warheads in the Air?
Excerpts:
"It looks from photos or video shots -- that it exploded above the ground and this is what you do when you want to have a maximum impact on the people on the ground."
"When you master that technology that you're so precise in detonation and the fusing system survives the reentry to the atmosphere, you can do the same with a nuclear device," added Heinonen. "This is, for me, kind of an alarming sign that they have achieved another important threshold that they are able to have the explosion of the warhead above the ground, most likely at the level which they can decide."
Can N.Korea Detonate Nuke Warheads in the Air?
North Korea seems to have conducted a test of a warhead on a low-altitude short-range missile that explodes in the air, which could be used with a nuclear payload, Voice of America reported Monday.
Commenting on two surface-to-surface tactical guided missiles the North tested on Jan. 27, Olli Heinonen formerly of the International Atomic Energy Agency told VOA, "It looks from photos or video shots -- that it exploded above the ground and this is what you do when you want to have a maximum impact on the people on the ground."
On the day after the test of the missiles, the North's official Korean Central News Agency said that the two tactical guided missiles "proved the explosive power of their warhead as designed."
"When you master that technology that you're so precise in detonation and the fusing system survives the reentry to the atmosphere, you can do the same with a nuclear device," added Heinonen. "This is, for me, kind of an alarming sign that they have achieved another important threshold that they are able to have the explosion of the warhead above the ground, most likely at the level which they can decide."
"The mastering of the timing of the detonation is essential for nuclear warheads, which -- in order to have the maximum impact -- are exploding about half a kilometer above ground."
"This could mean that North Korea may not need to conduct experiments with detonations at higher altitude, which could prompt additional actions by the UNSC," he added.
Jeffrey Lewis of the Middlebury Institute of International Studies also told VOA, "Typically when we detonate a nuclear weapon in an airburst mode above the ground, that just makes it much more efficient use of its blast. So that's quite possible."
17. A growing number of North Koreans refuse to accept money from relatives in South Korea
Corruption.
Excerpt:
“Even if defectors send money, their families are refusing it,” the source continued, adding, “There’s a growing number of North Koreans who would rather live in peace eating only gruel instead of having their family members overseas send money with great difficulty, only to have it stolen by the MSS and get in trouble with the law.”
A growing number of North Koreans refuse to accept money from relatives in South Korea
They would prefer living in poverty rather than risk having their family members overseas send money, a source told Daily NK
A North Korean man recently refused to accept money sent by a relative living in South Korea, a situation that reflects a growing trend among North Koreans with family members living abroad, a Daily NK source in North Hamgyong Province has reported.
“A man in his 60s surnamed Kim who lives in Hoeryong refused to accept money that his daughter in South Korea had sent him for Lunar New Year,” the source said on Feb. 4. “The money transfer broker sought him out three times, but he never agreed to accept the money.”
According to the source, Kim is living with his daughter’s 10-year-old son, whom she left behind in North Korea. Kim has been taking care of his grandson using the money sent by his daughter every now and then. In Oct. 2021, however, the money transfer broker was arrested by the Ministry of State Security (MSS), which led to trouble for Kim as well.
Kim was investigated at the MSS for 15 days, and was physically and verbally abused during the process. Not only was his house searched and RMB 5,500 (around USD 864) taken, he was even sentenced to one month in a forced labor camp.
Kim reportedly complained of the psychological distress he experienced afterwards, with informants watching his every move and tailing him everywhere he went.
A banner extolling “self-sufficiency” near the Sino-North Korean border. (Kang Dong Wan)
After being punished, Kim refused to accept any more of his daughter’s money from the money transfer broker. Through the broker, he told her: “Don’t contact me ever again. Your son is doing well, so I have nothing more to wish for than you living a good life there [in South Korea]. Don’t ask or press me for any explanation, and please don’t send anyone to the house ever again. That’s how you can help us.”
Regarding the man’s response, the source made the following comment: “How badly did officials from the MSS threaten a defector’s relative to the point where he refuses to accept money despite his poverty, and even ask the broker to take it back?
“Everyone is living in fear, because recently, there have been several inminban [people’s unit] meetings alerting everyone that those in possession of Chinese mobile phones will be sent to re-education camps without question,” he said.
“Even if defectors send money, their families are refusing it,” the source continued, adding, “There’s a growing number of North Koreans who would rather live in peace eating only gruel instead of having their family members overseas send money with great difficulty, only to have it stolen by the MSS and get in trouble with the law.”
Please direct any comments or questions about this article to dailynkenglish@uni-media.net.
18. South Korea Needs to Step Up By Yoon Suk-yeol (ROK Presidential Candidate)
This is quite a policy statement from Mr. Yoon. Most US national security practitioners would look favorably on most of the policies outlined here. Unfortunately the US does not get a vote in the ROK presidential elections.
South Korea Needs to Step Up
Seoul Must Embrace a More Expansive Role in Asia and Beyond
February 8, 2022
In just over half a century, South Korea has undergone a dramatic transformation from a poor, authoritarian country devastated by war to an economically dynamic, culturally rich, and resilient democracy. It is a major trade hub and a technological powerhouse. And its pop culture has gone global in recent years, as the boy band BTS and the hit Netflix series Squid Game have become household names.
The country has come a long way, but it can become an even more responsible and respected member of the international community. The incumbent South Korean administration has been guided by a parochial and shortsighted conception of the national interest. A foreign policy tailored mostly to improving relations with North Korea has allowed Seoul’s role in the global community to shrink. Most importantly, the U.S.-South Korean alliance has drifted owing to differences between the two countries on North Korea policy: Seoul has focused on cooperating with Pyongyang whereas Washington has prioritized confronting North Korea over its nuclear threats and human rights violations.
Dealing with North Korea is an important task for any South Korean government. But it should not represent the whole of Seoul’s diplomacy. Dialogue with the North was once a specific means to a specific end: the complete denuclearization of North Korea. Under President Moon Jae-in, however, dialogue with the North has become an end in itself. Meanwhile, as U.S.-Chinese tensions have grown, South Korea has failed to adapt, maintaining an approach of strategic ambiguity without stating a principled position. Seoul’s reluctance to take a firm stand on a number of issues that have roiled the relationship between Washington and Beijing has created an impression that South Korea has been tilting toward China and away from its longtime ally, the United States.
This timidity has extended beyond South Korea’s approach to its own neighborhood. South Korea survived a long, dark period of dictatorship, but has remained conspicuously silent in the face of violations of liberal democratic norms and human rights that invited outrage from other democracies. South Korea is home to the UN-backed Green Climate Fund and International Vaccine Institute, and it is well positioned to take a leadership role on climate change and pandemic response. Yet the current government has failed to take advantage of those assets and step up to the most important global challenges of our time.
This is a moment of change and flux in international politics. It calls for clarity and boldness, and for a commitment to principles. South Korea should no longer be confined to the Korean Peninsula but rise to the challenge of being what I have described as a “global pivotal state,” one that advances freedom, peace, and prosperity through liberal democratic values and substantial cooperation.
A DEEPER, STRONGER ALLIANCE
The intensifying competition between the United States and China poses a strategic dilemma for South Korea and many other countries in East Asia. They cannot neglect their longstanding cooperative relationship with the United States. But their growing economic ties with China make them reluctant to join multilateral initiatives to which Beijing objects. Having experienced Beijing’s anger in the past, Washington’s three partners in the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue—Australia, India, and Japan—are wary of cooperating in ways that would explicitly antagonize China. In 2010, when Japan seized a Chinese fishing vessel near the island chain known as the Diaoyu in China and the Senkaku in Japan, China retaliated by suspending exports to Japan of rare earths, an essential material for semiconductors. Following Australia’s call for an extensive investigation of the precise source of the novel coronavirus that causes COVID-19, Beijing suspended imports of coal, Australia’s main export product.
Like those countries, South Korea has faced Chinese economic retaliation. Unlike them, however, South Korea has succumbed to Chinese economic retaliation at the expense of its own security interests. In the wake of Seoul’s 2016 decision to deploy the U.S.-manufactured Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system to defend against North Korean missiles, China mounted economic pressure from all angles. This included encouraging boycotts of South Korean products and imposing restrictions on South Korean imports and tourism. The Moon government responded with overly accommodating gestures meant to placate China, declaring the “three nos” policy: no additional THAAD deployments, no participation in a U.S. missile defense network, and no establishment of a trilateral military alliance with the United States and Japan. These pledges undercut South Korea’s sovereign right to protect its people. South Korea should never feel compelled to choose between the United States and China; rather, it must always maintain the principled position that it will not compromise on its core security interests. Securing deterrence against the North Korean threat is a matter of sovereignty, and Seoul should remain open to additional deployments of THAAD in proportion to North Korea’s growing missile threat.
South Korea has succumbed to Chinese economic retaliation.
A deeper alliance with Washington should be the central axis of Seoul’s foreign policy. South Korea has benefited from the global and regional order led by the United States. Seoul should seek a comprehensive strategic alliance with Washington, and the nature of U.S.-South Korean bilateral cooperation should adapt to the needs of the twenty-first century. Alliances that solely balance against specific military threats are a thing of the past, especially because it has become common practice to inflict damage on adversaries through economic retaliation or technological assaults. That is why today’s alliances involve complex networks of cooperation on a diverse set of issues, including privacy, supply chains, and public health.
Through a comprehensive economic and security dialogue, South Korea and the United States should cooperate on the development of cutting-edge semiconductors, batteries, cyber-tools, space travel, nuclear energy, pharmaceuticals, and green technologies. The governments of the United States and South Korea should update and synchronize their regulatory approaches in these areas in order to spur development and investment.
DEALING WITH BEIJING AND PYONGYANG
Seoul must also retool its complex relationship with Beijing. China is South Korea’s largest trading partner, and South Korea is a major market for Chinese goods. Despite these economic ties, the countries differ strongly on security concerns, especially when it comes to North Korea. The Chinese government seems to support the denuclearization of the entire Korean Peninsula rather than just North Korea, and its main goal is to preserve the stability of the Kim regime.
A new era of Seoul-Beijing cooperation should be based on the principle that such differences should not get in the way of economic issues. The two countries should regularly hold high-level strategic dialogues to address not only the North Korea issue but also climate change, public health, and cultural exchanges. Relations should be grounded in respect for each other’s interests and policy positions. Just as South Korea does not oppose China’s Belt and Road Initiative and works with Beijing in trade and commerce, China for its part should accept, rather than oppose, South Korea’s cooperative system with its allies.
A more cooperative relationship with Beijing would also help Seoul deal with the North Korean quagmire. Relations between the two Koreas have been distorted by Pyongyang’s provocations and Seoul’s subservient reactions. In 2020, North Korea blew up the joint inter-Korean liaison office in Kaesong, less than two years after it was built by the Moon government. And in the last month alone, North Korea has launched 11 missiles. But the Moon administration has not raised its voice. To make matters worse, South Korea in recent years has allowed its military readiness to deteriorate significantly in the face of a growing threat from the North. For the South Korean government, protecting the lives and property of its people should be the main priority. Seoul must neutralize North Korea’s nuclear and missile capabilities by strengthening South Korea’s air and missile defenses and reinforcing Washington’s extended deterrence against North Korea. South Korea can achieve this by regularly holding the tabletop exercises with the United States, which were conducted only twice during the Moon administration, and by establishing a more concrete agenda for the Extended Deterrence Strategy and Consultation Group that Washington and Seoul established in 2016.
In the last month alone, North Korea has launched 11 missiles.
South Korea should put forward a road map for the denuclearization of the North that clearly sets parameters for negotiations and establishes corresponding measures for each step Pyongyang takes toward the goal. Pyongyang’s sincere and complete declaration of its existing nuclear programs would be the first step milestone in restoring trust. Sanctions against North Korea might then be eased in line with verifiable and irreversible steps Pyongyang must take toward denuclearization.
Negotiations should rest on the idea that if the North Korean leadership makes the bold decision to denuclearize, the South will offer economic support and discuss cooperation projects, including an inter-Korean joint development plan to guide economic relations in a post-denuclearization era. Seoul should also provide humanitarian support that helps the people of North Korea in a practical way and promote people-to-people exchanges and cross-cultural communication between the two Koreas.
TAKING THE INITIATIVE
Just as South Korea should play a more proactive role in matters close to home, it should also take the initiative in the broader region. Rather than passively adapting and reacting to the changing international environment, South Korea should actively promote a free, open, and inclusive order in the Indo-Pacific. Seoul should willingly participate in Quadrilateral Security Dialogue working groups, consider joining multilateral regional cooperative initiatives in phases, and take part in trilateral security coordination with the United States and Japan.
Bilateral relations with Japan also require a rethink, and Seoul should recognize the strategic importance of normalizing ties with Tokyo. Reviving the cooperative spirit of the joint declaration issued in 1998 by South Korean President Kim Dae-jung and Japanese Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi, the two countries should seek comprehensive solutions to their disputes over history, trade, and security cooperation. Above all, South Korea should resume shuttle summit diplomacy and restore trust between the two countries. Seoul should also set up a high-level negotiating team to engage in comprehensive talks with Tokyo on issues of cooperation as well as conflict. To bring back trust and confidence, the two countries should expand the scope of people-to-people exchanges across borders, in particular among the young people of South Korea and Japan.
Seoul should recognize the strategic importance of Tokyo.
In the 1950s, South Korea was reduced to ashes by war and was completely dependent on foreign aid. Just 50 years later, it became an economic powerhouse providing aid to others. Today, the country wants to give back to the international development system by sharing its considerable expertise in economic development. To help the world more quickly achieve the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals, particularly reducing inequality within and among countries, South Korea should expand its overseas development assistance programs. As both an advanced democracy and economic powerhouse, South Korea should play a leading role in development cooperation projects with emerging countries that seek to foster democracy.
To ensure the safety and security of cyberspace, South Korea should establish an international cyber-cooperation network to support the efforts of the UN Group of Governmental Experts and the Open-Ended Working Group, paying particular attention to bridging the digital divide between developed countries and developing ones. As a high-tech powerhouse with strong democratic fundamentals, South Korea will continue to champion an open and secure cyberspace. At home, Seoul should strengthen its own systems for acquiring, managing, and protecting personal data online and increase its oversight on cross-border data flows.
South Korea, like other countries, is being buffeted by a whirlwind of change that has been heightened by the pandemic. The country’s future will be shaped by climate change, rapid scientific and technological advances, and shifting power relations in the international system. In this time of extreme uncertainty, the passive, conventional leadership to which South Koreans have become accustomed cannot guide the country into the future. South Korea can become a vibrant, innovative, and attractive country, but only if its government exercises creative thinking and makes clear choices.
V/R
David Maxwell
Senior Fellow
Foundation for Defense of Democracies
Phone: 202-573-8647
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
FDD is a Washington-based nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy.