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Quotes of the Day:
"We hereby declare that Korea is an independent state and that Koreans are a self-governing people."
"We proclaim it to the nations of the world in affirmation of the principle of the equality of all nations, and we proclaim it to our posterity, preserving in perpetuity the right of national survival."
"We claim independence in the interest of the eternal and free development of our people and in accordance with the great movement for world reform based upon the awakening conscience of mankind."
– Korean Declaration of Independence, March 1st, 1919
1. Voice of America [Washington Talk] “China and North Korea’s Spy Activities Are Rampant, Aiming to Undermine South Korea’s Legitimacy”
2. A North Korean Defector's View on International Politics
3. Acting President Choi emphasizes 'national unity' amid deepening political, ideological division
4. Large-scale rallies for, against Yoon's impeachment take place in Seoul
5. S. Korea's exports rebound to US$52.6 bln in Feb. on autos, bios
6. U.S. officials indicating full reciprocal tariff action will take longer than April timeline to implement: WSJ
7. North Korea resumes missile tests after month-long pause, Kim hails success
8. Forging true partnerships with 2nd Trump administration
9. Shifting global security landscape
10. US Expert: “North Korea Could Have 300 Nuclear Warheads Within 10 Years”
11. Opposition protesters, politicians seek to reclaim Korean national flag from far right
12. Korea's democracy rated 'flawed' after martial law: report
13. Japan and South Korea in the Age of ‘America First’
14. North Korea plays eerie noises around the clock to drown out K Pop from South Korea
15. They weren’t Korean, but they still gave everything for Korea’s independence
1. Voice of America [Washington Talk] “China and North Korea’s Spy Activities Are Rampant, Aiming to Undermine South Korea’s Legitimacy”
VOA's Jiha Ham (filling in for Eunjung Cho) hosts Bruce Klingner and me to discuss the threats on the Korean peninsula.
[Washington Talk] “China and North Korea’s Spy Activities Are Rampant, Aiming to Undermine South Korea’s Legitimacy”
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bCFdXAfvBPA
7,925 views Premiered 2 hours ago #WashingtonTalk #FOLLOW #USA
U.S. military and security experts warned that the Chinese Communist Party and North Korea are trying to promote division and chaos in South Korea and weaken the legitimacy of the South Korean democratic system by expanding their influence and launching a false information offensive. The analysis is that they are plotting to overthrow the South Korean political system and divide the US-South Korea alliance through extensive espionage activities. In response, they emphasized that the US and South Korea should cooperate to counter this with better information warfare and influence operations. Host: Jiha Ham / Interview: David Maxwell (Vice President, Asia-Pacific Strategy Center), Bruce Klingner (Senior Fellow, Heritage Foundation)
#WashingtonTalk #VOA #United States #DonaldTrump #China #NorthKorea #MalignantInfluence #ConspiracyTheory #Democracy #CPAC #Korea #PoliticalChaos #BradSherman #KoreanPeninsulaPeaceAct #EndOfWarDeclaration #KoreanPeninsulaPolicy #Denuclearization #WeaponsofMassDestruction #ArmsControl #DavidMaxwell #BruceKlingner #WashingtonTalk #voiceofamerica ----------------------------------------------- »
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2. A North Korean Defector's View on International Politics
Views on Ukraine, Russia, Korea, and the US (and President Reagan) from the north Korean diaspora.
Excerpts:
Then, I suddenly imagined how President Reagan would have responded to this situation if he were alive. Reagan was the person who led the collapse of the Soviet Union during the Cold War. Considering his “force for peace” philosophy, it is likely that he would have strongly restrained Russian expansionism. He might have strengthened military support for Ukraine and pressured Russia through economic sanctions. At the same time, Reagan was diplomatically flexible, so he might have tried to create a direct dialogue with Putin and bring him to the negotiating table. However, I think he would have maintained a hard-line stance that would never back down.
Some people say Trump resembles Reagan, but I don’t think so at all. Reagan was optimistic and ideologically consistent conservative, while Trump feels more impulsive and focused on personal interests. Reagan valued trust with allies, while Trump often made allies uncomfortable. In the Ukraine War, Trump showed a pragmatic attitude of trying to end it quickly through negotiations, but Reagan would have been more principled in trying to block Russian expansion.
A North Korean Defector's View on International Politics
https://m.blog.naver.com/freedom88-/223779833500
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Watching the Russia-Ukraine war recently has stirred a lot of thoughts in me. Historically speaking, Europe has been a region that fiercely fought for liberal democracy. The French Revolution and the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe are symbolic examples of this struggle. On the other hand, the United States, having grown as a nation rooted in a capitalist economy, tends to lean more toward economic and strategic interests rather than the values of liberal democracy. That's why, observing the recent meeting between Trump and Zelenskyy, I couldn't help but feel that the US came across as somewhat rude.
For the past three years, Ukraine has been fighting against Russia's invasion, defending not only its own freedom but also contributing to the stability of Europe as a whole. Given that Russia's invasion is undeniable, viewing Ukraine as the aggressor distorts historical facts. If Ukraine's fight for freedom is ignored or merely exploited, it ultimately undermines the very values of liberal democracy. In international politics, shouldn't great powers act with true freedom and justice at the core, rather than just pushing their weight around?
Watching Trump's demeanor, he felt more like a real estate developer than a politician. His style of pressing the other side at the negotiating table to maximize his own interests screamed businessman. Of course, international politics is a game of power and interests, but this approach isn't always effective. Especially with a country like Ukraine, where survival is at stake, simply strong-arming them can complicate relations further. Diplomacy should be about building trust over the long term, don't you think?
This led me to wonder how President Reagan would have responded to this situation if he were alive today. Reagan was the figure who played a pivotal role in the collapse of the Soviet Union during the Cold War. Considering his philosophy of “peace through strength,” he likely would have taken a hardline stance against Russia's expansionism. He might have bolstered military aid to Ukraine and pressured Russia through economic sanctions. At the same time, Reagan was diplomatically flexible, so he could have tried to bring Putin to the negotiating table through direct talks. But I believe he would have maintained an unwavering, tough stance regardless.
Some people say Trump resembles Reagan, but I don't see it that way at all. Reagan was optimistic and ideologically consistent in his conservatism, while Trump feels more impulsive and driven by personal gain. Reagan valued trust with allies, whereas Trump often makes them uncomfortable. In the Ukraine war, Trump seems focused on wrapping things up quickly through negotiations, but Reagan would likely have taken a more principled approach to stopping Russia's expansion.
On another note, I find it hard to understand why people separate Russia and the Soviet Union as different entities. Legally, yes, the Soviet Union dissolved, and Russia was recognized as its successor state. But when you look at historical continuity and power structures, doesn't it seem like Russia inherited much of the Soviet Union's core? Especially under Putin's regime, there's a clear attempt to revive the Soviet Union's sphere of influence. Cases like the annexation of Crimea and the war in Ukraine make it feel like the expansionist tendencies of the Soviet era are still very much alive.
Looking at Putin's early career sheds more light on this. He worked as a KGB agent in Dresden, East Germany, during the Soviet era. But rather than engaging in flashy espionage, his role was mostly focused on gathering intelligence and surveillance, and due to the circumstances in East Germany and limitations within the KGB, he didn't stand out much. Experiencing the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union firsthand likely planted seeds of resentment toward systemic collapse and a thirst for power in him. Later, as he rose onto the political stage, his tenacity and knack for seizing opportunities became evident. His statement calling the Soviet Union's dissolution “the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century” speaks volumes about where his worldview comes from.
Ultimately, I think this complex historical context and his personal background have shaped the Russia of today. International politics can't be resolved through power alone—I understand that. But blindly aligning with certain politicians, especially American ones, to discuss global order doesn't feel right.
This time, I think South Korea made a dangerous move. In an agreement related to the Russia-Ukraine war, signing a document that used the ambiguous term “conflict” instead of “invasion” is a big issue. This dilutes the clear fact of Russia's invasion and risks making South Korea's stance look vague on the international stage. South Korea is a divided nation, and North Korea's provocations and threats of invasion still haven't stopped. If we can't uphold our national pride and principles in diplomacy, what happens down the line? Wouldn't we have to turn a blind eye to North Korea's aggressive actions in a future inter-Korean agreement? In such situations, South Korea needs to show a more resolute, independent stance while cooperating with allies but staying firm on our own principles.
Moreover, we must remember that while the US is our ally, we are not their colony. In this Ukraine situation, even though there's talk of peace agreements, the US's intent to expand its influence over Ukraine is apparent. Rather than treating Ukraine as a true ally, they seem to see it as a tool for their geopolitical interests. From this perspective, South Korea shouldn't merely get dragged along by US policies but should protect our national interests through independent judgment and proactive diplomacy.
I had a lot of thoughts watching the recent war between Russia and Ukraine. In historical context, Europe is a region that has fought fiercely for liberal democracy. Events such as the French Revolution and the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe are symbolic examples. On the other hand, the United States is a country that grew based on a capitalist economy, so it tends to lean more toward economic and strategic interests than the values of liberal democracy. Perhaps that is why, watching the recent meeting between Trump and Zelensky, the United States’ attitude felt somewhat rude.
Ukraine has been fighting against Russian aggression for the past three years, contributing not only to the freedom of its own country but also to the stability of Europe as a whole. I think that viewing Ukraine as an aggressor when Russia’s aggression is clear is a distortion of historical facts. If we ignore or simply try to use the power of the freedom that Ukraine has protected, we will end up belittling the value of liberal democracy. Shouldn’t the powerful countries in international politics truly center on freedom and justice, rather than just pushing forward with force?
Trump's attitude is more like a real estate developer than a politician. He seems like a businessman, trying to pressure his opponents at the negotiating table and maximize his own interests. Of course, international politics is a battle of power and interests, but this method is not always effective. Especially in a country like Ukraine where survival is at stake, simply pressuring with force can make the relationship even more complicated. I think diplomacy should be a game of building trust by looking at the long term.
Then, I suddenly imagined how President Reagan would have responded to this situation if he were alive. Reagan was the person who led the collapse of the Soviet Union during the Cold War. Considering his “force for peace” philosophy, it is likely that he would have strongly restrained Russian expansionism. He might have strengthened military support for Ukraine and pressured Russia through economic sanctions. At the same time, Reagan was diplomatically flexible, so he might have tried to create a direct dialogue with Putin and bring him to the negotiating table. However, I think he would have maintained a hard-line stance that would never back down.
Some people say Trump resembles Reagan, but I don’t think so at all. Reagan was optimistic and ideologically consistent conservative, while Trump feels more impulsive and focused on personal interests. Reagan valued trust with allies, while Trump often made allies uncomfortable. In the Ukraine War, Trump showed a pragmatic attitude of trying to end it quickly through negotiations, but Reagan would have been more principled in trying to block Russian expansion.
On the other hand, I also don’t understand the perspective that Russia and the Soviet Union are different countries. Of course, legally, the Soviet Union was dissolved and Russia was recognized as its successor, so they are different. However, if we look at historical continuity and power structure, shouldn’t we see that Russia has inherited a significant portion of the Soviet Union’s core? In particular, since the Putin administration came to power, attempts to recreate the influence of the Soviet era have continued. Cases such as the annexation of Crimea and the Ukrainian War make it seem like the expansionist attitude of the Soviet era has continued.
Putin’s early career makes this more understandable. He worked as a KGB agent in Dresden, East Germany, during the Soviet era. However, rather than engaging in flashy espionage activities, he focused mainly on intelligence gathering and surveillance, and due to the situation in East Germany at the time and the limitations within the KGB, he was unable to display any notable activities. As he personally experienced the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union, he must have developed a sense of resistance to the collapse of the system and a thirst for power. After he entered the political arena, his tenacity and ability to seize opportunities stood out, and his expression of the collapse of the Soviet Union as “the greatest geopolitical tragedy of the 20th century” is a passage that shows where his worldview came from.
In the end, I think that this complex historical context and personal background created today's Russia. I know that international politics cannot be solved simply by force. However, it is not right to discuss world order just because you like a certain politician, especially American politicians.
This time, Korea also made a dangerous move. It is a big problem that it signed an agreement that included the ambiguous expression “dispute” instead of “invasion” in the Russo-Russian War Agreement. This expression obscures the clear fact that Russia invaded, and Korea’s position may be seen as ambiguous in the international community. Korea is a divided country, and North Korea’s provocations and threats of invasion are still ongoing. If we fail to protect our national pride and principles in diplomacy, won’t we end up having to tolerate North Korea’s aggressive actions in future inter-Korean agreements? I think that Korea needs to show its position more firmly in this situation, and maintain diplomatic balance by cooperating with its allies while making clear Korea’s principles.
We must also keep in mind that the United States is only an ally and not a colony of that country. In the current Ukraine situation, the United States is outwardly supporting the peace agreement, but in reality, it is revealing its intention to expand its influence.
Rather than treating Ukraine as a true ally, it seems like they are treating them as a tool for their own geopolitical interests, i.e., as a colony. In this regard, I think that Korea should protect its national interests through diplomacy based on its own judgment and Korean values, rather than simply being dragged along by American policies.
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freedom88-neighbor68number of peopleA person who has achieved his dream becomes someone else's dream! He records his daily life and creates his own space. A person who is middle-aged but is learning English #North Korean defector
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3. Acting President Choi emphasizes 'national unity' amid deepening political, ideological division
To paraphrase Nietzsche - that which does not kill South Korean democracy will make it strong.
Acting President Choi emphasizes 'national unity' amid deepening political, ideological division | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Han-joo · March 1, 2025
By Kim Han-joo
SEOUL, March 1 (Yonhap) -- Acting President Choi Sang-mok on Saturday underscored the need for "national unity," saying South Korea is facing deepening conflicts and divisions as the nation commemorated the anniversary of the 1919 independence movement against Japan's colonial rule.
Choi made the remarks at a ceremony marking the March 1 Independence Movement in Seoul. He spoke on behalf of President Yoon Suk Yeol, whose official duties have been suspended following his brief imposition of martial law in December.
Acting President Choi Sang-mok delivers a commemorative address during a ceremony marking the 106th anniversary of the March 1 Independence Movement in Seoul on March 1, 2025. (Yonhap)
This year marks the 106th anniversary of the nationwide uprising against Japanese colonial rule, a pivotal moment in Korea's fight for independence during Japan's 1910-45 occupation of the Korean Peninsula.
"Today, shadows of conflict and division are growing darker in our society," Choi said, apparently referring to weeks of protests and the growing divide between Yoon's supporters and opponents.
He pointed to ideological, generational, regional and class-based divisions, warning the future of the nation could be at risk if such issues are not addressed.
"To overcome the crisis before us and build a nation that future generations can take pride in, national unity is more important than ever," he stressed.
Choi, who also serves as finance minister, highlighted economic challenges following a downward revision of South Korea's growth outlook due to prolonged political uncertainty and rising global trade protectionism.
"Geopolitical risks are intensifying worldwide, economic and trade uncertainties are growing, and international relations are rapidly shifting," he said.
He vowed that the government will accelerate economic recovery by revitalizing the livelihoods of ordinary citizens and creating more jobs.
The acting president also emphasized the importance of "sustainability," which he said could be achieved through reform measures in various sectors, as well as policies aimed at balanced regional development in a country where wealth and infrastructure are heavily concentrated in the greater Seoul area.
Choi further expressed hope for a new chapter in South Korea-Japan relations as this year marks the 60th anniversary of the normalization of diplomatic relations between the two.
"To effectively respond to the grave international situation, cooperation between South Korea and Japan is essential," he said.
Acting President Choi Sang-mok(L) shakes hands with participants attending a ceremony marking the 1056h anniversary of the March 1 Independence Movement in Seoul on March 1, 2025. (Yonhap)
khj@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Han-joo · March 1, 2025
4. Large-scale rallies for, against Yoon's impeachment take place in Seoul
Here is what AI provides for reports on the protests for today. Yonhap did not provide estimates of the crowd sizes for pro-impeachment and anti-impeachment. It appears the anti-impeachment (pro Yoon) numbers ar greater.
On March 1, 2025, Seoul witnessed large-scale demonstrations both supporting and opposing the impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol, coinciding with the national March 1 Independence Movement Day. Police estimated that approximately 350,000 individuals participated in these rallies across the capital. Korea TimesThe Straits Times
Anti-Impeachment Demonstrations:
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Gwanghwamun Area: Led by conservative activist Pastor Jeon Kwang-hoon and the group Save Korea, rallies commenced at 1 p.m. Police reported that by 2:30 p.m., around 110,000 participants had gathered in the Gwanghwamun and Yeouido areas combined. Chosun Biz+2Korea Times+2Korea Times+2
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Yeouido District: Another significant gathering took place near the National Assembly in Yeouido. Korea Times
Pro-Impeachment Demonstrations:
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Anguk Station Vicinity: Organized by the main opposition Democratic Party of Korea (DPK) and four other opposition parties, a rally commenced at 3:30 p.m. near Anguk Station, approximately 1 kilometer from the Gwanghwamun protest. Police estimated the crowd at 13,000 individuals. Korea Times+1Chosun Biz+1
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Evening March: A subsequent march advocating for President Yoon's removal was scheduled for 5 p.m. in downtown Seoul, with organizers anticipating around 100,000 participants. Korea Times
These demonstrations underscore the deep political divisions within South Korea concerning President Yoon's impeachment.Chosun Biz+2Korea Times+2Korea Times+2
(3rd LD) Large-scale rallies for, against Yoon's impeachment take place in Seoul | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Minji · March 1, 2025
(ATTN: UPDATES throughout; CHANGES photos; RECASTS lead)
SEOUL, March 1 (Yonhap) -- Demonstrators and politicians both supporting and opposing impeached President Yoon Suk Yeol gathered for large-scale rallies in Seoul on Saturday, as the nation grapples with the political fallout from his failed martial law attempt and subsequent impeachment.
The rallies, coinciding with the anniversary of the March 1 Independence Movement against Japan's colonial rule, come after the Constitutional Court held its final hearing on Yoon's impeachment trial Tuesday and began deliberations on whether to remove him from office or reinstate him.
Some 150,000 people gathered for the rallies on both sides, according to a preliminary police estimate, prompting the police to mobilize about 6,400 officers and 230 police buses for crowd control. The rallies ended Saturday evening, without major clashes.
A rally organized by opposition political parties calling for impeached President Yoon Suk Yeol's ouster takes place near Anguk Station, while a rally opposing Yoon's ouster takes place near the Gwanghwamun area on March 1, 2025. (Yonhap)
Rallies led by conservative activist pastor Jeon Kwang-hoon and the conservative Christian group Save Korea began near the Gwanghwamun area in downtown Seoul and Yeouido in western Seoul at 1 p.m. to oppose Yoon's impeachment.
Police estimated up to 120,000 people had gathered for the two rallies.
Dozens of lawmakers from the ruling People Power Party (PPP) attended the rally in Yeouido, including Rep. Yoon Sang-hyun, who delivered a message on behalf of the impeached president on the rally stage.
"When the will and the sense of responsibility to defend freedom are lost, communist totalitarianism and populism will take its place," the lawmaker quoted Yoon as saying. "We must fight until the end with that will and sense of responsibility."
At the rally, people carried signs that expressed opposition to Yoon's impeachment and support for his declaration of martial law, while others waved the Korean and U.S. flags, and chanted the impeached president's name.
Those who took part in the event organized by Save Korea marched along the outer wall of the National Assembly following the rally.
Rep. Kim Gi-hyeon (2nd from L) and Rep. Choo Kyung-ho of the ruling People Power Party (L) attend a rally supporting impeached President Yoon Suk Yeol organized by conservative Christian group Save Korea in Yeouido, in western Seoul, on March 1, 2025. (Yonhap)
Meanwhile, a rally organized by the main opposition Democratic Party (DP) and four other opposition parties took place just 1 kilometer away from the conservative rally in downtown Seoul at 3:30 p.m., calling for Yoon's removal from office.
DP leader Rep. Lee Jae-myung was among the 18,000 people gathered for the rally near Anguk Station, where the Constitutional Court is located, according to an unofficial police estimate. The DP said some 130 lawmakers took part.
Lee denounced the PPP, claiming that those who deny constitutional order and the rule of law cannot be conservatives.
"We have to overcome those who destroy the Constitution and the rule of law under the mask of conservatism, and recover democracy," he said during the rally.
Main opposition Democratic Party leader Rep. Lee Jae-myung (C, front row) attends a rally organized by opposition political parties calling for impeached President Yoon Suk Yeol's ouster, in central Seoul on March 1, 2025.
At 5 p.m., another group of protesters calling for Yoon's ouster held a rally in downtown Seoul, with about 15,000 people gathering, according to police estimate.
Participants held picket signs supporting Yoon's impeachment and chanted, "Hurray for democracy," and "Hurray for ending insurrection."
Some waved the Korean flag and sang the Korean folk song Arirang. A group of protesters marched toward the Constitutional Court following the rally.
Traffic was restricted on parts of Sejong-daero in downtown Seoul, as well as parts of Yeoui-daero in western Seoul.
Due to the large number of people gathered in downtown Seoul, subway trains temporarily passed Gwanghwamun Station without stopping, but normal operations resumed at about 3 p.m.
yunhwanchae@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Minji · March 1, 2025
5. S. Korea's exports rebound to US$52.6 bln in Feb. on autos, bios
(2nd LD) S. Korea's exports rebound to US$52.6 bln in Feb. on autos, bios | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Na-young · March 1, 2025
(ATTN: ADDS more details)
SEOUL, March 1 (Yonhap) -- South Korea's exports increased 1 percent last month from a year earlier, rebounding from a decrease the previous month, thanks to an increase in overseas sales of computers and automobiles, data showed Saturday.
Outbound shipments came to US$52.6 billion last month, compared with $52.1 billion a year ago, according to data compiled by the Ministry of Trade, Industry and Energy.
Imports rose 0.2 percent on-year to $48.3 billion, resulting in a trade surplus of $4.3 billion.
Exports returned to growth just a month after they decreased in January due to a fewer number of business days.
This Feb. 19, 2025, file photo shows cars waiting to be exported near a port in Pyeongtaek, about 65 kilometers south of Seoul. (Yonhap)
The ministry said the rise in exports came on the back of the robust performance of automobiles and computers, which includes solid-state drives (SSDs).
Automobile exports jumped 17.8 percent on-year to $6.1 billion last month, snapping their three-month losing streak.
In particular, overseas sales of hybrid cars soared 74.3 percent to $1.3 billion.
Exports of computers, including SSDs, advanced 28.5 percent to $800 million to extend their on-year gains to the 14th consecutive month, and exports of wireless communication equipment surged 42.3 percent to $1.5 billion.
Bio-health exports climbed 16.1 percent to $1.4 billion, with biopharmaceutical sales, in particular, shooting up 45.5 percent.
Outbound shipments of chips, however, dropped 3 percent on-year to $9.6 billion last month, due to a steep fall in the price of memory chips.
Exports of petroleum products decreased 12.2 percent to $3.9 billion due to a decline in gasoline and diesel prices.
Exports of ships and rechargeable batteries also dipped 10.8 percent and 9.6 percent to $1.6 billion and $630 million, respectively.
This file photo taken Feb. 12, 2025, shows a port in Busan, about 325 kilometers southeast of Seoul. (Yonhap)
By destination, exports to China slipped 1.4 percent to $9.5 billion last month due to sluggish chip sales, while exports to the United States rose 1 percent to $9.9 billion, thanks to strong demand for chips and computers.
Outbound shipments to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) gained 12.6 percent to $9.6 billion on the back of strong sales of chips and petroleum products, logging the second-largest export volume for any February.
Exports to India expanded 18.6 percent to a record $1.7 billion for February, and outbound shipments to the Middle East increased 19.6 percent to $1.7 billion.
Exports to the European Union shed 8.1 percent to $5.2 billion.
"Exports hit a bump in January but rebounded in February to log a trade surplus," Industry Minister Ahn Duk-geun said, adding South Korea's exports are showing strong competitiveness despite heightened global uncertainties sparked by the U.S. government's protectionist trade policies.
nyway@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Na-young · March 1, 2025
6. U.S. officials indicating full reciprocal tariff action will take longer than April timeline to implement: WSJ
U.S. officials indicating full reciprocal tariff action will take longer than April timeline to implement: WSJ | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Song Sang-ho · March 1, 2025
By Song Sang-ho
WASHINGTON, Feb. 28 (Yonhap) -- U.S. officials are privately indicating the full action on "reciprocal" tariffs will take longer than President Donald Trump's April timeline to implement, the Wall Street Journal reported Friday, noting a raft of his tariff announcements are creating a "bottleneck" at relevant government agencies.
Officials are signaling that the full action will take more time -- up to six months or even more, the daily said, citing people familiar with internal discussions, as Trump has reaffirmed April 2 as the date for reciprocal tariffs -- duties to be imposed to match what other countries slap on American goods.
There will likely be an announcement on April 2, but the time frame is "too small" to fully analyze the tariffs and non-trade barriers of all countries, according to the newspaper.
The Trump administration has said that it will customize reciprocal tariffs based on trading partners' duties, non-tariff barriers, exchange rate policies and other elements, such as their "unfair, discriminatory or extraterritorial" taxes, including a value-added tax.
U.S. President Donald Trump stands in the Oval Office of the White House on the day Howard Lutnick is sworn in as U.S. commerce secretary by Vice President JD Vance in Washington, D.C., on Feb. 21, 2025, in this photo released by Reuters. (Yonhap)
Since taking office last month, Trump has made a series of announcements on tariffs, including the plan to impose 25 percent tariffs on all steel and aluminum imports, the threat to impose tariffs on Canadian and Mexican goods and his pursuit of duties on cars, chips and pharmaceuticals.
The president has been using tariffs as a key policy tool to pare down America's trade deficits, boost domestic manufacturing and achieve other policy goals, such as stemming the inflow of unauthorized migrants and drugs, including fentanyl.
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(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Song Sang-ho · March 1, 2025
7. North Korea resumes missile tests after month-long pause, Kim hails success
Again, hardly a blip on everyone's radar.
North Korea resumes missile tests after month-long pause, Kim hails success
https://www.chosun.com/english/north-korea-en/2025/02/28/C6MMYFI5PFAA5A254IS4AFWBLA/
By Kim Myeong-il,
Park Su-hyeon
Published 2025.02.28. 10:51
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un observes a strategic cruise missile launch drill over the West Sea on Feb. 26, 2025, in this photo released by the Korean Central News Agency on Feb. 28./KCNA
North Korea conducted a strategic cruise missile test over the West Sea (Yellow Sea) on Feb. 26, as leader Kim Jong-un oversaw the drill, reaffirming the country’s nuclear deterrence policy, state media reported on Feb. 28.
According to the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA), the missiles flew along an elliptical trajectory of 1,587 kilometers (986 miles) for approximately 7,961 to 7,973 seconds before striking their intended targets. The test marked North Korea’s first known cruise missile launch since Jan. 25.
Kim expressed satisfaction with the results, stressing that regularly testing the reliability and operational capability of the country’s nuclear deterrent is critical to preventing war. He stated that “the most complete deterrence and defense capability comes from possessing overwhelming offensive power.” He further emphasized that North Korea’s nuclear forces must maintain a high state of readiness to act as a “trustworthy nuclear shield” safeguarding the nation’s security.
A building explodes after being struck by a strategic cruise missile during a launch drill over the West Sea on Feb. 26, 2025, as observed by North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, in this photo released by the Korean Central News Agency on Feb. 28./KCNA
Kim Jong-sik, vice director of the ruling Workers’ Party’s munitions industry department, and Jang Chang-ha, general director of North Korea’s Missile Administration, were also present for the test.
State media photos showed the missiles flying at low altitudes over water before striking and destroying a low-rise building on a small hill.
The Rodong Sinmun, North Korea’s ruling party newspaper, said the test was aimed at demonstrating the country’s ability to retaliate against perceived threats, reinforcing the credibility of its nuclear deterrent, and improving the operational readiness of its strategic cruise missile units.
8. Forging true partnerships with 2nd Trump administration
Excerpts:
This surge underscores the need for technological advancements to enhance both the capacity and quality of power supply in the energy sector. Given our industrial strengths in manufacturing, it is essential to leverage these assets to formulate future strategies, with a focus on bolstering the capabilities of the power industry.
If the Trump administration recognizes that Korea's strategies are compelling, the significance of Korea and its corporate sector will undoubtedly increase.
The second Trump presidency moves beyond abstract notions of good and evil into a period of “friend-shoring,” where only those who provide tangible benefits can become allies. This suggests that while we are facing a crisis, we are also witnessing new opportunities, as we are in a transformative period. The rise of digitization once led to the decline of Japan’s electronics industry, but the advent of the AI era does not necessarily signal the end of hardware manufacturing.
To capitalize on this evolving landscape, Korea must harness its manufacturing prowess in conjunction with AI, strategically positioning itself for a significant leap forward in the new era.
Forging true partnerships with 2nd Trump administration
The Korea Times · February 28, 2025
By Choi Sung-jai
Choi Sung-jai
The shift from analog to digital technology represents a significant transformation, akin to the creation of a new playing field. When this field changes, it not only creates new industries but also determines the fates of businesses, causing some to rise while others which failed to adapt to the change fall.
Currently, we are witnessing the reshaping of a field centered around the United States. It is not that the Donald Trump administration has altered the rules of the game. Rather, it is more accurate to say that the administration is responding to changes that were already underway.
One of the drivers of this transformation is artificial intelligence (AI), which acts as a catalyst for disruptive innovation. Throughout its development, AI has experienced fluctuations, but it has consistently found breakthroughs. Once a technology passes a critical threshold, it creates a new landscape.
AI, as it integrates with existing technologies, will reveal new dimensions. For instance, Elon Musk, who leads the U.S. Department of Government Efficiency, has pointed out that AI-equipped unmanned drones could replace fifth-generation fighter jets like the F-35, dramatically reducing the cost of warfare — a scenario that could also occur within industries.
Changes in the industrial landscape are directly linked to the survival of businesses, nations and societies alike. In this evolving context, making friends and establishing shared technological standards with them becomes essential.
On the onset of the second Trump administration, norms and rules of international trade are likely to transition from a free trade order, represented by the World Trade Organization, into a more bloc-oriented trade system where allies unite.
This reorganization is closely related to technological changes. In this new order, countries and companies within a bloc will each take on specific roles, fostering growth within the new framework. A transformation is indeed underway in the trade order.
This holds true at the national level. Korea Chamber of Commerce and Industry Chairman Chey Tae-won recently appeared on a broadcast stating that the international order is transitioning from the rules of wrestling to those of swimming. Chey also highlighted the importance of talent and electricity in the era of AI. His observation is timely and insightful.
As Chey underscored, two factors are essential in the AI industry — talent and electricity. Regarding talent, it is critical to focus on both cultivating new talent and attracting existing talent. Forming a proactive core group that can change the game and strategically respond to changes is crucial.
Another key infrastructure in the AI industry is the power sector. The power consumption of global AI data centers is projected to triple by 2030, increasing from 400 terawatt-hours to 1,065 terawatt-hours, which is equivalent to twice the annual power use of Korea.
This surge underscores the need for technological advancements to enhance both the capacity and quality of power supply in the energy sector. Given our industrial strengths in manufacturing, it is essential to leverage these assets to formulate future strategies, with a focus on bolstering the capabilities of the power industry.
If the Trump administration recognizes that Korea's strategies are compelling, the significance of Korea and its corporate sector will undoubtedly increase.
The second Trump presidency moves beyond abstract notions of good and evil into a period of “friend-shoring,” where only those who provide tangible benefits can become allies. This suggests that while we are facing a crisis, we are also witnessing new opportunities, as we are in a transformative period. The rise of digitization once led to the decline of Japan’s electronics industry, but the advent of the AI era does not necessarily signal the end of hardware manufacturing.
To capitalize on this evolving landscape, Korea must harness its manufacturing prowess in conjunction with AI, strategically positioning itself for a significant leap forward in the new era.
Choi Sung-jai is an attorney and a professor of law at Sejong University. He studied intellectual property & antitrust law. Choi represented the Fair Trade Commission in a 2019 lawsuit filed by U.S. tech giant Qualcomm, which sought to overturn a 1.03 trillion won fine against the company. In the high-profile case, Choi successfully defended the commission, leading to a favorable ruling.
The Korea Times · February 28, 2025
9. Shifting global security landscape
Conclusion:
As the global security landscape continues to shift, it is clear that South Korea can no longer afford to take its alliances for granted. The time has come for South Korea to ensure that its security and economic interests are at the forefront of U.S. policy considerations. In a world where alliances are increasingly fluid, South Korea must act swiftly and strategically to navigate the challenges ahead.
Shifting global security landscape
The Korea Times · February 27, 2025
South Korea increasingly needs to take preemptive measures
The post-World War II international order, long defined by alliances between democratic countries like the United States, Britain and France, is undergoing a seismic shift. The U.S. foreign policy under the Trump administration, particularly its "America First" approach, has raised serious questions about the future of these alliances. Recent developments in the United Nations Security Council and U.S. foreign policy signal the erosion of traditional democratic coalitions, particularly as the U.S. has aligned itself with Russia, China and North Korea in surprising ways.
The U.S. on Monday played a pivotal role in passing a pro-Russian resolution in the Security Council on the third anniversary of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The resolution was adopted with 10 votes in favor and five abstentions. Out of the five permanent Council members, the U.S., China and Russia supported the resolution, while France and Britain abstained. This unusual alignment suggests a profound reversal of the traditional international security framework, where liberal democracies typically confronted authoritarian states like Russia and China. The shift in the U.S. government's shift — particularly its opposition to a resolution condemning Russia alongside North Korea — further underscores the growing rift between the U.S. and its European allies.
At the heart of this change is the Trump administration’s staunch pursuit of national interests over collective global values. U.S. President Donald Trump has consistently pushed for negotiations with Russia to end the war in Ukraine despite growing concerns from European countries and Ukraine itself. Trump’s characterization of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy as a “dictator” and his insistence on holding Ukraine accountable for the war has deepened these tensions. The U.S. has also demanded that Ukraine sign a controversial agreement granting the U.S. 50 percent of profits from Ukraine's mineral resources, including rare earths. Faced with these pressures, President Zelenskyy is expected to fly to Washington to finalize the deal, signifying the tough diplomacy at play.
Meanwhile, Europe is already preparing for a new era of self-reliance in defense. Britain has announced plans to increase its defense spending from 2.3 percent to 3 percent of gross domestic product, signaling the country’s intent to protect its security interests amid a changing global environment. Germany is also seeking to convene a meeting of European countries to discuss the establishment of self-defense nuclear deterrence, a move that highlights the growing uncertainty about the reliability of NATO and the U.S. as a security guarantor.
For South Korea, the shifting security dynamics are a cause for concern. The unexpected U.S. alignment with Russia and its increasing isolationist stance means that South Korea may no longer be able to rely on the U.S. in the same way it has for decades. With Trump’s apparent focus on forging a deal with North Korea, the U.S. will likely prioritize negotiations with Pyongyang over maintaining the integrity of the South Korea-U.S. alliance.
This shift in focus could have significant implications for the Korean Peninsula. Trump has previously expressed interest in meeting North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, a prospect that could gain new traction as he pursues his foreign policy agenda. However, such a strategy risks undermining the security and strategic interests of South Korea, which has been a vital U.S. ally in both economic and military terms. The decades-long partnership between the U.S. and South Korea has not only provided security for the region but has also been a cornerstone of economic cooperation, particularly in key sectors like semiconductors, batteries and automobiles. South Korean companies have made substantial investments in these industries, contributing significantly to the U.S. economy.
In light of these developments, it is crucial for South Korea to take preemptive steps to safeguard its security interests. The U.S. must first engage in consultations with South Korea before any deal is struck with North Korea. Such discussions should emphasize the value of the South Korea-U.S. alliance, which has been a pillar of stability in the region. If the U.S. bypasses South Korea and enters into negotiations with North Korea on its own terms, it risks igniting anti-American sentiment among the South Korean public, damaging a relationship that has been vital for both countries.
As the global security landscape continues to shift, it is clear that South Korea can no longer afford to take its alliances for granted. The time has come for South Korea to ensure that its security and economic interests are at the forefront of U.S. policy considerations. In a world where alliances are increasingly fluid, South Korea must act swiftly and strategically to navigate the challenges ahead.
The Korea Times · February 27, 2025
10. US Expert: “North Korea Could Have 300 Nuclear Warheads Within 10 Years”
This is a Google translation of an RFA report.
US Expert: “North Korea Could Have 300 Nuclear Warheads Within 10 Years”
WASHINGTON - PARK JAE-WOO parkja@rfa.org
https://www.rfa.org/korean/in-focus/2025/02/27/north-korea-russia-missile-cooperation-us-defense/
2025.02.28
Ankit Panda, senior researcher at the International Fund for Peace, being interviewed in the Radio Free Asia (RFA) studio. /RFAPhoto (Yoo Hyung-jun/RFA)
Anchor: As military cooperation between North Korea and Russia deepens, concerns are growing over whether the U.S. missile defense system can effectively block North Korea’s intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs). Reporter Park Jae-woo spoke to nuclear and missile expert Ankit Panda, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, about North Korea’s nuclear threat and the prospects for its missile technology development.
As North Korea-Russia relations grow stronger with North Korea providing missile support and sending troops to Russia, U.S. President Donald Trump is entering negotiations, insisting on ending the war in Ukraine.
With North Korea's ballistic missiles now deployed in Ukraine and the possibility of technological assistance from Russia, North Korea's nuclear and missile capabilities are rapidly advancing.
This is likely to further complicate North American negotiations following the war in Ukraine.
On the 25th, Radio Free Asia (RFA) invited Ankit Panda, a senior researcher at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, a private research institute in the United States, to its studio and conducted an interview.
He warned that if North Korea does not enter into denuclearization or nuclear disarmament talks, it could become the world's fourth-largest nuclear power with more than 300 nuclear warheads within the next 10 years.
Below is the full interview with Senior Researcher Ankit Panda.
Ankit Panda, senior researcher at the International Fund for Peace, being interviewed by reporter Jae-Woo Park in the Radio Free Asia (RFA) studio. /RFAPhoto
[Reporter] If North Korea were to launch an intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) toward the U.S. mainland, do you think the U.S. would be able to respond appropriately?
[Ankit Panda] It is unlikely that North Korea will actually launch an ICBM. It would be suicidal. But from a technical standpoint, the answer to the question, "Can North Korea detonate a nuclear warhead on an American city?" is "It is quite possible." Every weapon system has a chance of failure, but North Korea's missile technology is more than enough to do what Kim Jong-un wants.
[Reporter] So, can the US intercept North Korea’s ICBMs with its missile defense system?
[Ankit Panda] The US homeland missile defense system is very limited. There are currently 44 interceptor missiles deployed (in the western US). 40 of them are in Alaska and four are at Vandenberg Air Force Base in California.
It takes 3-4 interceptor missiles to intercept one ICBM. If North Korea develops more ICBMs, the US defense capability will only be further weakened. It is estimated that North Korea currently has more than 20 ICBM mobile launchers. Therefore, when considering missile defense, the US situation is not so favorable.
The United States is not only relying on its defense systems, but is likely to preemptively strike North Korea's missile launchers if signs of war are imminent. However, the key question is how many missiles North Korea will successfully launch, how many of them will be intercepted, and what is the probability that the unintercepted missiles will reach the U.S. mainland and explode. Given these uncertainties, if North Korea's ICBMs are actually launched, it could be a risk that the U.S. president is unlikely to take.
Russian President Vladimir Putin and North Korean Workers' Party General Secretary Kim Jong-un pose for a commemorative photo after signing the 'Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Agreement' at the Kumsusan State Guest House in Pyongyang in June last year. /Yonhap News
[Reporter] North Korea is working to increase its nuclear weapons capabilities by developing hypersonic missiles, submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), and fighter jets. What is North Korea trying to achieve through this?
[Ankit Panda] North Korea's nuclear power is likely to be built around ICBMs and ballistic missiles rather than SLBMs or fighter jets. ICBM warheads are essential to Kim Jong-un, and they are a key element of North Korea's deterrence strategy. I believe that the effort to develop submarine ballistic missiles and fighter jets is for the internal balance of the Korean People's Army.
Only by directly threatening the U.S. mainland can Kim Jong-un maximize his desired deterrence effect, and ICBMs are at the heart of this.
Also, North Korea's short-range ballistic missile KN-23 (North Korea's version of Iskander) is also considered an important tactical asset (for the US and its allies). Currently, North Korea is emphasizing this missile and using it in the Ukraine war while supporting Russia. Through this, they are obtaining data on missile performance and it is highly likely that it will act as a difficult factor in neutralizing missile defense systems.
As a result, it is likely that Kim Jong-un will choose this missile as a nuclear-tipped missile in the event of an emergency, but it is unclear which warhead he would use. North Korea has previously claimed two nuclear warhead designs: a large hydrogen bomb for ICBMs and a smaller warhead for regional missiles.
The recently revealed 'Hwasan-31' tactical nuclear weapon is also under consideration and may have been deployed. In addition, additional nuclear tests may be conducted to verify the design.
[Reporter] I understand that tactical nuclear weapons such as the KN-23 are intended to target countries such as Korea and Japan rather than the US mainland.
[Ankit Panda] US military bases, ports, air force bases with missile defense systems, airfields with stealth fighters in South Korea, and missile launch sites in South Korea would be prime targets for these weapons.
US President Donald Trump and North Korean General Secretary Kim Jong Un meet in Singapore on June 12, 2018 / Yonhap News
[Reporter] As you mentioned earlier, North Korea's KN-23 was provided to Russia and used in the Ukrainian battlefield. What does this mean for the security environment on the Korean Peninsula?
[Ankit Panda] The actual use of the KN-23 was an important data-providing opportunity for North Korea. North Korean engineers supported the operation of Russian missiles and collected performance improvement data, which is being used in North Korea’s missile development. This will be a very important factor in strengthening the tactical nuclear weapons operation capability.
[Reporter] There is a possibility that North Korea is receiving a lot in return for providing missiles to Russia and even sending troops. Russia has already provided a lot of goods, including food and fuel. There is also a possibility of weapons technology support. What missile technology does North Korea need most from Russia?
[Ankit Panda] North Korea needs Russian missile guidance systems, computer technology, cruise missile control and control technology, etc. In particular, technology to improve ballistic missile manufacturing standards and space launch technology are also important factors. North Korea is likely to accelerate its nuclear weapons development by securing raw materials and composite materials through cooperation with Russia.
[Reporter] As North Korea and Russia grow closer, is there a possibility that Russia will recognize North Korea as an official nuclear state?
[Ankit Panda] Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov recently stated that he no longer considers the North Korean nuclear issue a nuclear proliferation issue. Since the early 1990s, the international community, including Russia, has viewed North Korea as a major target of the nuclear proliferation issue, but Russia now appears to have completely abandoned that position. Russia currently has active economic and military cooperation with North Korea, and rarely mentions North Korea’s nuclear weapons.
Even the United States is now more focused on deterrence and risk reduction than on North Korea’s denuclearization. However, North Korea is the only country that has withdrawn from the NPT (Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty) and developed nuclear weapons, and it still needs to be addressed as a major issue in the nuclear proliferation issue.
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[Reporter] President Trump, who recently took office, has shown a willingness to talk to North Korea. If talks begin, it seems likely that he will engage in nuclear negotiations. What kind of technical discussions will there be regarding missiles?
[Ankit Panda] Even if President Trump resumes negotiations with Kim Jong-un, the goal is likely to be risk reduction for the United States, not denuclearization.
As a president who advocates America First, Trump will likely focus on the ICBM issue that threatens the U.S. mainland. However, if South Korea and Japan participate, weapons such as short-range missiles (KN-23) will also become major topics of discussion.
Negotiations are likely to proceed in the direction of reducing the nuclear threat rather than denuclearization, and the issue of stopping plutonium reprocessing and uranium enrichment, which were discussed at the 2019 Hanoi summit, may come back to the negotiating table.
If North Korea’s activities are temporarily halted, it will help slow down the pace at which North Korea deploys its nuclear capabilities. But as the world situation changes and North Korea-Russia relations deepen, it will become increasingly difficult for the United States to strike a favorable deal. The United States is now in a position where it must offer Kim Jong-un a competitive offer to compete with what Putin is offering.
[Reporter] If North American negotiations fail to proceed properly and nuclear negotiations are neglected, how do you think North Korea's nuclear missile technology will develop over the next 10 years?
[Ankit Panda] Kim Jong-un is likely to continue to modernize and expand his nuclear arsenal. In particular, he will deploy nuclear weapons in a variety of ways to avoid a preemptive strike. For example, they are likely to be deployed from a variety of platforms, including submarines, mobile launchers, and silos.
[Reporter] Researcher, how many nuclear warheads do you estimate North Korea currently possesses?
[Ankit Panda] The current number of nuclear warheads in North Korea is estimated at 50 to 100. However, there is a possibility that North Korea will become the world's fourth-largest nuclear power (after the United States, Russia, and China) within the next 10 years. It is difficult to predict the exact number, but it is possible that North Korea will possess more than 300 nuclear warheads by the mid-2030s.
Editor Park Jeong-woo, Web Editor Lee Gyeong-ha
11. Opposition protesters, politicians seek to reclaim Korean national flag from far right
Opposition protesters, politicians seek to reclaim Korean national flag from far right
The Korea Times · February 28, 2025
A protest against President Yoon Suk Yeol's impeachment is held near the presidential residence in Seoul, Jan. 6. Korea Times photo by Choi Won-suk
By Lee Hae-rin
Park, a 33-year-old office worker in Seoul, plans to take a Korean national flag along with her light stick to the rally that supports the impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol this Saturday.
"The national flag suits us better than the anti-impeachment rallies that aimed to justify President Yoon Suk Yeol's emergency martial law declaration," she said. "March 1 Independence Day is also a good opportunity to reframe the image of the national flag."
An anonymous user of X, formerly Twitter, who identifies as a member affiliated with the main opposition Democratic Party of Korea (DPK), also agreed with this idea.
She uploaded a photo of the Korean national flag on Sunday and wrote, "What a perfect occasion to take the Taegeukgi (national flag) back. Let’s raise the national flag on March 1, please." The post was shared more than 8,000 times and liked 10,900 times as of Friday.
While the political heat has reached its peak on both sides of the rallies for and against the impeachment of Yoon for his short-lived martial law on Dec. 3, several pro-impeachment supporters are planning to wave the flag on Saturday, aiming to bring the Taegeukgi back from conservative supporters of the president.
For the past few years, the national flag has become a prominent fixture of hardline conservative rallies in Korea. It started in 2016 during the impeachment trial of former President Park Geun-hye.
A protest against former President Park Geun-hye's impeachment is held near the Constitutional Court in Seoul, March 9, 2017. Korea Times photo by Choi Won-suk
Those opposing her impeachment chose to wave the Korean national flag, in contrast to the liberal candlelit vigil movement, saying “candle lights can be blown out, but the Taegeukgi stands for good.” Even after Park's impeachment, conservatives have carried the national flag at rallies to express their opposition to the liberal bloc.
Also known as "Taegeukgi Budae," literally meaning "National Flag Brigade," this far-right group of middle-aged to senior conservatives — many of whom are fundamentalist Christians — strongly supports Yoon, much like the Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement backing Donald Trump in the U.S. They regularly hold rallies, waving Korean national flags, as well as American and sometimes even Israeli flags.
Next to light sticks, the Taegeukgi has become rally-goers' second-favorite item at weekly pro-impeachment demonstrations, while some of the participants often bought 100 flags to share them with others joining the event.
While the protests for and against Yoon’s impeachment are expected to reach their peak on March 1, the national holiday commemorating the 1919 independence movement from Japan’s colonial rule, political circles have also continued efforts to "bring back the national flag."
Rep. Lee Jae-myung, leader of the Democratic Party of Korea, wears a Taegeukgi pin during a party meeting at the National Assembly in Seoul, Dec. 9, 2024. Newsis
DPK lawmakers have been wearing Taegeukgi pins instead of the lawmaker's gold pins since last December during meetings and official events.
"Based on common sense, people who felt out of line in the impeachment of President Yoon are moving to reclaim the national flag, which symbolizes Korea's national identity," Heo Chang-deok, a sociology professor at Yeungnam University, said. "People's perceptions of the national flag are changing."
"The perception that the [young voters in their] 20s and 30s should remedy the country shaken up by the political turmoil has led to discussions to bring back the national symbol of the Taegeukgi to the general public," Chang Kyung-sup, a professor of sociology at Seoul National University, said. "[Yoon’s] rebellion has awakened democratic civic awareness."
The Korea Times · February 28, 2025
12. Korea's democracy rated 'flawed' after martial law: report
But the real assessment has to come after all the current political turmoil. This could make South Korean democracy stronger.
Korea's democracy rated 'flawed' after martial law: report
The Korea Times · February 28, 2025
National Assembly in Seoul/ gettyimagesbank
Democracy ranking of South Korea drops from 22 to 32
By Kim Hyun-bin
President Yoon Suk Yeol greatly undermined South Korea's democracy with his martial law imposition, which led to subsequent political turmoil and conflicts, according to an Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) report.
In EIU's “Democracy Index 2024,” an annual assessment of various countries' democracy levels, South Korea ranked 32nd out of 167 countries, down from 22nd in 2022.
The country’s overall score declined from 8.09 to 7.75 out of a full score of 10, and the drop was the ninth largest among all countries surveyed. The 7.75 points were also the lowest for the country since 2006, when the index started.
The fall in the score put Korea's democracy level in the “flawed democracy” category from the “full democracy” classification, a status it had maintained since 2020. Countries scoring above 8.00 are considered full democracies, while those between 6.00 and 7.99 are categorized as flawed democracies.
EIU attributed the downgrade to political instability linked to Yoon's botched martial law and the resulting political deadlock.
“The president’s attempt to impose martial law exposed some of the institutional and behavioral weaknesses of South Korea’s political system,” the report said. “The deep-rooted acrimony between political parties and an unwillingness to compromise makes the political system more unstable than it might first appear. Finally, the extreme political polarisation that characterizes the country’s polity increases the risk of political violence and social unrest.”
Yoon declared martial law on Dec. 3, citing the need to eradicate “anti-state forces,” referring to the opposition-led National Assembly. However, the Assembly swiftly passed a motion to lift the martial rule through a vote.
About 10 days later, the Assembly impeached the president, and the Constitutional Court has been reviewing whether to uphold the impeachment.
Although the rapid response from the Assembly and the public reaffirmed the nation’s commitment to democratic institutions, EIU warned that the crisis underscored the fragility of South Korea’s democratic framework.
“The episode served as a reminder of the comparatively short track record (37 years) and relative frailty of democracy in South Korea,” the report noted.
According to the report, the global average score in 2024 was 5.17, a record low since the index’s inception in 2006. The percentage of the world’s population living under full democracies fell to 6.6 percent, down from 12.5 percent a decade ago. Meanwhile, two in five people worldwide now live under authoritarian regimes.
In Asia, no country made the top 10. Taiwan ranked 12th (8.78 points), falling two spots, while Japan remained 16th (8.48 points). China rose three places to 145th (2.11 points) but remained categorized as an authoritarian state.
North Korea ranked 165th, third from last, with an unchanged score of 1.08. Only Myanmar (0.96) and Afghanistan (0.25) ranked lower.
The Korea Times · February 28, 2025
13. Japan and South Korea in the Age of ‘America First’
We need JAROKUS.
We will win with allies.
America first - Allies always.
Excerpts:
At the moment, these two Indo-Pacific allies of the United States are staring down strategic uncertainty under Trump. Howard Lutnick, Trump’s commerce secretary, had accused Japan and South Korea of having “taken advantage of” the United States’ “good nature.” This is not the view of just one individual but reflects the policy approach of the Trump administration as a whole, particularly regarding its tariff and trade agenda. The announced 25 percent tariff on steel and aluminum imports only justifies the apprehensions Japan and South Korea had.
This policy approach may trickle down into the global security agenda as well. With Trump’s prevailing mentality to exit NATO, it is not hard to anticipate the new Trump administration once again imposing conditions on the continued U.S. military presence in both Japan and South Korea. Such a development could ruin the emerging Japan-South Korea-U.S. trilateral mechanism, and NATO’s developing partnerships with Seoul and Tokyo may be disrupted too.
The trilateral meeting held on February 15 between the foreign ministers of Japan, South Korea, and the United States provided an opportunity to reaffirm ties. However, the potential frictions were evident, as both Cho and Iwaya took care to point out their countries’ concerns over Trump’s tariff measures.
The Trump administration’s decision to undercut any sort of a united approach with its allies in Europe by only choosing to negotiate bilaterally with Russia, and then Trump’s rhetoric blaming Ukraine for the war, has only increased doubts among the U.S. allies in the Indo-Pacific.
A dark cloud of uncertainty is looming over the heads of the governments in Japan and South Korea in the context of Trump’s second term. The beginning of the Trump presidency has already put the alliance partners on a backfoot. In addition, the complicated political situations within Japan and South Korea are making policy coordination with the United States all the more difficult.
The return of Trump’s “America First” approach signals the United States’ preference for transactional relationships that could challenge existing partnerships, potentially compelling even Tokyo and Seoul to reassess their own alliance with Washington in order to adapt to an increasingly volatile Indo-Pacific landscape.
Japan and South Korea in the Age of ‘America First’
thediplomat.com
Japan and South Korea are at their most fragile political states in decades – just as Trump’s return to the White House disrupts an already-changing global order.
By Tunchinmang Langel
March 01, 2025
From left: South Korean Foreign Minister Cho Tae-yul, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, and Japanese Foreign Minister Iwaya Takeshi during a meeting in Munich, Germany, Feb. 15, 2025.
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For both Japan and South Korea, political stability seems like a distant goal. In Japan, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and junior partner Komeito hold a minority of seats in the parliament, putting their government in the precarious position of needing to sway commitments from various opposition parties to pass bills and formulate budgets. Meanwhile, South Korea is facing one of its most complex debacles since the beginning of parliamentary democracy in the country, with President Yoon Suk-yeol awaiting the Constitutional Court’s ruling on his impeachment. In addition, Yoon has been indicted and arrested over insurrection charges stemming from his shocking declaration of martial law.
Japan and South Korea are at their most fragile political states in decades just as their ally, the United States, has begun the second administration of Donald Trump. Trump’s return to the White House has already introduced severe disruptions to a changing global order. He fundamentally changed the traditional notion of “the West” in geopolitics as he abandoned Europe and its allies to initiate a direct deal with Russia over Ukraine. The question beckons as to whether – or rather when – he might do the same with the United States’ Indo-Pacific allies.
Shifting Japan-U.S. relations
Signs of differences between Tokyo and Washington were already starting to brew during the end of Biden’s term, when the outgoing president blocked Nippon Steel’s takeover of U.S. Steel. Then Japan’s pundits were wringing their hands as Prime Minister Ishiba Shigeru was unable to arrange a pre-inauguration meeting with Trump, despite repeated efforts.
But the early stages of the Trump administration looked more promising. Japan’s Foreign Minister Iwaya Takeshi attended the Trump 2.0 swearing in, becoming the first Japanese foreign minister to attend a U.S. presidential inauguration. The very next day, he had a meeting with new U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio.
Ishiba’s own in-person meeting with Trump finally came with a formal summit on February 7. Their meeting in Washington was declared as the beginning of a “new golden age” in bilateral ties. Ishiba seems to have utilized this opportunity to test the waters if Tokyo has any room left to maneuver, especially with the second coming of “America First.”
Even though Trump is largely critical of Biden’s previous decisions, it was highly unlikely that he would have supported the Nippon Steel takeover of U.S. Steel, given that his agenda is pinned on protecting U.S. industries. As it stands, Trump at his transactional best is holding all the cards close to his chest by ruling out the purchase of the U.S. steelmaker but hinting at the possibility of Nippon Steel holding a minority stake.
Japan would have been pleased that there was no talk of tariffs during the Ishiba-Trump summit meeting, is now facing a dilemma with the upcoming tariffs on steel and aluminum imports announced by the Trump administration on February 10. It remains to be seen whether Japan, which needs to ensure continued U.S. commitment to their alliance, will be provided any exemption from the tariff measures. Under the previous presidency of Joe Biden, Japan was allotted an annual duty-free quota of steel exports.
The tariffs could negatively impact Japan’s economy, as it exported over $2 billion of steel to the United States in 2024. This means the spillover effect of tariffs and probable economic toll could lead to a slowdown in Japan’s preparations to upgrade its defense forces. Ishiba and Trump during their summit had already underscored a “peace through strength” approach toward countering China in the Indo-Pacific region. Any economic setback could prove detrimental to Japan-U.S. efforts to firm up regional security measures amid the growing insecurity stemming from China’s increasing territorial claims and evolving military capabilities in the Indo-Pacific. Japan is already reeling under financial strain of funding a planned increase in defense spending to 2 percent of GDP by 2027; any additional demand from Washington to increase defense spending could strain the alliance.
It is significant to also highlight that despite the “new golden age” declared during the Ishiba-Trump summit and the hardliner stance on China in their joint statement, Japan has been displaying a shift in its approach toward China. Immediately after the formation of his minority government, Ishiba met Xi Jinping on the sidelines of the APEC Summit in Lima, Peru on November 15, 2024. A series of reciprocal visa exemption and relaxation measures were also issued by China and Japan in the subsequent months of November-December 2024.
This particular decision resulted in growing bipartisan criticism of the Ishiba administration’s perceived “China leaning” approach. There was dissent within Ishiba’s own LDP, while lawmakers from the main opposition Constitutional Democratic Party (CDP) also pointed out the apparently excessive consideration given to China as strange.
If Japan does not receive an exemption from the U.S. steel tariffs and Japanese investments continue to face heightened scrutiny, Tokyo could broach further dialogues with Beijing to offset its potential losses with Washington. With Japan holding an upper house election in July 2025, it remains to be seen how the internal rumblings within the LDP will impact the survival of the coalition minority government – and whether Trump and the China factor play a role.
Political Instability in South Korea Impacting Policy Coordination With the U.S.
For South Korea, the inauguration of a U.S. president intent on shaking up the foundations of U.S. foreign policy adds to an already chaotic domestic situation. South Korea is facing a crossroads in its democracy, with two presidents impeached in the month of December after a brief declaration of martial law. With already a deep political polarization in the nation regarding Yoon Suk-yeol’s impeachment – which is currently being considered by the Constitutional Court – the caretaker administration of the People Power Party (PPP) is visibly running pillar to post. The situation in Seoul had become so complicated that the South Korean ambassador to the U.S., Cho Hyun-dong, was the only government representative to attend Trump’s inaugural on behalf of the current administration.
South Korea did send a bipartisan delegation of the National Assembly as well as business leaders to fill the absence. But it is concerning to many in South Korea that acting President Choi Sang-mok has not even been able to secure a phone call with Trump, much less an in-person meeting. Instead, he had to stoop to a conversation with Trump’s treasury secretary to discuss critical issues such as the U.S. steel tariffs. The Trump administration may have decided it’s not worth the time to develop a relationship with Choi, when he will be out of the office in a matter of months: either because Yoon is restored to office, or because a new president is chosen in a snap election, depending on the Constitutional Court’s decision.
There are looming questions over how South Korea can manage policy coordination with the Trump administration in the midst of this political uncertainty – all with the ever-present existential threat of North Korea, which is becoming even more emboldened with its involvement in the Russia-Ukraine war.
Even though South Korea is experiencing a leadership vacuum, the current PPP administration is attempting to keep up the momentum the South Korea-U.S. alliance gained under Yoon. Although Foreign Minister Cho Tae-yul did not attend Trump’s inauguration, he was able to have a telephone call with Rubio three days later. Cho then met with Rubio on February 15, on the sidelines of the Munich Security Conference. Their first in-person meeting helped ease fears that Seoul may be sidelined in Washington’s foreign policy priorities. In the post-meeting statement, the two countries reaffirmed their commitment to maintaining defense and economic ties, as well as pressing for the complete denuclearization of North Korea. That latter point had been thrown into doubt when Trump referred to North Korea as a “nuclear power,” raising concerns in Seoul about Pyongyang being officially declared a nuclear-armed state.
In his first term, Trump made history by becoming the first sitting U.S. president to meet with North Korea’s leader – something he did not once, but three times, once even crossing the DMZ to stand on North Korean soil. But neither side came away with much to show from the dialogues, which came to an abrupt end in 2019. Trump may or may not pull a rabbit out of his hat in his second term to persuade Kim Jong Un to give peace another chance. However, even though Trump may be interested in restarting talks with North Korea, he acknowledged that it might be harder this time.
On North Korea policy as well, South Korea’s political chaos has put progress on hold. Any attempts at rekindling the North Korea question, much less responding to the changing global order, will primarily depend on whether Yoon’s impeachment is upheld – and then whether the opposition Democratic Party (DP) or the PPP wins the resulting snap election.
Strategic Uncertainty in Japan-South Korea-U.S. Ties
At the moment, these two Indo-Pacific allies of the United States are staring down strategic uncertainty under Trump. Howard Lutnick, Trump’s commerce secretary, had accused Japan and South Korea of having “taken advantage of” the United States’ “good nature.” This is not the view of just one individual but reflects the policy approach of the Trump administration as a whole, particularly regarding its tariff and trade agenda. The announced 25 percent tariff on steel and aluminum imports only justifies the apprehensions Japan and South Korea had.
This policy approach may trickle down into the global security agenda as well. With Trump’s prevailing mentality to exit NATO, it is not hard to anticipate the new Trump administration once again imposing conditions on the continued U.S. military presence in both Japan and South Korea. Such a development could ruin the emerging Japan-South Korea-U.S. trilateral mechanism, and NATO’s developing partnerships with Seoul and Tokyo may be disrupted too.
The trilateral meeting held on February 15 between the foreign ministers of Japan, South Korea, and the United States provided an opportunity to reaffirm ties. However, the potential frictions were evident, as both Cho and Iwaya took care to point out their countries’ concerns over Trump’s tariff measures.
The Trump administration’s decision to undercut any sort of a united approach with its allies in Europe by only choosing to negotiate bilaterally with Russia, and then Trump’s rhetoric blaming Ukraine for the war, has only increased doubts among the U.S. allies in the Indo-Pacific.
A dark cloud of uncertainty is looming over the heads of the governments in Japan and South Korea in the context of Trump’s second term. The beginning of the Trump presidency has already put the alliance partners on a backfoot. In addition, the complicated political situations within Japan and South Korea are making policy coordination with the United States all the more difficult.
The return of Trump’s “America First” approach signals the United States’ preference for transactional relationships that could challenge existing partnerships, potentially compelling even Tokyo and Seoul to reassess their own alliance with Washington in order to adapt to an increasingly volatile Indo-Pacific landscape.
Authors
Guest Author
Tunchinmang Langel
Dr. Tunchinmang Langel holds a Ph.D. in Indo-Pacific Studies from the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU). He formerly worked as a associate fellow at the National Maritime Foundation and the executive at the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII). The views expressed are personal.
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14. North Korea plays eerie noises around the clock to drown out K Pop from South Korea
North Korea plays eerie noises around the clock to drown out K Pop from South Korea
ABC.net.au · by North Asia correspondent James Oaten and Sookyoung Lee in Dagsanri, Ganghwado · February 28, 2025
On good days, it sounds like aeroplanes.
On bad days, it sounds like a wailing ghost.
To children, it sounds like howling wolves.
Since the middle of last year, the quaint South Korean village of Dagsanri, on the island of Ganghwado, has been blasted with an array of eerie and unsettling noises.
They come from large speakers positioned on North Korea's side of the demilitarised zone, just under two kilometres away.
"It shifts between sounds like car brakes, tearing noises, and metal grinding," local Kim Wan Shik said.
"Many people who hear the noise frequently are taking anti-anxiety medication. It's extremely irritating."
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Ghosts, sirens and animal cries
For decades, arch rivals North and South Korea have deployed various efforts to disturb or frustrate the other side, ever since the 1953 ceasefire agreement that halted fighting in the Korean War.
Using loudspeakers to blast the other side with propaganda has been happening on and off since 1963, stopping in 2018 after a rare summit between each nation's leaders.
But tensions have escalated in recent years after Pyeongyang ramped up its intercontinental ballistic missile program, nuclear ambitions, and most recently, forged a new alliance with Russia.
For the past year, both sides have engaged in tit-for-tat annoyances.
The weird noises from North Korea are terrifying children and keeping people awake all night. (Reuters: Korean Central News Agency)
North Korea sent rubbish-filled balloons to the other side, angry at South Korea for failing to stop its residents from deploying propaganda-filled balloons.
In October, South Korea was accused of sending a drone to the North Korean capital Pyongyang, dropping propaganda leaflets, something the South Korean military has denied.
Meanwhile, in response to the filth-filled balloons, South Korea has been blasting K-Pop music across the border.
It was soon after this that the eerie North Korean noises started, playing anywhere between 10–24 hours a day.
The loudest sounds have often been heard in the middle of the night.
"Sometimes it sounds like a siren, sometimes like a ghost, sometimes like animal cries," village leader Ahn Hyo Chul said.
"Our grandchildren say it sounds like wolves from North Korea."
People in Ahn Hyo Chul's village are suffering from the relentless odd sounds from North Korea. (ABC News: James Oaten)
For residents, it's having a profound impact on their mental health.
"I couldn't sleep until 4am," local Kim Ok Soon said.
"I stayed up all night. It gives me headaches, and my grandchildren can't sleep because of this noise.
"They come down to my house for breakfast in the morning, saying 'grandmother, we couldn't sleep because it was too noisy last night, and now we have headaches'."
Tit-for-tat noise battles
Of the 8,200 residents in the region, just over half have reported the noises causing "distress".
South Korea has installed sound proofing windows on dozens of affected properties and offered earplugs to all residents in the area.
Some residents want to move homes but appreciate it would be impossible to sell their houses in the current climate.
There are also ongoing negotiations about financial compensation with the South Korean government, but residents aren't overly enthused by the amounts that have been discussed.
"What we want is simple — stop the broadcasts to North Korea. That's it," Mr Ahn said.
"They're broadcasting in response to our broadcasts, so if we stop, they might stop too."
Eerie noises block out K Pop
South Korea has taken a much more hawkish stance towards the North under the administration of conservative President Yoon Suk Yeol, who is now facing impeachment and criminal charges for imposing martial law in December.
Some in the administration don't want to look weak against the North and accept the pain of border residents as an acceptable price to pay.
The noises coming from North Korea help keep out K Pop music played by South Korea. (ABC News: James Oaten)
"Like all politics, it's about who pays the cost to whose benefits," said North Korean expert Bong Young-shik, from Yonsei University.
"These residents are the major victims of the hardline policy waged by South Korean government."
Dr Bong adds that the noises, while a clear irritation to some South residents, are also likely designed to block out the K Pop music, as it fears its own civilians or soldiers being lured by the glitzy South.
"What may look like from the outside crazy or irrational, makes perfect sense for North Korea leadership," he said.
"Maintaining regime stability and sealing its people from any influence from outside are essential for the stability and the survival of the leadership."
For now, the residents on the South hold on for hope as their sanity wears thin.
"It's so painful," Ms Kim said.
"I feel like I'm going crazy now. My head really hurts so much."
Posted 21h ago21 hours agoFri 28 Feb 2025 at 7:34pm
ABC.net.au · by North Asia correspondent James Oaten and Sookyoung Lee in Dagsanri, Ganghwado · February 28, 2025
15. They weren’t Korean, but they still gave everything for Korea’s independence
They weren’t Korean, but they still gave everything for Korea’s independence
koreaherald.com · by Hwang Dong-hee · February 28, 2025
Book sheds light on 25 independence heroes from overseas, including those who are behind film, drama characters
From left: Jason Nelson as Joseph Stenson in the series "Mr. Sunshine," Han Ji-min as Yeon Gye-soon and Foster Burden as Ludvik in “The Age of Shadows" and Choi Hee-seo as Kaneko Fumiko in "Anarchist from Colony" (Nelson's Instagram, Warner Bros. Korea, Plus M Entertainment)
Films and drama series set during the Japanese colonial period from 1910 to 1945 often feature people from overseas who join Korea's independence movement.
In the hit drama “Mr. Sunshine” (2018) by screenwriter Kim Eun-sook, a journalist surnamed Mackenzie interviews anti-Japanese resistance fighters and documents their struggles, bringing their cause to the global stage.
Another character, American missionary Joseph Stenson, who serves as a father figure to the protagonist Eugene (played by Lee Byung-hun), is killed while attempting to deliver a secret letter from Emperor Gojong to the international community.
Han Ji-min (left) as Yeon Gye-soon and Foster Burden as Ludvik in “The Age of Shadows" (Warner Bros. Korea)
In the film “The Age of Shadows,” (2016) a character named Ludvik participates in a mission to smuggle explosives into Korea, posing as the husband of resistance fighter Yeon Gye-soon (played by Han Ji-min).
And in the film “Anarchist from Colony,” (2017) which focuses on Korean anarchist activist Pak Yol (played by Lee Je-hoon), Pak's partner, Japanese anarchist Kaneko Fumiko, is arrested with him for allegedly plotting the assassination of the Japanese emperor, as well as sentenced to death alongside him.
An original photo of Pak Yol and Kaneko Fumiko, and a scene recreating it in the film “Anarchist from Colony” (Plus M Entertainment)
Real people behind the characters
Are these activists for Korea's independence from overseas purely fictional characters, created for dramatic effect, or are they rooted in historical fact?
In many cases, the figures portrayed in films and drama series are based on real people.
All four characters mentioned above are inspired by actual people in history.
Mackenzie in “Mr. Sunshine” is based on Frederick A. MacKenzie, the Canadian journalist who served as a traveling correspondent in East Asia for Britain's Daily Mail. He reported on Japan’s colonial rule, Korea’s independence movement and its resistance efforts.
A photo taken by Frederick A. Mackenzie (Frederick A. Mackenzie)
Joseph Stenson was inspired by Homer B. Hulbert, an American missionary, journalist and educator who fought for Korea's liberation from Japan, serving as a special aide and secret envoy to Emperor Gojong. Hulbert also played a key role in laying the foundation for modern education in Korea.
Ludvik is based on "Magyar," likely an alias for a Hungarian who played a critical role in manufacturing explosives for independence fighters in Shanghai. Magyar, like the character in the film, posed as the husband of female independence activist Hyun Gye-ok. But his true identity has never been confirmed, and after the disbandment of the secret organization fighting for Korea's independence group, the Uiyeoldan, or Heroic Corps, reports simply say that he left Shanghai.
Fumiko portrayed in “Anarchist from Colony” was Kaneko Fumiko in real life. She and Pak published magazines that addressed the hardships faced by Koreans under Japanese rule. And she was romantically involved with Pak for much of their time together. They were married a few days before their sentencing.
Homer B. Hulbert teaching at a middle school in 1900s (The Hulbert Memorial Society)
The book “I Am a Foreigner Fighting for Korean Independence” (direct translation) illuminates the stories of foreign independence fighters, many of whose contributions have been forgotten or overlooked.
As of November 2024, 18,162 individuals have been officially recognized by the South Korean government as independence patriots. The book notes that among them, 76 are non-Korean foreign nationals excluding overseas Koreans.
The authors ― Kang Kuk-jin, a Seoul Shinmun reporter; Kim Seung-hoon, a reporter-turned-Culture Ministry official; and Han Jong-su, academic director at the Korean Heritage Foundation ― hope the book will raise public awareness of fighters for Korea's independence from overseas and serve as a catalyst for discovering and honoring more such figures, ensuring their stories are passed down to future generations.
“I Am a Foreigner Fighting for Korean Independence” (Bookie)
koreaherald.com · by Hwang Dong-hee · February 28, 2025
De Oppresso Liber,
David Maxwell
Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy
Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation
Editor, Small Wars Journal
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
Phone: 202-573-8647
email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com
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