Informal Institute for National Security Thinkers and Practitioners

Quotes of the Day:

“When people feel insecure about their social standing in a group, they are more likely to use jargon in an attempt to be admired and respected,” 
- Adam Galinsky, Columbia University psychologist

"However vast the darkness, we must supply our own light."
- Stanley Kubrick

“Modern writing at its worst... consists in gumming together long strings of words which have already been set in order by someone else and making the results presentable by sheer humbug. The attraction of this way of writing, is that it is easy."
- George Orwell


1. Ukraine Conflict Update - March 8, 2022 | SOF News
2. RUSSIAN OFFENSIVE CAMPAIGN ASSESSMENT, MARCH 7
3. The Strategy That Can Defeat Putin By Eliot A. Cohen
4. No-Fly Zone in Ukraine: War with Russia by Another Name
5. Biden’s Russian roulette may kill dollar dominanceBiden’s Russian roulette may kill dollar dominance
6. The Anti-Dollar AxisThe Anti-Dollar Axis
7. The Biggest Cyber Risk in Ukraine?The Biggest Cyber Risk in Ukraine?
8. Gig App Gathering Data for U.S. Military, Others Prompts Safety Concerns
9. Russia vs West in war for the censorship high ground
10. Why Is Ukraine’s Internet Still Up? Perhaps Because the Invaders Need It
11. Ukraine, Fight Your Fight—Not Their Fight
12. The Russian Sanctions Regime and the Risk of Catastrophic Success
13. Different Countries, Different Methods, Same Goal: Destroy Democracy
14. A photo apparently showing Russian troops stranded in an elevator is going viral
15. Like the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, But for Cyber
16. The Emergence of Civilian Resistance to Military Rule in Myanmar
17. Checking Putin: How to Counter Russia in Ukraine
18. What Ukraine Means for Japan
19. How the US and Europe helped Ukraine prep for insurgency
20. Niger Syndrome goes mainstream: Abbey Gate attack shows commanders are failing to assess risks
21. Analysis of IAEA Iran Verification and Monitoring Report - March 2022
22. Trudeau’s Double Standards on Iranian Immigrants: Alireza Nader for Inside Policy
23.  Stunned by Putin’s war, nations rewrite their playbooks on defense
24. Thinking Strategically: Economics, Resources, and Strategy
25. FDD | Time to Sanction Russia’s Alternative to SWIFT
26. FDD | Returning to UNESCO Will Not Solve Our China Problem
27. How the Letter Z Became a Russian Pro-War Symbol
28. Russia-Ukraine live updates: Ukraine says Russia still disrupting evacuations; U.N. says 2 million have fled
29. As Russia’s Military Stumbles, Its Adversaries Take Note
30. Ukraine war serves as wake-up call for Taiwan over China threat






1. Ukraine Conflict Update - March 8, 2022 | SOF News

Ukraine Conflict Update - March 8, 2022 | SOF News
sof.news · by SOF News · March 8, 2022

Curated news, analysis, and commentary about the Russian invasion of Ukraine, tactical situation on the ground, Ukrainian defense, and NATO.
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BLUFF: If you read just one article from this newsletter then it should be this one. MG (Ret) Mike Repass commanded Special Operations Command – Europe (SOCEUR) before retirement. Since then he has worked in the defense sector – with a focus on East Europe and Ukraine. He provides a very informative and detailed overview of the current conflict in Ukraine in an interview with Peter Bergen, a national security analyst with CNN. Read “Why Putin will regret launching this war”, CNN Opinion, March 7, 2022.
Russian Campaign Update. Nearly 100% of the pre-staged combat power of Russia has been deployed into Ukraine. Estimates of Russians in Ukraine vary from 150,000 to 190,000. Russia has launched over 625 missiles. Most of these missiles were short-range, medium, and cruise missiles. The Russians continue to meet stiff opposition from the Ukrainian defense forces. There is little activity in western Ukraine. The Russian offensive in the north has been stalled . . . due to a number of factors. They have had better success in the south. It appears that where the Russians have been frustrated they have resorted to using long range fires – missile strikes, artillery, and rocket fire into city suburbs and city centers. The miles long resupply convoy has still not reached its destination – perhaps just the forward elements.
Russia’s Goals? According to Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov, Russia will halt its military action if Kyiv meet some conditions. These include a change to the Ukrainian constitution to ensure neutrality, acknowledge Crimea as a Russian territory, and recognize the separatist republic of Donetsk and Lugansk. “Russia will stop ‘in a moment’ if Ukraine meets terms – Kremlin”, Reuters, March 7, 2022.
Fight for the Skies. The air above Ukraine is still contested. Ukraine still have most of their fixed-wing aircraft available to fly combat missions. The Ukrainian air defense system has been degraded but it is still taking down Russian aircraft. A lot of Stingers and other anti-aircraft MANPADS are in the pipeline and are or soon will be reaching the frontlines. There are reports that two Russian aircraft were shot down over Kyiv on Monday (Mar 7).
Maritime Activities. A Russian patrol ship, some press accounts call it a corvette, was hit by Ukrainian rocket fire. It was reported to be on fire with some social media accounts saying it has sunk. The amphibious landing force in the Black Sea poised to attack the Odessa region is still on hold.
Kyiv. The capital city of Ukraine is considered the primary objective of the Russians. The Capture of Kyiv would allow Russia to put in place its puppet government. The main assault forces to take Kyiv are still stalled outside the city. Some of the Russian units threatening Kyiv include elements of the Ramzan Kadyrov Special Guards Regiment (Grozny), units from the Moscow regions, and elements of the private military company (PMC) Wager Group (Liga). The Russian forces are concentrated in the western, northwestern, and eastern suburban areas of Kyiv. Heavy fighting is taking place northwest of Kyiv in the Makariv area and along the Irpin River, a tributary of the Dnieper River. An offensive is expected to begin in the next few days after supplies and reinforcements finish moving into the staging areas.
Kharkiv. The second largest city of Ukraine is Kharkiv located in the northeast of the country. It has been subjected to a lot of artillery and rocket fire. Some heavy fighting is taking place around the outskirts of the city. Over the past few days there have been reports that Ukrainian forces have conducted counterattacks.
Mariupol. Located on the Sea of Azov, the coastal city of Mariupol is under siege by the Russians. This city is situated along the coastal road network that would provide Russia with a land bridge between Russia and the Crimea. An evacuation route out of the besieged city was mined according to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). Two attempts to use the road have failed. There are about 200,000 people running short on food, water, and electricity waiting to be evacuated. “Evacuation Route Offered to Fleeing Ukrainians Was Mined – Red Cross”, Newsweek, March 7, 2022. Attempts by Ukrainian forces to resupply the city have failed. The city is experiencing a lot of artillery and rocket fire.
Evacuation Routes. The Russians had proposed evacuation routes but four of the six lead to Belarus or Russia. Of course, it would be a public relations coup if the Russians could broadcast news of Ukrainians fleeing the fighting in the direction of Russia. So . . . just more games by the Russians. It appears that one evacuation route has been opened – scheduled for March 8th between the hours of 10 am to 9 pm. It will follow the route of Sumy – Holubivka – Lokhvytsia – Lubny – Poltava. Some buses with people were moving from the eastern city of Sumy. This was announced by the General Staff of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Read more in “People flee embattled Ukrainian cities along safe corridors”, AP News, March 8, 2022.
Refugees. There are thousands and thousands of internally displaced persons and over 2 million refugees have left Ukraine according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UHCHR). Stats on where Ukrainians are going are provided by the UNHCR. A European Union official says that the refugee number could equal 5 million.
Mykolayiv. Located on the west bank of the Dnieper River close to the coast of the Black Sea, this city is a strategic objective for the Russians as it sits astride the road to Odessa located further west along the coast of the Black Sea. The city is under attack by Russian artillery fire, however the Russians have not been able to force their way into the city.
Negotiations? No Results. The third round of negotiations between the Russians and Ukrainians held in Belarus did not yield any changes to the situation or an agreement. There appears to have been an agreement reached on an evacuation corridor for refugees from the eastern city of Sumy.
Ukraine Armed Forces. President Zelensky signed a decree recalling Ukrainian peacekeeping forces. All soldiers and equipment are to return to Ukraine to defend the country.

General Information
Russia’s Armored Train. Russian forces are using an armored train in Ukraine to transport personnel and equipment. Their supply lines are strained and under attack so the train may provide some relief to the failed logistics effort. The train has been operating in the vicinity of Melitopol. It is protected by two ZU-23 twin-barrel 23 mm cannons. Read more in “A Russian Armored Train Has Joined the Invasion of Ukraine”, The Drive / War Zone, March 7, 2022.
Foreign Volunteers? Already in the Fight! The International Legion of Territorial Defense of Ukraine has already been committed to combat operations in Ukraine. The volunteers have arrived from many countries – to include the U.S., U.K., Sweden, Lithuania, Mexico, India, and others. Volunteers cannot bring their own weapons – they will be issued rifles once integrated into the unit. Ukraine is seeking volunteers who have received military training. “Foreign fighters now on battlefield helping battle Russia”, Military Times, March 7, 2022. Read also “Making the Most of Foreign Volunteers in Ukraine”, War on the Rocks, March 7, 2022.
Aviation and Urban Operations. The fight for the large cities of Ukraine is happening now and will continue into the future. How are aviation capabilities conducted in support of combat operations in an urban environment? A recent publication by the U.S. Department of Defense might provide the answer. You can download Multi-Service Tactics, Techniques, and Procedures for Aviation Urban Operations, DoD, February 2022, PDF.
Spirit of America. Are you looking for a way to help? There are a lot of private organizations that are assisting the Ukrainians in their fight against the Russians. One of the best out there is an organization called the Spirit of America.
“Spirit of America is working closely with US military and State Department personnel in Poland to meet the urgent needs of Ukraine’s Armed Forces on the front lines. We are providing medical supplies and equipment, including first aid kits, for Ukrainian soldiers and field medical personnel. We expect to provide emergency communications gear. We are also working with US Special Operations Forces to provide emergency assistance to Ukrainians displaced by the fighting.”
Sanctions and Big Russian Yachts. Some of Russia’s richest men are on the run or in hiding as a result of a global search for their yachts, villas, jets, and bank accounts. Western governments have targeted sanctions against the Russians who hold immense wealth as a result of corruption and association with Putin. Read more in “A Global Hunt for Russian Oligarch’s Yachts Has Begun”, The Wall Street Journal, March 7, 2022. Some observers of the conflict believe that the sanctions against rich Russians are going to be far more effective than past efforts to sanction Russia. The sanctions are designed to punish Russian’s elite for supporting Putin. “The Russian Elite Can’t Stand the Sanctions”, The Atlantic, March 5, 2022.
The Coming Resistance
Will NATO Support an Insurgency? Russia’s military has a good chance of winning the war. It has a large, well-equipped military. It’s plan to rapidly take Ukraine failed, but it will resort to the tried and true method of using artillery and massing forces to take objectives. It is likely that the Russians will end up controlling a good part if not all of Ukraine. Time will tell if the Russians intend to stay in these newly occupied areas or if they withdraw. If they stay, they face the prospect of an insurgency . . . one that might be supported by NATO. Robert Kelly, a professor of international relations, provides his thoughts in “Bleed Putin Dry in Ukraine: Will NATO Support an Insurgency Against Russia?”, 1945, March 6, 2022.
Paper – Naval SOF and Competition with Russia. Kevin D. Stringer is a foreign-area officer and strategist assigned to Special Operations Command – Europe. He is currently a military faculty member at the U.S. Army War College. Russia’s ventures into Eastern Europe have taken place for centuries – with the expansion and contraction of the Russian empire. The inland waterways of Eastern Europe, Baltic Sea, Black Sea, and Caspian Sea are all key maritime environments in the current strategic competition with Russia. Stringer argues that combining maritime special operations capabilities with the campaigning theory of Baron Antoine-Henri de Jomini (a Swiss-born Napoleonic officer and theorist of war) would support the efforts to contest Russia’s malign activity in Europe while remaining below the level of armed conflict. Read his paper entitled Jomini and Naval Special Operations Forces – An Applied-Competition Approach to Russia, Naval War College Review, Autumn 2021, PDF, 17 pages.
Ukraine and Resistance Operating Concept (ROC). U.S. Special Operations Command – Europe (SOCEUR) embarked on a new approach to countering the expansionist designs of Russia several years back. SOCEUR, working with NATO and other allies, developed the Resistance Operating Concept to contribute to deterring and resisting aggression in Eastern Europe. The ROC is a concept that will assist Eastern Europe, Nordic, and Baltic countries to conduct resistance operations in the event of a Russian invasion and occupation. The Ukrainian Special Operations Command has published a website that provides news and information about the “National Resistance of Ukraine”. Read more about this in “How the US and Europe helped Ukraine prep for insurgency”, Army Times, March 7, 2022.
RAA Operations. The ideal unit to conduct advisory and training operations for a Ukraine resistance is U.S. Army Special Forces. They are highly trained in training and advising guerrilla units and resistance movements. Army SF are well versed in unconventional warfare. It is unlikely that they would be inserted into a denied area occupied by Russians . . . but you never know. Most likely they would conduct an advisory and training mission from ‘afar’. Is this possible? While not ideal, SF teams could advise Ukrainian counterparts via Remote Advise and Assist Operations. Probably using advanced technology like the ATAK system.

Cyber and Information Operations
Center of Gravity – The Russian People. Rear Admiral Ben Wachendorf (U.S. Navy retired) says the best way to defeat Putin’s unlawful invasion of Ukraine is to make sure the Russian people know what is happening and focus public opinion on Putin himself. “Truth is the Best Way to Defeat Putin’s Invasion of Ukraine”, Proceedings, U.S. Naval Institute, March 2022.
Beating Russia’s Information Firewall. Campaigners in Ukraine and beyond are using any means necessary to beat the blocks Russia has put in place for updates on the Russian invasion of Ukraine. “Activists are using ads to sneak real news to Russians about Ukraine”, MIT Technology Review, March 4, 2022.
Why Are Ukraine’s Cell Networks Still Up? Russia has plenty to gain from keeping the cellular networks running, even if it benefits Ukraine. Cybersecurity experts expected Russia to take out the phone lines and internet services . . . and it hasn’t happened yet. There are probably three good reasons to keep the systems up and running. (listening in, Russian comms, saving infrastructure). “3 Reasons Moscow Isn’t Taking Down Ukraine’s Cell Networks”, Politico, March 7, 2022.
Cyber and Russia. The cyber onslaught by Russia against Ukraine has not yielded the results many thought would be achieved. The cyber Pearl Harbor did not take place prior to and during the initial days of the invasion. There are some notes to be taken on the use of cyber warfare by Russia in the past few months. “Cyber lessons in the wake of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine”, The Strategist, by Lesley Seebeck, Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI), March 8, 2022.
Space GPS Systems – Vulnerable. Cyberspace and space may soon be an area that will experience strategic impacts from the current conflict in Ukraine. The West needs to be ready to deal with the cyber capabilities of Russia. As Russia escalates the conflict the West must be prepared to understand the threats to our Global Positioning System capabilities, actively defend the GPS system, and work with our partners and allies to find a way to prevent the jamming of GPS. “Russian threats a reminder of the need to protect GPS”, Space News, March 7, 2022.
World Response
Jet Fighter Transfer? Probably Not. The news media continues to report that Poland will transfer some of its MiG-29s to Ukraine in return for the reception of F-16s from the United States. However, there are conflicting reports on this scheme to buttress the Ukrainian air force. “Poland Still Isn’t Interested in Transferring Its MiG-29s to Ukraine“, The Drive, March 6, 2022. Secretary Blinken has come out with ‘some’ support for providing fighter jets to Poland should Polish fighters find their way to Ukraine.
Weapons to Ukraine. An undisclosed Polish airfield near the Ukrainian border has become a hub for shipping weapons into Ukraine. There are as many as 17 flights a day with incoming equipment shipments. The US and other NATO allies have shipped 17,000 anti-tank weapons and 2,000 Stinger anti-aircraft missiles (according to a senior US official). U.S. European Command (EUCOM) has been managing the logistics effort. “At a secret airfield in Eastern Europe, a multinational effort to send weapons to Ukraine proceeds at high speed”, CNN Politics, March 7, 2022.
More U.S. Troops to Europe. Another group of U.S. military personnel are heading to Europe. A number of KC-135 refueling aircraft from Fairfield Air Force Base in Spokane, Washington will deploy with 150 personnel. They are going to be temporarily based in Souda Bay, Greece to provide additional refueling support to U.S. European Command. A 40-man air support operation center will depart Fort Stewart, Georgia to provide C2 for flight operations in Romania. Other personnel deploying will come from various support units. “Defense Secretary Calls Up More Troops to Europe”, DoD News, March 7, 2022.
Turkey’s Balancing Act. One NATO member is busy trying to not to get on the wrong side. Seen as a supporter of Russia in the past, Turkey must now confront the reality of Russia’s aggression in Ukraine and its standing in the NATO alliance. It is currently siding with NATO . . . for the most part; but not punishing Russia as much as it could. Turkey has been helping Ukraine with weapons – notably its armed drones that have wrecked havoc on Russian convoys and positions. It has closed the entrance to the Black Sea for Russian warships. It has not followed the example of all other NATO countries in closing its airspace to Russian commercial flights. Read more in “Turkey Treads Carefully in Ukraine Crisis”, The Soufan Center IntelBrief, March 8, 2022.
Automotive World. The automotive manufactures of the world have taken actions against Russia. Some have stopped local production in plants in Russia, some have suspended business and shipments, and many others have taken similar actions. These include BMW, Ford, General Motors, Harley-Davidson, Honda, Land Rover, Mercedes-Benz Group, Nissan, Renault, Toyota, Volkswagen, and Volvo.

Ukraine CAT-UXO. A new website has been established to help support individuals who are exposed to explosive hazards in Ukraine. It will educate and reduce the risk to explosive hazards, provide a means to record the location of the explosive hazard, and to report the explosive hazard to a suitable clearance authority. https://www.ukraine-cat-uxo.com/
Commentary
Preventing World War III. Dr. Robert Farley, a senior lecturer at the University of Kentucky, explores the different ways the conflict in Ukraine could escalate. “Russia vs. NATO: 5 Ways the War in Ukraine Could Start World War III”, Real Clear Defense, March 7, 2022.
Online Event – Political-Geographic Dimensions of the Ukraine Crisis. Dr. Alec Murphy, Professor Emeritus at the University of Oregon, gives an overview of the history, politics, and geography behind Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. American Geographical Society, March 3, 2022, YouTube, 22 minutes.
Podcast – Perspective’s on Putin’s War on Ukraine. Four foreign policy gurus team up to discuss what has happened in Ukraine, what is happening, and what should happen. Rear Admiral (Ret.) Mark Montgomery, Bradley Bowman, and Reuel Marc Gerecht offer their perspectives. Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD), March 4, 2022, one hour.
Upcoming Events
Online – Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine. The U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations will hold a public hearing that will assess the U.S. and international response to the Ukraine crisis. The Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs, Victoria Nuland will testify. Tuesday, March 8, 2022.

SOF News welcomes the submission of articles for publication. If it is related to special operations, current conflicts, national security, defense, or the current conflict in Ukraine then we are interested.
Maps and Other Resources
Maps of Ukraine
Ukraine Graphics by Reuters. “Russia Invades Ukraine”
Ukraine Conflict Info. The Ukrainians have launched a new website that will provide information about the war. It is entitled Russia Invaded Ukraine and can be found at https://war.ukraine.ua/.
Janes Equipment Profile – Ukraine Conflict. An 81-page PDF provides information on the military equipment of the Russian and Ukrainian armed forces. Covers naval, air, electronic warfare, C4ISR, communications, night vision, radar, and armored fighting vehicles, Ukraine Conflict Equipment Profile, February 28, 2022.
Russian EW Capabilities. “Rah, Rah, Rash Putin?”, Armada International, March 2, 2022.
Arms Transfers to Ukraine. Forum on the Arms Trade.
UNHCR Operational Data Portal – Ukraine Refugee Situation
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Photo: Russian MiG 29 (2015). Photo by Vitaly V. Kuzmin – http://www.vitalykuzmin.net/Military/Aviamix-2015/, CC BY-SA 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=50773193
sof.news · by SOF News · March 8, 2022
2. RUSSIAN OFFENSIVE CAMPAIGN ASSESSMENT, MARCH 7

RUSSIAN OFFENSIVE CAMPAIGN ASSESSMENT, MARCH 7
Mar 7, 2022 - Press ISW
Fredrick W. Kagan, George Barros, and Kateryna Stepanenko
March 7, 3:00 PM EST
Russian forces are concentrating in the eastern, northwestern, and western outskirts of Kyiv for an assault on the capital in the coming 24-96 hours. The Russians are bringing up supplies and reinforcements as well as conducting artillery, air, and missile attacks to weaken defenses and intimidate defenders in advance of such an assault. It is too soon to gauge the likely effectiveness of any Russian attempt to complete the encirclement of Kyiv or to seize the city at this time. If Russian troops have been able to resupply, reorganize, and plan deliberate and coordinated simultaneous operations along the several axes of advance around and into the capital, they may be more successful in this operation than they have in previous undertakings. Operations near Kyiv in the past 72 hours have not offered enough evidence to evaluate that likelihood.
Russian troops in southern Ukraine continue to divide their efforts between attacks westward toward Mykolayiv and Odesa, attacks northward toward Zaporizhya, and attacks eastward toward Mariupol and Donbas. Failure to focus on any single line of advance has likely hindered Russian operations and will probably continue to do so. Russian troops in Kherson Oblast appear to be feeling their way around Mykolayiv, likely seeking to find a route across the Southern Bug River that would allow them to bypass Mykolayiv itself and resume their advance on Odesa. Those heading toward Zaporizhya currently lack the combat power likely necessary to encircle or take that large city. They could, however, set conditions for successful operations against Zaporizhya once reinforcements arrive following the fall of Mariupol and the opening of a wide land route westward from Donbas.
Key Takeaways
  • Russian forces are consolidating and preparing for further operations along the western and eastern outskirts of Kyiv, especially in the Irpin area on the west and the Brovary area on the east;
  • Ukrainian forces are challenging the extended Russian lines reaching from Sumy, which Russian forces have not yet taken, to the eastern outskirts of Kyiv;
  • Russian troops are likely attempting to bypass Mykolayiv and cross the Southern Bug upriver of that city to permit an advance on Odesa that will combine with an impending amphibious operation against that city; and
  • Russian forces are driving north from Crimea toward the city of Zaporizhya.

Russian forces are engaged in four primary efforts at this time:
  • Main effort—Kyiv (comprised of three subordinate supporting efforts);
  • Supporting effort 1—Kharkiv;
  • Supporting effort 1a—Luhansk Oblast;
  • Supporting effort 2—Mariupol; and
  • Supporting effort 3—Kherson and advances westward.
Main effort—Kyiv axis: Russian operations on the Kyiv axis consist of a main effort aimed at encircling the city from the northwest, west, east.
Russian forces are likely completing preparations for an assault to seize Kyiv from the east and west within the next 24-96 hours. The Russians are setting conditions for the attack by concentrating supplies and reinforcements, attempting to advance and stabilize their lines, and attacking the city with air, artillery, and missile fire likely intended both to demoralize and to damage Kyiv’s defenders. The Ukrainian General Staff reported on March 6 that the Russians have started accumulating the resources they would need to storm the capital.[1] The General Staff noted that Ukrainian forces retain a coherent defense of the city at this time.[2]
Subordinate main effort along the west bank of the Dnipro
Russian forces have continued their efforts to secure control of the town of Irpin, approximately 20 kilometers west-northwest of the center of Kyiv, as well as the town of Bucha, about 4 kilometers north of Irpin, in the last 24 hours.[3] The Ukrainian General Staff reported on March 6 that Russian tank and motorized infantry columns are operating in the Irpin area.[4] Social media reports and reports from the ground support this assessment.[5] The Russians are reportedly using a siege-and-starve approach in Irpin similar to activities they conducted in Syria in order to compel Irpin to surrender. The Ukrainian General Staff reported on March 7 that the Russians have denied the inhabitants of Irpin water, heating, and food supplies for three days and are not allowing them to leave.[6] Social media users reported damage from Russian rocket attacks on civilian infrastructure in Irpin on March 7.[7] The Ukrainian General Staff also reported that Russian elements under the command of Chechen leader Ramazan Kadyrov were shelling civilian targets on March 7 in the town of Myla, roughly 7.5 kilometers southwest of Irpin.[8] These reports are all consistent with previously-observed Russian efforts to consolidate control of this critical area to facilitate further advances south and southeast to encircle Kyiv and/or to launch attacks directly against central Kyiv itself. Continued Russian fighting and shelling in this area in the last 24 hours could indicate that conditions are not yet set on the northwestern axis for Russian forces to launch the ground attack directly against Kyiv within the next 24 hours, but ISW does not have sufficient evidence to rule out the possibility that they might do so.
Subordinate supporting effort — Chernihiv axis
The Ukrainian General Staff reported on March 7 that Russian forces are concentrating elements of the 41st Combined Arms Army near the southern outskirts of Chernihiv and intend to encircle and presumably seize the town.[9] It had previously reported its assessment that Russian troops intend to seize Chernihiv city on March 6.[10] Social media reports from March 6 of Russian weapons systems near Chernihiv may support this assessment.[11] Major Russian combat operations against Chernihiv city have not been reported as of this publication.
Subordinate supporting effort — Sumy axis
Russian troops are establishing themselves in Kyiv’s eastern outskirts as of March 7. The Ukrainian General Staff reported a successful March 6 attack against a Russian weapons depot in Nova Basan, roughly 70 kilometers east-northeast of Kyiv’s center.[12] That depot was likely supporting Russian operations reported in our previous updates on the axis from Brovary toward Boryspil airport. Social media reports of Russian multiple-launch rocket system (MLRS) units firing on Kyiv from the vicinity of Peremoha, near Brovary and about 23 kilometers from central Kyiv, support assessments that Russian troops are conducting fire attacks to set conditions for further ground operations in the eastern Kyiv outskirts.
ISW has previously assessed that Russian forces in and around Brovary likely came from the Sumy axis and continue to be supported along the roads stretching east through Sumy to Russia. The Russians face challenges sustaining such a long logistics line, particularly since they have not yet captured Sumy itself and Ukrainian forces continue to conduct attacks along the route. The Ukrainian General Staff assessed on March 6 that Russian forces are focused on encircling Sumy (and other cities).[13] It reported on March 7 that Russian troops are preparing to attack Sumy.[14] It noted on March 7 that Russian forces near Okhtyrka, about 68 kilometers south of Sumy and 100 kilometers west-northwest of Kharkiv, had taken 50 percent losses and had to regroup and resupply.[15] The Ukrainian General Staff offered the same assessment of Russian forces in Konotop, roughly 120 kilometers west-northwest of Sumy. The Ukrainian General Staff also reported a March 6 attack on a Russian weapons depot near Skrypali, about 81 kilometers west of Sumy along the road via Priluky and Brovary to Kyiv.[16] These continued Ukrainian attacks against Russian logistical positions along this extended line of advance may delay or disrupt Russian efforts to launch a ground offensive against Kyiv itself from the east.
The Russians have reportedly not yet secured the entire stretch of a critical road along this axis, moreover, as social media reports indicate that Ukrainian forces still control the important town of Romny and Ukrainian media notes that the town of Lebedyn is also still under Ukrainian control.[17] The Russians may feel it necessary to finish securing their ground lines of communication to eastern Kyiv before attempting to take the capital. If they do not do so, they risk disruptions and challenges during the climactic battle of the campaign.
Supporting Effort #1—Kharkiv:
Russian forces have continued to attack Kharkiv by air and ground fires but have not renewed a ground offensive attack on the city. The Ukrainian General Staff assesses that the Russians will attempt to encircle Kharkiv, but ISW has observed no indicators of imminent Russian operations along those lines. Numerous social media reports from March 6 and 7 show the effects of Russian bombardments in and around Kharkiv, indicating that Russian attacks are indiscriminate.[18] Ukrainian forces continue to report on losses they have inflicted on Russian troops, especially senior officers killed in the fighting.[19]
Supporting Effort #1a—Luhansk Oblast:
Social media reports indicate that Ukrainian forces conducted a counterattack on March 6 against Russian forces operating near Severodonetsk, as well as on an explosion and fire at an oil depot in Luhansk.[20] Russian forces do not appear to have made significant gains on this axis in the past 24 hours.
Supporting Effort #2—Mariupol:
Russian forces continued their encirclement of Mariupol and have increased efforts to break into the city as well as to drive on Volnovakha, roughly 56 kilometers north of Mariupol, from the east and the west. The Ukrainian General Staff reported on indecisive fighting roughly 50 kilometers west of Volnovakha around Lubymivka, which the Russians reportedly hold.[21] The Ukrainian General Staff report suggests that Russian efforts to reach Volnovakha from the east are having more success, although they have not yet succeeded.[22] Russian troops also attempted to enter the neighborhood of Staryi Krim, northwest of Mariupol, on March 7, but were repulsed according to the Ukrainian General Staff. Social media posts testify to the intensity of combat in and around Mariupol.[23]
Supporting Effort #3—Kherson and west:
Russian forces operating north of Crimea appear to continue to divide their efforts into penny-packets along multiple axes of advance. The Ukrainian General Staff reports that of the 17 battalion tactical groups (BTGs) operating in the vicinity of Kherson two are focused on Mykolayiv, two are driving up the Southern Bug toward Vosnesensk, one is allocated to an advance on Odesa at some point (but has not likely begun that advance), four are operating northward toward Zaporizhya, and three are supporting the Mariupol effort.[24] Social media reports showed Russian armored vehicles moving through Heniches’k, likely toward either Mariupol or Melitopol, on March 6.[25] Roughly 49 Russian helicopters were spotted at Kherson Airbase on March 6.[26]
Russian forces appear to be prioritizing operations north from Crimea toward Zaporizhya City itself. The Ukrainian General Staff reported on March 7 that Russian troops are restoring the airfield at Melitopol, roughly 110 kilometers south of Zaporizhya.[27] Its previous report had identified three Russian BTGs advancing north toward Zaporizhya.[28] Zaporizhya is a large city of nearly three-quarters of a million people. Russian troops are unlikely to be able to encircle or seize it with an attack on this scale if Ukrainians defend it as they have defended other threatened cities.
Russian troops are conducting intense shelling of Mykolayiv and nearby towns, likely to prepare for a ground assault on the city.[29] The Ukrainian General Staff reported that a Russian BTG crossed the Inhul River at Kashpero-Mykolaivka, roughly 50 kilometers north of Mykolayiv, on March 6.[30] This movement is consistent with expected Russian efforts to reach crossings of the Southern Bug north of Mykolayiv, as a fight to seize Mykolayiv and its bridge would likely delay the prepared Russian attack on Odesa for longer than the Russian General Staff would prefer.
Immediate items to watch
  • Russian forces may launch an attempt to encircle Kyiv from east and west and/or to seize the city center itself within the next 24-96 hours;
  • Russian troops may drive on Zaporizhya city itself within the next 48-72 hours, likely attempting to block it from the east and set conditions for subsequent operations after Russian forces besieging Mariupol take that city;
  • Russian forces may attempt amphibious landings anywhere along the Black Sea Coast from Odesa to the mouth of the Southern Bug in the next 24-48 hours.
[17] https://apostroph dot ua/news/society/2022-03-07/v-sumskoy-oblasti-vsu-razgromili-kolonnu-okkupantov-zatrofeili-pyat-tankov-samohodku-i-uragan/261714, https://twitter.com/sumyurban/status/1500516058289127436




3. The Strategy That Can Defeat Putin By Eliot A. Cohen

A fairly comprehensive approach.

Excerpts:
Western strategy should rest on three pillars: vigorous and imaginative military support to Ukrainian regular and irregular forces; sanctions that will hobble the Russian economy; and construction of a militarily powerful European alliance that can secure the border with Russia as long as that country remains a menace.
The means at hand are obvious, even if the manner of their exploitation is not. The most obvious is the armament of Ukraine, which has already begun. It is a moral imperative. When people are willing to fight for their freedom against an enemy whose methods and aims are so clearly evil, the West owes its effectual support to those taking up arms. But it is also a strategic imperative, intended to hamstring the Russian military and weaken Putin’s position.
Support to the Ukrainian military and, should Ukrainian cities fall, to the continuing insurgency has the prospect of exceptional success. A country greater in size than France and only slightly smaller than Texas, with built-up areas, forests, and, in the west, mountains, hundreds of thousands of armed men and women, a potential supply of thousands of foreign veterans, and a will to fight born of patriotism and anger, is virtually unconquerable if adequately armed. The key is to think about that on the right scale.
Michael Vickers, who was the mastermind of the CIA program supporting the anti-Soviet campaign in Afghanistan, lays out the lessons of that campaign in his forthcoming memoir, By All Means Available. A well-armed and determined population, Vickers contends, can defeat even a brutal superpower—and Russia is no longer that. The important thing is to move at scale and with urgency in support of such an insurgency. The tide turned in Afghanistan in a relatively short period of time, when the Afghanistan Covert Action Plan went from $60 million in fiscal year 1985 to $250 million the next year, a sum doubled by Saudi support. Remarkably, the CIA did not ask for this increase and may have opposed it, but congressional supporters led by the redoubtable Charlie Wilson carried the day. In less than a year, the program went from supplying 10 metric tons of weaponry to more than six times as much. Within another year, the sum of money and resources was doubled.
Not just the sheer quantity of support but its breadth made a difference—including man-portable air-defense systems such as Stinger missiles, heavy machine guns, sniper rifles, and secure communications technology. And with it went a change in objective from bleeding the Red Army to defeating it.
The Strategy That Can Defeat Putin
The U.S.-led coalition of liberal-democratic states should pursue three objectives.
The Atlantic · by Eliot A. Cohen · March 7, 2022
First came the shock: the sight of missiles and artillery shells slamming into apartment buildings, helicopters pirouetting in flames, refugees streaming across the border, an embattled and unshaven president pleading with anguished political leaders abroad for help, burly uniformed men posing by burned-out tanks and infantry fighting vehicles, Russian police spot-checking cellphones on Moscow streets for dissident conversations. Distress and anger and resolution were natural reactions. But the time has come to think strategically, asking what the West—and specifically the United States—should do in this crisis and beyond.
French Marshal Ferdinand Foch once said that the first task is to answer the question De quoi s’agit-il?, or “What is it all about?” The answer with respect to Ukraine, as with most other strategic problems, is less straightforward than one might think. At the most basic level, a Russian autocrat is working to subjugate by the most brutal means possible a free and independent country, whose independence he has never accepted. But there are broader issues here as well. The other wars of the post–Cold War era could be understood or interpreted as the consequence of civil war and secession or tit-for-tat responses to aggression. Not the Russian attack on Ukraine. This assault was unprovoked, unlimited in its objectives, and unconstrained in its means. It is, therefore, an assault not only on that country but on all international norms of decent behavior.
A broader world order is at stake; so too is a narrower European order. Putin has made no secret of his bitter opposition to NATO and to the independence of former Soviet republics, and it should be expected that after reducing Ukraine, he would attempt something of a similar nature (if with less intensity) in the Baltic states. He has brought war in its starkest form back to a continent that has thrived largely in its absence for nearly three generations. And his war is a threat, too, to the integrity and self-confidence of the world’s liberal democracies, battered as they have been by internal disputes and backsliding abroad.
In short, the stakes are enormous, and with them the dangers. And yet there is good news in the remarkable solidarity and decisiveness of the liberal democracies, in Europe and outside it. The roles of Australia and Japan in responding to the Russian invasion are no less significant than those of Britain or France. In that respect, Ukraine 2022 is not Czechoslovakia 1938, not only because it is fighting ferociously but because the democracies are with it in material as well as moral ways. It differs, too, in that this time the aggressor is not Europe’s most advanced economy but one of its least; its military is not the fearsomely effective Wehrmacht but a badly led, semi-competent, if well-armed, horde better suited for and inclined to the massacre of civilians than a fight against its peers. Russia’s failure to command the air, its stalled armored columns, the smoking ruins of its tanks and armored personnel carriers all testify to the Russian army’s weakness. So too does the continuation in office of the long-serving chief of general staff and defense minister who planned and led this operation, a debacle in the face of every advantage of positioning, timing, and material superiority.
Under these conditions, the U.S.-led coalition of liberal-democratic, chiefly European states should have three objectives. The most obvious aim of Western strategy is the liberation of Ukraine, restoration of its free government and institutions, rebuilding of its economy, and guarantee of its independence by placing it in a position of well-armed security against a similar attack in the future. That will include a welding of this country to the European Union. Ultimately, it may include its incorporation into the NATO alliance that has saved many of its neighbors from a similar fate.
Doing this will require defeating Russian forces, but the objectives vis-à-vis Russia have to go beyond this. Ideally, this conflict will end with the overthrow of Vladimir Putin, who bears singular responsibility for it not only morally but also politically. This was not only a war of choice—it is his war of choice, and he has been dangerous and malevolent in its conduct. His fall from power could come about as a result of elite discontent leading to a coup of some kind, or mass upheaval.
However, neither outcome can be predicted and, for the time being, neither seems imminent. Moreover, although Russian dissenters from the war have shown remarkable courage, the regime is skillfully tapping deep reserves of xenophobia and chauvinism through its complete control of Russian media outlets. In that respect, Russia is in many ways a functioning fascist state, in the grip of a nationalist ideology and an all-powerful leader. For that reason, then, and barring a new Russian revolution, the Western objective must be to leave Russia profoundly weakened and militarily crippled, incapable of renewing such an onslaught, isolated and internally divided until the point that an aging autocrat falls from power. Targeting Putin alone is not enough.
Finally, the West has the opportunity, and faces the necessity, of changing the story of democratic decline and weakness to one of strength and self-confidence. Europe’s remarkable response to the invasion is a long step in this direction, as is the American leadership that has rallied so many to oppose Russia and stand with Ukraine. China is watching the invasion of Ukraine; so, too, are Iran and lesser authoritarian regimes, waiting to see whether such opportunities are available to them, or too perilous to attempt. The Western powers must induce them to take the latter view by the visible successes that they achieve. There are internal audiences as well, particularly in the United States. After a decade of deeply self-critical contemplation of America’s internal divisions, this is the moment to restore confidence in the ideals and beliefs that have made the United States at once powerful and free.
Western strategy should rest on three pillars: vigorous and imaginative military support to Ukrainian regular and irregular forces; sanctions that will hobble the Russian economy; and construction of a militarily powerful European alliance that can secure the border with Russia as long as that country remains a menace.
The means at hand are obvious, even if the manner of their exploitation is not. The most obvious is the armament of Ukraine, which has already begun. It is a moral imperative. When people are willing to fight for their freedom against an enemy whose methods and aims are so clearly evil, the West owes its effectual support to those taking up arms. But it is also a strategic imperative, intended to hamstring the Russian military and weaken Putin’s position.
Support to the Ukrainian military and, should Ukrainian cities fall, to the continuing insurgency has the prospect of exceptional success. A country greater in size than France and only slightly smaller than Texas, with built-up areas, forests, and, in the west, mountains, hundreds of thousands of armed men and women, a potential supply of thousands of foreign veterans, and a will to fight born of patriotism and anger, is virtually unconquerable if adequately armed. The key is to think about that on the right scale.
Michael Vickers, who was the mastermind of the CIA program supporting the anti-Soviet campaign in Afghanistan, lays out the lessons of that campaign in his forthcoming memoir, By All Means Available. A well-armed and determined population, Vickers contends, can defeat even a brutal superpower—and Russia is no longer that. The important thing is to move at scale and with urgency in support of such an insurgency. The tide turned in Afghanistan in a relatively short period of time, when the Afghanistan Covert Action Plan went from $60 million in fiscal year 1985 to $250 million the next year, a sum doubled by Saudi support. Remarkably, the CIA did not ask for this increase and may have opposed it, but congressional supporters led by the redoubtable Charlie Wilson carried the day. In less than a year, the program went from supplying 10 metric tons of weaponry to more than six times as much. Within another year, the sum of money and resources was doubled.
Not just the sheer quantity of support but its breadth made a difference—including man-portable air-defense systems such as Stinger missiles, heavy machine guns, sniper rifles, and secure communications technology. And with it went a change in objective from bleeding the Red Army to defeating it.
The conditions in Ukraine are, if anything, more favorable than in Afghanistan. In Poland and several other frontline states, the West has allies infinitely more reliable than Pakistan was during the Afghan War. Poland’s border with Ukraine alone is 330 miles long and would be impossible for Russia to seal. In Ukraine, the West has a technically sophisticated population that can handle whatever advanced weapons are needed. And in the Russian army of this moment, it faces a force that has already been badly bloodied, proving itself logistically incompetent and poorly motivated. As the Russians conscript civilian vehicles to supply their stranded forces, including the 40-mile “convoy” north of Kyiv, which has been better described as a linear prisoner-of-war camp to which the captors are not obliged to provide rations, the invaders find themselves in logistical difficulties that appear well-nigh insuperable. The resources to equip the Ukrainians are there; the task is to do it on the largest possible scale, and fast. That is the lesson of Afghanistan: scale and urgency.
Carl von Clausewitz famously said that the maximum use of force is by no means incompatible with the simultaneous use of the intellect. That applies to Ukraine. Adapted civilian technologies (suicide drones, for example) and civilian computer-hacker militias have a role to play in its defense. The key is to give full rein to the creative covert operations and military talents that the United States and countries like Britain and Poland have in abundance.
By all accounts the second pillar of Western strategy—sanctions—has already had an effect on the Russian economy, which is only roughly the size of Italy’s. As in the case of material aid to Ukraine, the key is speed and scale, because the purpose is to shake the polity and not just put pressure on it, to cripple the economy and not just squeeze it. The French finance minister said as much and then retracted the remark; he was right the first time. The tools are economic rather than military, but many of the dynamics of war will apply—responses and reactions by the opponent, unforeseen consequences and second- and third-order effects, and collateral damage.
As a number of observers such as Edward Fishman have pointed out, it is possible to apply these sanctions even to Russian energy production, inducing customers to steadily reduce purchases so as to limit the gains Russia gets from short-term increases in the prices of oil and natural gas. Sanctions will also have much wider results, however, as can be seen from the stream of companies exiting Russia, such as Microsoft. Whether from fear of getting on the wrong side of the law, or future sanctions, or pressure from employees and shareholders, Western companies will leave Russia and should be encouraged to do so. Chinese companies, themselves dependent on Western expertise and intellectual capital, will not be able to replace all that the West has provided to Russia; they, too, will not wish to cross a sanctions regime that forces them to choose between Russia’s modest economy and the thriving markets of the United States and Europe. Nor will Russia find a sentimental friend in China: That is a quality unknown in Chinese government or business. Indeed, the Russian people should be constantly reminded of their leaders’ willingness to turn their country into a vassal state of Beijing, even as they become a pariah in the lands they long to visit and whose products and technology they cannot hope to consume.
The final pillar of Western strategy lies in building an impregnable eastern glacis for NATO and, in particular, strengthening frontline allies and those leading the defense of the continent against Russia. Poland is the key state: Its determination to confront Russia is unlimited, its military is competent and accustomed to service alongside the United States, and its willingness to spend on its own defense is evident in its recent decision to increase defense spending to 3 percent of its GDP, rather than the NATO-mandated 2 percent, and to buy 250 American M1 tanks.
The American role here is partly to maintain a visible presence on the front lines. Now is the time to permanently station American armored forces in the Baltic states and Poland—a deterrent, but also part of the price Russia would pay for its aggression. An equally important task is to help quickly arm those countries seeking to defend themselves: Lend Lease 2.0, some have called it, referring to the program of American aid during the Second World War. That means once again turning the United States into an arsenal of democracy, advancing the smaller European states the funds they require to obtain the full panoply of military hardware needed to defend themselves against Russian aggression. Holding as it does large stocks of surplus military hardware, the United States can move to strengthen its European allies.
The rearmament of Europe is an astonishing spectacle, beginning most notably with Germany’s declaration that it will spend the equivalent of two years’ defense budgets to refurbish the decayed forces of the Bundeswehr, once an army more formidable in Europe than that of the United States. Even under the agreements concluded upon German unification, Germany can field an army of more than 300,000, close to the size of the entire United States Army. The United States alone can lead and shape this rearmament as other states finally meet their 2-percent-of-GDP targets, creating forces so powerful that even to an isolated and semi-delusional Russian leadership, an attack against the West would be folly. The U.S. will need to do so, urging Europeans to rebuild their heavy armored forces, construct hardened defenses (e.g., aircraft shelters), while expanding air and missile defense and acquiring long-range missiles to disable Russian air bases and staging areas in the event of war.
Rearmament has an ideological component as well: piercing the information bubble that the Putin regime has constructed in Russia and administering that antidote to nationalist propaganda, truth. That task was well understood during the Cold War, and we created capable institutions to accomplish it, including the Voice of America and Radio Free Europe. In the new world of social media, the tools and organizations may be different, but the mission remains the same. John F. Kennedy recruited the legendary broadcaster Edward R. Murrow to create the United States Information Agency for that aspect of the struggle. Like talents are available for government service in the age of Twitter, TikTok, Facebook, and Instagram, as well as many individuals and organizations that will fight that battle in tandem with official institutions.
Ultimately, strategy requires a theory of victory—a story line explaining why we think things will turn out the way we wish. The confrontation with Russia will not end with its Western invasion and conquest, and hence not with its reconstruction, as happened with Germany, Italy, and Japan after World War II. The road that the West should seek will lead either to the collapse of Putin’s regime or to a long-term weakening of the Russian state’s capability and appetite for aggressive war. Such outcomes occur the way Ernest Hemingway described going bankrupt—gradually and then suddenly. The trajectory is clear, but we do not know yet just how fragile the Russian army and economy are. The collapse could take weeks, months, or years, so persistence will be necessary in the face of inevitable setbacks and counterstrokes.
If the Russian government does not simply collapse, and possibly even if it does, negotiations will occur. Conceivably, if Moscow is feeling pressure now from sanctions, losses, and the psychological jolt of its initial failures, preliminaries may be under way. At some point the West, with Ukraine, may wish to offer Russia an “off-ramp,” particularly after Putin exits power—but there is no point in doing so now. States, like individuals, accept off-ramps only when they are looking for them, and thus far Russia has offered no indication that Russia is seeking a way out of its predicament. Moreover, it is a Soviet technique of old, for which arms controllers in the United States in particular have always had a fatal weakness, to induce opponents to begin negotiating against themselves. Let the Russians make the first proposals.
For the United States, the decade ahead will require not merely the initial moves made by the Biden administration but a more profound readjustment of strategy. A new defense-strategy document has been in the works for months now; it should be set aside and rewritten for a very different world. There will be no overwhelming shift to focus on China. Rather, the United States will have to be, as it was for most of the 20th century, an ambidextrous power, asserting its strength and managing coalitions in both Europe and the Indo-Pacific. That will, in turn, require larger defense budgets and, no less important, a change in mindset.
More profoundly, American administrations will have to accept the primacy of national-security concerns in a way that they have not for decades. That does not exclude reform at home—the experiences of the Civil War and Vietnam, among others, suggest that doing both simultaneously is possible. But it does mean that national security will have to be at the forefront of American thinking. Americans will have to hear from their leaders why that is so—and because this president is insufficiently eloquent to do so adequately on his own, he will need to recruit surrogates from both parties to aid him. The Republican Party’s political leadership in Congress has rallied to the Ukrainian cause; the Biden administration should take advantage of that.
Many hazards lie ahead, for that is the nature of conflict with an unscrupulous and possibly somewhat deranged opponent. But all the odds are on the West’s side. The valiant Ukrainian population is willing to fight to the end and, for the moment, the West has found the unity and resolve to aid it. The Western economies are far and away the wealthiest, most resilient, and most advanced. The Western militaries deteriorated after the end of the Cold War, to a shocking degree, but their disarmament is not comparable to their desultory state in the 1930s. And the West faces not an ideological challenge comparable to Nazism or Communism but a vicious form of nationalism entrenched in a country that saw a million more deaths than births last year, that is burdened with a corrupt and limited economy, and that is led by an isolated, aging dictator.
Vladimir Putin has one advantage only. As a KGB officer he learned to play head games with his enemies, be they dissidents or foreign powers. Fear is not the consequence of Russian actions but rather their object. It is Moscow’s chief weapon, and Russian leaders are adept in its use. But fear is also susceptible to the remedy applied by the Ukrainians today, and by many others in the past. Courage, as Churchill famously said, is the virtue that makes all other virtues possible. Without courage, the West cannot succeed, but with it, it cannot fail.
The Atlantic · by Eliot A. Cohen · March 7, 2022



4. No-Fly Zone in Ukraine: War with Russia by Another Name




Q&A EUROPE & CENTRAL ASIA 7 MARCH 2022
No-Fly Zone in Ukraine: War with Russia by Another Name
Some current and former officials, including Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, call for Western powers to establish a no-fly zone over Ukraine. This Q&A explains what a no-fly zone would entail, where similar zones have been established before and the dangers of that option in Ukraine.
As Russia’s war against Ukraine grows bloodier and more destructive, and with the expectation of further escalation, there have been calls from current and former officials – including Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, members of the U.S. Congressformer North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) commanders and various media figures – for the United States or NATO to establish a no-fly zone to protect Ukraine from Russian air attacks. President Joe Biden and the NATO alliance as a whole have stated clearly that a no-fly zone over Ukraine is not an option. The U.S. government and the NATO foreign ministers have taken this measure off the table because establishing a no-fly zone, as with other forms of direct U.S. or allied military intervention, means going to war with Russia. Russian President Vladimir Putin has said he would view countries involved in policing a no-fly zone as “participant[s] in a military conflict”.
What is a “no-fly zone”?
A no-fly zone is a region of airspace from which certain aircraft are coercively excluded, often as a measure to protect civilians living below. As Crisis Group’s Europe and Central Asia Program Director Olga Oliker noted on Twitter, a no-fly zone represents “a decision to shoot at planes that fly in a given area”. A no-fly zone is not merely declared, it is established and maintained through the credible threat of shooting down aircraft; this means firing on hostile aircraft should they fly in the zone.
 No-fly zones ... typically entail the suppression or destruction of enemy air defences. 


Enforcing a no-fly zone may also involve attacking aircraft on the ground, airfields from which those aircraft take off or other support infrastructure. Although no-fly zones have varying parameters, they typically entail the suppression or destruction of enemy air defences, including surface-to-air missiles and radar facilities, to prevent attacks on the aircraft enforcing the zone. In other words, implementing a no-fly zone requires the enforcing state or states to establish air supremacy and for this, they have to be prepared to strike enemy forces.
Where have no-fly zones been implemented?
The modern concept of a no-fly zone emerged in the 1990s. Following the 1991 Gulf War, the U.S., UK, France and Turkey established two no-fly zones over Iraq to protect civilians, Kurds in the north and Shia in the south, from attacks by the government of Iraq. In the period from 1991 to 2003, when the zones were enforced, coalition aircraft were fired upon by surface-to-air missiles, struck air defence targets on the ground and engaged in aerial combat with Iraqi aircraft.
During the Bosnian War, atrocities against civilians spurred the U.S. and NATO allies to impose a no-fly zone from 1993 to 1995. The UN Security Council provided the mandate for the operation, banning fixed- and rotary-wing aircraft from Bosnian airspace and authorising member states to use “all necessary measures” to “ensure compliance with the ban on flights”. The extent to which the no-fly zone protected civilians in Bosnia is debated: parties to the conflict continued to commit atrocities on the ground, including Bosnian Serbs’ genocide against Bosnian Muslims at Srebrenica while the no-fly zone was in place.
The 2011 NATO military intervention in Libya, Operation Odyssey Dawn/Operation Unified Protector, included a no-fly zone but went further. The UN Security Council mandated an intervention to protect civilians and authorised, in addition to a no-fly zone, “all necessary measures … to protect civilians and civilian populated areas under threat of attack”. The NATO-led coalition that operated under the mandate interpreted it broadly. While its operations may have helped prevent a feared massacre of civilians in Benghazi, they involved extensive targeting of Libyan government forces on the ground and ultimately assisted Libyan rebels in overthrowing Muammar Qadhafi. The latter in particular was repeatedly criticised by Russia and other countries on the Security Council at the time as going beyond the UN mandate.
The Obama administration extensively debated establishing a no-fly zone in Syria, particularly between 2015 and 2016, to protect civilians and opposition forces from the attacks of the Syrian government. During her presidential campaign in 2016, former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton advocated for the establishment of a no-fly zone to protect Syrians from air attacks directed by Damascus and Moscow, following Russia’s direct intervention in the war in 2015. The administration did not implement these proposals, in part because officials did not think a no-fly zone would in fact protect civilians from Syrian government or Islamic State (ISIS) attacks, and also because doing so would require U.S. forces to (in the words of President Barack Obama) “militarily take over a big chunk” of Syria. Following Russia’s intervention in the conflict, the risk of direct confrontation between U.S. and Russian forces was an additional concern.
Nonetheless, U.S. military operations against ISIS in Syria have resulted in the creation of de facto no-fly zones in the east of the country as the U.S. and Russian militaries have established deconfliction zones to avoid potential armed friction. These zones include a 55km area around the Tanf garrison in south-eastern Syria.
Notably, in none of these cases did the U.S. attempt to coercively establish a no-fly zone against a near-peer military with sophisticated air defences, as some have suggested doing over Ukraine.    
What would a no-fly zone for Ukraine entail and what are the risks?
Those advocating for a no-fly zone over Ukraine have not clarified the precise contours of such a military operation, including whether it would be limited to excluding Russian aircraft from Ukrainian airspace or, as occurred in Libya with different actors, also entail attacks against Russian ground forces. In any event, a no-fly zone would likely require not merely the threat of the use of force, but actual U.S. and/or allied attacks on Russian forces. To be very clear, a U.S. no-fly zone over Ukraine would necessitate a direct military confrontation with Russia, and as noted above, President Putin has said he would regard this as bringing the U.S. into the conflict.
 The establishment of any no-fly zone would likely involve the suppression of Russian air defences − that is, strikes on Russian forces. 


If history is any guide, the establishment of any no-fly zone would likely involve the suppression of Russian air defences - that is, strikes on Russian forces. Given the range of some Russian surface-to-air missiles, it is possible that these air defences could be located in Russia itself, and thus suppressing them might require strikes on targets in Russian territory. Moreover, for the no-fly zone to be effective in closing Ukraine’s airspace, the U.S. or its allies would have to be prepared to shoot down Russian aircraft. They would also need to be prepared to maintain the no-fly zone for the duration of the war. Even a limited “humanitarian no-fly zone” over western Ukraine, a concept endorsed by former NATO Supreme Commander General Philip Breedlove, would likely require many of these actions and necessitate a willingness by the U.S. or NATO to use military force against Russia. It would also appear to step over the red line that Putin laid out in his pronouncement on no-fly zones.
NATO’s controversial 1999 air war in Kosovo is instructive as to the nature of operational risks of such civilian protection undertakings. Operation Allied Force was launched in response to human rights abuses by Yugoslavia against ethnic Albanians in Kosovo, and, despite the clear superiority of its forces, NATO was unable to establish air supremacy during the 78-day air campaign. That intervention was undertaken against a force that did not resemble anything approximating a near-peer military. Establishing a no-fly zone in the face of Russia’s much more significant assets would entail much greater effort and risk, potentially fuelling an escalatory cycle in the pursuit of air supremacy against a near-peer adversary. 
It is also not fully clear what establishing a no-fly zone would accomplish by itself. So far, Russia has yet to fully utilise its air force in the war, and has instead relied more heavily on artillery, rockets, and cruise and ballistic missiles – the effects of which have been devastating for Ukraine’s cities. As pointed out in this useful explainer, published by two former U.S. air force officers in War on the Rocks, this may be in part because Russia’s army thus far controls only limited territory, and cannot establish air defences over territory that Ukraine controls. Ukraine therefore continues to conduct air operations against Russian forces. Thus, it is unclear at this stage whether removing Russia’s air force from the conflict would fundamentally alter the overall military balance between Ukraine and Russia.
Still, it is possible that Russia is prepared to deploy its air force more aggressively as the conflict continues. Moreover, even if the Russian air force continues to be under-utilised, U.S. or NATO warplanes deployed over the fighting would be at risk not only from Russian air defences, but also from friendly fire from Ukrainian forces, particularly given the transfer of large quantities of shoulder-fired surface-to-air missiles from NATO members to Ukraine.
Beyond the operational risk, Putin’s announcement about how Moscow would view the establishment of a no-fly zone makes abundantly clear that the United States or NATO’s seeking to deprive Russia of airpower in the conflict would be an extraordinarily dangerous gamble with unclear returns. Given the risk of escalation between the world’s largest nuclear powers from any military confrontation, the Biden administration, the UK government and the NATO secretary general have unsurprisingly and wisely rejected proposals to establish such a zone. As explained here, in the event of a military clash, the risk of nuclear use would become worryingly high. That risk must be avoided. The human costs of Russia’s war on Ukraine are heartbreaking; the costs of a nuclear war are unfathomable.




5. Biden’s Russian roulette may kill dollar dominance
 
I do not have the finance expertise to provide much in the way of critical comments. However, I do not think that if we do not protect the dollar as the reserve currency and it is replaced by something else (e.g., RMB) then we are going to suffering a severe weakening of our economic instrument of power. And from there our other instruments will be significantly eroded. We must protect the dollar as the reserve currency.
Biden’s Russian roulette may kill dollar dominance
Biden administration’s move to block Russia’s access to its dollar reserves means the post-war financial system will never be the same
Biden administration’s move to block Russia’s access to its dollar reserves means the post-war financial system will never be the same

asiatimes.com · by William Pesek · March 7, 2022
In the 1960s, French Finance Minister Valéry Giscard d’Estaing famously said that issuing the globe’s undisputed reserve currency gave Washington “exorbitant privilege.” In the last week, Joe Biden has proved d’Estaing understated the case quite significantly.
Among the US president’s steps to sanction Vladimir Putin for his brutal is effectively cutting Russia off from much of its currency reserves. Markets were every bit as flummoxed as Putin’s central bank, which planned to use that US$630 billion war chest to stabilize what’s now a junk-rated economy.
Dylan Grice, a UK hedge fund manager at Calderwood Capital, speaks for many when he says he’s “never seen weaponization of money on this scale before.” And then, the kicker: “You only get to play the card once,” Grice warned. “It’s a turning point in monetary history: The end of USD hegemony.”
Maybe. But in the meantime, it’s a gut punch to Russia.
The Central Bank of Russia (CBR), says economist Gerard DiPippo at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, had amassed giant official reserves amounting to double Russia’s goods imports and more than a third of Russia’s gross domestic product (GDP).
“Many referred to these ample reserves as ‘Fortress Russia,’” says DiPippo. Yet, “the sanctions demolished the walls of that fortress by severely limiting the CBR’s ability to transact in major foreign currencies and cutting off Russian banks from and certain transactions.”
Biden’s move, “effectively rendered most of the CBR’s reserves useless by prohibiting transactions in those currencies,” in DiPippo’s estimate.
He continued, “The sanctions will impose enormous costs on Russia’s economy, effectively cutting it off from international capital, triggering a currency crisis, a potential banking crisis and its worst financial shock since the debt crisis of 1998.”
The damage is mounting. As of March 2, the Russian ruble had fallen more than 30% against the dollar compared to before the sanctions. On February 28, the CBR scrambled to double its key interest rate to 20% to stabilize exchange rates and imposed capital controls.
Credit rating agencies scrambled to downgrade Moscow to junk levels as default risks soar. Russia’s economy has already fallen , trailing South Korea’s.
And looking back, its 1998 default on government debt killed the Long-Term Capital Management hedge fund, and nearly triggered a global crisis.
Russia faces US and Western sanctions for its invasion of Ukraine. Photo: iStock
Dollar on a knife edge
Credit Suisse AG global strategist Zoltan Pozsar notes that wars often lead to major inflection points for currencies.
If central bankers wake up to find that their mountain of currency reserves is not real money – the policymaking equivalent of a crypto trader whose password won’t work – is in for a history-turning shock.
How will this shock be interpreted by China – which, along with Japan, is among the two biggest holders of US Treasury debt?
To Biden’s boosters, freezing Russian assets was a stroke of realpolitik brilliance. The line on predecessor Donald Trump was that he kept Putin, North Korea’s Kim Jong Un and other rivals off-balance. Well, Biden just gave dollar-hoarding authoritarians a masterclass in out-of-the-box methods for keeping your adversaries guessing.
Yet there is a downside. Biden, Pozsar observes, also sent a glaring message that no country can rely on these ginormous cash stashes actually being theirs in times of need.
Going forward, why would you hoard dollars if they could be held beyond your reach when you most need the liquidity? The precedent raises existential questions about the durability of the post-war Bretton Woods system.
When the Ukraine crisis – if it simmers down – Biden’s dollar gambit could increase the urgency for a new monetary order, a new reserve asset and a global system infinitely less interconnected via bank accounts and central bank currency reserves.
Until then, China’s foreign-exchange holdings may become the globe’s most hotly analyzed financial data.
Prime position
Yet, for the time being, Russia, and the globe’s top dollar holders, are stuck with today’s dollar-centric trade universe.
Marc Chandler at Bannockburn Global Forex says, “I don’t buy,” the argument Russia can abandon the dollar anytime soon. Moscow, he says, “faces the same problem as always – no clear, compelling alternative.”
The euro is out, he says, because the Europeans “have also sanctioned so that the alternative could not be” the common currency. The yen could offer the same landmines.
Cornell University economist Eswar Prasad acknowledges “speculation is rife that when the dust settles, China, Russia, and others will intensify efforts to unshackle themselves from the dollar-dominated system and reduce their financial vulnerability.”
But, he adds, “The reality is likely to be far less dramatic.”
China holds massive amounts of US dollar-denominated reserves. Photo: Chen jialiang / Imaginechina via AFP
To be sure, Prasad says, some changes already underway as a result of new financial technologies could gather steam. “But,” he adds, the “fundamental structure of global finance, including the status of the major reserve currencies, will not be easily shaken.”
And why not? “That would require deep-rooted reforms that China and Russia have long scorned,” Prasad reckons.
China has been working on those reforms, particularly since 2016 when the yuan was added to the International Monetary Fund’s “special drawing rights” .
Yet, President Xi Jinping still refuses to make the yuan fully convertible, boost transparency or make the People’s Bank of China central bank independent.
The upshot, says economist Barry Eichengreen at the University of California, Berkeley, is that China may grow fast as a transactional currency, but less so as a safe haven.
Nor are private cryptocurrencies about to replace the dollar. One reason: Russian oligarchs using crypto assets to spirit away their billions might prompt the US, Europe, Japan and others to clamp down hard on blockchain-based tools.
In a recent research note, Citigroup opined the crypto world is more about speculation than protecting state wealth.
Gold is always there. But its recent rally makes the a crowded trade already.
US Treasury securities, on the other hand, Chandler says, offer “yield, liquidity, transparency and security.” In other words – everything crypto-assets and their echocardiogram-like price swings don’t.
Then there is the issue of transactions.
Washington, Prasad notes, “has outsize influence over the SWIFT messaging system.” China could expand its , but such networks take time to perfect.
“Could,” Prasad asks, “China and India allow Russia to evade sanctions? The relatively modest financial footprint of those economies and their exposure to secondary sanctions limit the viability of this escape route. But surely the lesson that these countries will take away is the need to reduce their vulnerability to sanctions. That will be feasible in some dimensions but not in others.”
Treasuries: weapon or linkage?
There’s also a question about whether China is essentially trapped.
For years now, many investors assumed Beijing’s $1.1 trillion of US gave it undue leverage over Washington. Economists have long seen China’s $3.22 trillion of reserves as a geopolitical strength – the ultimate rainy day fund should China’s shadow-banking system blow up.
If China or any other top Asian US debt holders began dumping huge blocks of Treasuries, though, chaos would ensue. Even news that Japan, China, Taiwan, South Korea or others are curtailing new purchases could slam global credit markets.
The US has used finance to maintain its empire. Image: Screengrab / Marketwatch
That surge in global rates could devastate demand for Chinee goods. It creates a sort of “mutually assured destruction” dynamic that could force China to hold its dollars.
So, the long-term implications of Biden’s decision to separate Putin from hundreds of billions of dollars of state money is still impossible to guess.
Last week, another French finance minister – the current one, Bruno Le Maire – made headlines of his own calling banning Russia from SWIFT a “financial nuclear weapon.”
Biden’s team just went a step further than that. How Putin responds is an open question. What’s not in dispute is that the post-war financial system will never be the same.
asiatimes.com · by William Pesek · March 7, 2022


6. The Anti-Dollar AxisThe Anti-Dollar Axis

I do not have the finance expertise to provide much in the way of critical comments. However, I do not think that if we do not protect the dollar as the reserve currency and it is replaced by something else (e.g., RMB) then we are going to suffering a severe weakening of our economic instrument of power. And from there our other instruments will be significantly eroded. We must protect the dollar as the reserve currency.I do not have the finance expertise to provide much in the way of critical comments. However, I do not think that if we do not protect the dollar as the reserve currency and it is replaced by something else (e.g., RMB) then we are going to suffering a severe weakening of our economic instrument of power. And from there, our other instruments will be significantly eroded. We must protect the dollar as the reserve currency.

A strong U.S. economy is the most effective and credible tool for countering adversaries seeking to undermine confidence in the dollar. Countries and companies comply with U.S. sanctions because they seek to retain access to U.S. markets, to the U.S. dollar, and to the broader U.S.-led global system. The U.S. government should be aware of the unintended consequences of its sanctions policy and find ways to undermine Russia and China’s de-dollarization partnership. If Washington fails to act, it will be in effect choosing to discard the mantle of its global leadership.
The Anti-Dollar Axis
Foreign Affairs · by Zongyuan Zoe Liu and Mihaela Papa · March 7, 2022
Russian forces are now seizing territory across Ukraine, shelling military and civilian targets, and creeping closer to capturing the capital, Kyiv. The international response to Russian President Vladimir Putin’s invasion has been furious, and U.S. allies are united against the invasion. U.S. President Joe Biden has led the international community in slapping punitive sanctions on Russian elites and firms with the intention of crippling the Russian economy and forcing a change of course. But so far, these measures have failed to compel Russia to accept a cease-fire or to withdraw.
The war is barely ten days old, and it remains to be seen what Putin will do if and when sanctions stoke greater public discontent in Russia. But these punitive sanctions may also backfire in another way. Biden’s flexing of American economic muscle will only embolden Russia and other U.S. rivals, notably China, to deprive the United States of the very power that makes sanctions so devastating. Russia and China will expedite initiatives to “de-dollarize” their economies, building alternative financial institutions and structures that both protect themselves from sanctions and threaten the U.S. dollar’s status as the world’s dominant currency. Without concerted action, the United States will struggle to reverse this movement and see the weakening of its global standing.
The U.S. dollar’s preeminence in the global financial system, backed by vibrant U.S. markets and unmatched U.S. military strength, makes any sanctions imposed by Washington formidable. No other currencies, the euro and the yuan included, have come close to dethroning the dollar from its primary position in the global economy and in international financial markets. The dollar is the most widely held reserve currency in the world. It is the main invoicing currency in international trade and the leading currency across global financial institutions. It dominates global equity markets, commodities markets, development finance, bank deposits, and global corporate borrowing. In times of crisis, people around the world turn to the dollar as their first choice of a safe-haven currency. U.S. sanctions effectively amputate the financial power of a foreign aggressor, preventing it from raising capital in global markets to bankroll its activities.
Russia might be the most outspoken champion of throwing off the yoke of the dollar, but its agenda has great appeal among major powers. China’s commitment to diversifying its foreign exchange reserves, encouraging more transactions in yuan, and reforming the global currency system through changes in the International Monetary Fund further buttresses Russia’s strategy. Deteriorating U.S.-Chinese relations incentivize Beijing to join with Moscow in building a credible global financial system that excludes the United States. Such a system will attract countries under U.S. sanctions. It would even appeal to major U.S. allies who hope to promote their own currencies to the detriment of the dollar. When imposing sanctions, the Biden administration must not just consider how these measures will shape the war in Ukraine but also how they might transform the global financial system.
THE DOLLAR YOKE
For at least a decade, Russian policymakers have been wary of the preeminence of the dollar. In 2012, Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov expressed Russia’s concern about the dollar’s dominance in international trade. After the annexation of Crimea in 2014, the Obama administration expanded sanctions on Russia that targeted several large Russian banks, as well as energy companies, defense corporations, and wealthy supporters of Putin. The Russian government subsequently launched two critical pieces of financial infrastructure to fend off sanctions and preserve its financial autonomy if cut off from the Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication system, also known as SWIFT, which allows banks to send messages to one another. One was an independent national payment system that worked as a Russian alternative to payment platforms such as Visa and Mastercard. The other was a proprietary financial messaging system called the System for Transfer of Financial Messages, or SPFS, the Russian version of SWIFT.

SPFS became fully operational in 2017, transmitting transaction messages in any currency. In December 2021, it had 38 foreign participants from nine countries. As of this March, SPFS has over 399 users, including more than 20 Belarusian banks, the Armenian Arshidbank, and the Kyrgyz Bank of Asia. Subsidiaries of large Russian banks in Germany and Switzerland, the two most important financial power hubs in Europe, have access to SPFS. Russia is currently negotiating with China to join the system. This alternative financial infrastructure enables Russian corporations and individuals to retain some access, albeit limited, to global markets despite sanctions.
Since 2018, the Bank of Russia has also substantially reduced the share of dollars in Russia’s foreign exchange reserves with purchases of gold, euros, and yuan. It also withdrew much of its reserves from U.S. Treasury bonds; between March and May 2018, the Bank of Russia reduced its holdings of U.S. Treasury securities from $96.1 billion to $14.9 billion. In early 2019, the bank cut its U.S. dollar holdings by $101 billion, over half of its existing assets. In 2021, after the Biden administration imposed new sanctions on Moscow, Russia announced its decision to completely remove dollar assets from its $186 billion National Wealth Fund, a major sovereign wealth fund.
At a currency exchange in Moscow, January 2016
Sergei Karpukhin / Reuters
Since the beginning of his fourth presidential term in 2018, Putin pledged to defend Russia’s economic sovereignty against U.S. sanctions and prioritized policies that steered the country’s economy away from the dollar. He advocated for getting “free” of the dollar “burden” in the global oil trade and the Russian economy because the monopoly of the U.S. dollar was “unreliable” and “dangerous.” In October 2018, the Putin administration supported a plan designed to limit Russia’s exposure to future U.S. sanctions by using alternative currencies in international transactions. Since then, major Russian energy companies have stopped using the U.S. dollar. Gazprom Neft, Russia’s third-largest oil producer, sold all of its exports to China using yuan in 2015. Rosneft, Russia’s largest oil and gas company, switched all export contracts from U.S. dollars to euros in 2019. The euro has already replaced the dollar as the primary vehicle of trade between China and Russia. Data from the Bank of Russia reveals that by the end of 2020, more than 83 percent of Russian exports to China were settled in euros. Last month, Russia and China signed a 30-year contract in which they agreed to use euros in gas sales related to a new pipeline linking the countries that will become operational in the next two to three years.
Russia is currently preparing to launch a state-backed cryptocurrency that can get around the dollar. Sanctioned Russian entities can trade directly with anybody willing to accept the digital ruble without first converting it into dollars, thereby completely bypassing the dollar-based system. According to a 2020 Bank of Russia consultation paper on the digital ruble, the government would invite non-banking financial institutions, such as exchanges and credit institutions, to join the digital ruble network. This setup could provide Russian banks with an alternative source of access to international liquidity and decrease their vulnerability to sanctions.
A GROWING COALITION
Russia’s unilateral initiatives to escape the hold of the dollar may be defensive in nature, but it has also worked with other countries to chip away at the dollar’s dominance. These coalitions present a long-term threat to the dollar’s preeminent role in international commerce and, consequently, a challenge to U.S. global leadership. The shared desire to reduce dependence on the dollar has strengthened the relationship between Russia and China. Bilateral currency swaps between the two central banks helped Russia bypass U.S. sanctions in 2014 and facilitate bilateral trade and investment. In 2016, Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev called for harmonizing the two countries’ national payment systems and discussed the prospect of launching a new Russia-China cross-border payment system for direct settlements in yuan and rubles. In 2018, Putin stated that Russia and China “confirmed their interest in using national currencies more actively in reciprocal payments.”
In 2019, China upgraded its ties with Russia to a “comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination for a new era,” the highest level of China’s bilateral relations. Thereafter, Russia’s central bank invested $44 billion in yuan, increasing its share in Russia’s foreign exchange reserves from five to 15 percent in early 2019. Russia’s yuan holdings are about ten times the global average and account for nearly a quarter of global yuan reserves. In 2019, China and Russia signed a treaty that increases the use of their respective national currencies in cross-border trade to 50 percent. In 2021, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov urged China to work with Russia to reduce their dependence on the U.S. dollar and Western payment systems. The Russian government allowed Russia’s sovereign wealth fund to invest in yuan reserves and Chinese state bonds. Chinese policymakers hope that partnership with Russia will help broaden a yuan-based financial infrastructure, including a Chinese rival to SWIFT and a rival bank card payment system, thereby boosting the yuan’s status as a reserve currency and bolstering China’s financial autonomy.

Putin seeks to expand such alternative financial infrastructure through Russia’s dealings with other countries. In 2019, Iran and Russia connected their financial messaging systems, thereby bypassing SWIFT by allowing banks in both countries to send cross-border transaction messages. Russia and Turkey have discussed using the ruble and the Turkish lira in cross-border trade. Russia introduced its version of SWIFT to banks in the Eurasian Economic Union (a partnership of five post-Soviet states) and expressed interest in expanding it to countries in the Arab world and Europe. Russia has tried to muster further support for de-dollarization in multilateral forums such as the BRICS grouping, which consists of Brazil, China, India, Russia, and South Africa, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. BRICS’ New Development Bank has raised funds in local currencies as part of its goal to “break away from the tyranny of hard currencies.” In 2020, SCO members underscored the importance of using national currencies in trade among one another and discussed the establishment of a development bank and development fund. Russia and China can use these forums to create a broad de-dollarization coalition with the promise of greater financial autonomy for all and reduced dependence on the dollar.
REINFORCING THE DOLLAR
The Biden administration must consider this broader context as it determines how best to pressure Russia to withdraw from Ukraine. Additional stringent sanctions against Russia could help Ukraine in the short term but risk accelerating a broader de-dollarization movement that could in the long term fundamentally weaken U.S. global leadership. The United States should strengthen the U.S. dollar-based global financial system if it wants to preserve the foundation of U.S. hegemonic power and sustain the dollar’s service as a stable public good indispensable for global financial stability. The Biden administration can preserve the dollar’s global preeminence by easing tensions with China and encouraging China to use SWIFT rather than switching to alternative systems. The United States should not implement policies that would lead to financial decoupling with China. U.S. financial regulators should respond to the request from their Chinese counterparts to strengthen communication and cooperation on market regulations. U.S. officials should also encourage more Chinese firms to list on U.S. equity markets, which would incentivize China to support the stability of dollar-based global financial markets.
The United States should weaken Russia’s core financial strength: the revenues it generates through oil and gas exports. U.S. energy cooperation with Europe is crucial to reducing the EU’s dependence on Russian energy. To achieve this, the Biden administration should in the short term provide alternative energy supplies to its allies in Europe and the Asia-Pacific region. In the medium to long term, the United States should also work with its allies to counter Russia’s nuclear power exports. Russia’s absolute dominance in the global nuclear energy exports market (it has 60 percent market share) lets it weaponize its control over nuclear power technology and fuel supplies in times of geopolitical tensions. Congress should strengthen the ability of the Export-Import Bank of the United States to develop innovative public-private partnerships and provide more financial support to U.S. corporations in the nuclear energy exports market.
Congress should also empower the Development Finance Corporation, the U.S. government’s development finance institution, to become a credible source of capital for emerging markets and lower- and middle-income countries. Development finance is an important but underutilized tool of economic statecraft. Russia has attempted to advance de-dollarization efforts through multilateral development institutions, and the United States must respond. Washington should raise the profile of the DFC and work with the development finance institutions of U.S. allies, such as the Japan Bank for International Corporation, to strengthen the role of the dollar and U.S. leadership in international development finance.
A strong U.S. economy is the most effective and credible tool for countering adversaries seeking to undermine confidence in the dollar. Countries and companies comply with U.S. sanctions because they seek to retain access to U.S. markets, to the U.S. dollar, and to the broader U.S.-led global system. The U.S. government should be aware of the unintended consequences of its sanctions policy and find ways to undermine Russia and China’s de-dollarization partnership. If Washington fails to act, it will be in effect choosing to discard the mantle of its global leadership.

Foreign Affairs · by Zongyuan Zoe Liu and Mihaela Papa · March 7, 2022



7. The Biggest Cyber Risk in Ukraine?

The risk is huge around the world.

Excerpts:

One way to avoid this type of escalation is resilience. When societies can withstand cyberattacks on critical infrastructure, their adversaries are less likely to attack in the first place. If the attack is going to have little effect, why launch it in the first place? The courage being displayed by Ukrainians to survive, to fight, and to make war costly for Putin is an exemplar about how resilience in any domain makes a society more survivable. The same is true for resilient nuclear weapons and command-and-control systems, which make states more confident in their second-strike capability. They are then less likely to find themselves vulnerable to counterforce campaigns and less tempted to launch their own preemptive nuclear attacks.
Finally, one lesson from wargaming is that player “type” matters—for whether cyber leads to escalation and whether crises escalate in general. In our games, the vast majority of players chose not to use nuclear weapons. But, a minority of players were going to escalate in the game no matter what capabilities or vulnerabilities we gave them. As Putin’s veiled nuclear threats and risk-taking behavior in Ukraine suggest, there is only so much a country can do in the face of such an enemy, and there are plenty of non-cyber pathways to escalation.

The Biggest Cyber Risk in Ukraine?
Foreign Affairs · by Jacquelyn Schneider · March 7, 2022
Just as many military experts predicted that a Russian invasion of Ukraine would be quick and decisive, so many cyber-experts expected that Moscow would fortify its conventional onslaught with a devastating cyberattack. Ukrainian forces would be blinded, critical infrastructure broken, and Russian disinformation rampant. But just as the military experts have been surprised by Russia’s stalled invasion, so have the cyber-experts by the lack of major digital attacks. In the first few days of conflict, cyber-operations seem to be more fizzle than bang.
Some Russian cyber-activity has been discovered, but it seems to have done little to invigorate the Russian military campaign or hinder the Ukrainian response. In the run-up to the invasion, Russia launched wiper malware attacks, which deleted data from computers at Ukrainian government agencies. Russia also appears to have conducted some distributed denial-of-service attacks, which bombarded websites with so much information they became paralyzed, and a series of cybernetwork exploitation attempts on Ukrainian government and military systems. But Ukrainian air defense and aircraft didn’t appear to be affected by cyber-disruptions, and there are no reports of critical infrastructure damage from cyberattacks. Even the Internet seems to be up and running in Ukraine.
Why the apparent restraint? It is almost impossible to know exactly why (or if) the Russians have indeed held back. Perhaps cyber-operations have been attempted and failed; perhaps Russian President Vladimir Putin has held his cyber-capabilities in reserve, saving them for later. Or maybe cyber-operations have taken place, but their effect—which is often virtual and not clearly attributed—will take longer to materialize.
What is known is that the conflict is far from over, and the next question becomes whether cyber-operations could play a larger role as the war turns more violent. It is likely that the next stage of conflict will more than ever be defined by planes, tanks, artillery, and soldiers. It seems unlikely, given the amount of indiscriminate damage currently being inflicted by Russia, that cyber-operations will escalate the violence of the campaign within Ukraine. That said, could cyber-operations lead to horizontal escalation, drawing NATO into the fight, for example? Or, given that the United States and Russia are the world’s largest nuclear powers, could cyber-operations escalate to the worst possible outcome—nuclear war? Recent wargaming research suggests that cyber-exploits into nuclear command and control may be enticing for states looking to neutralize a nuclear escalation threat in the midst of a conventional war, and that actors may underestimate the danger of these exploits and vulnerabilities to nuclear stability.
GETTING PULLED IN
One way cyber-operations could lead to escalation is by pulling the United States or NATO into the conflict. Mark Warner, the Democratic senator from Virginia, warned in late February that potential Russian cyberattacks on critical infrastructure in Ukraine could have accidental spillover effects on NATO countries—for instance if a Russian cyberattack on Ukrainian energy infrastructure caused an outage in a NATO neighbor like Poland. This could inadvertently trip Article 5 of NATO’s founding treaty, which states that an armed attack against one member state will be considered an attack against them all. This would be uncharted waters for NATO, which only recently publicly stated that cyberattacks might invoke Article 5 and is still ambiguous about what types of cyberattack—which range from virtual outages to data manipulations to physical damage (in extremely rare circumstances)—might be serious enough for NATO to respond with conventional retaliation.

The Biden administration has warned that the United States would respond to cyberattacks on U.S. critical infrastructure, such as the country’s electrical grid or water supply (although officials stopped short of saying how the United States would respond). So far, the United States has answered previous cyberattacks with either sanctions, law enforcement actions, or the confiscation of cryptoassets. None of these options seem likely to deter Putin at this point, and so the Biden administration may find itself in an unprecedented position of having few credible options to threaten Russia. It is certainly possible that Putin, facing a conventional war that he thinks he might lose, could attack critical infrastructure in the United States or other NATO countries in the hope that their citizens will push their governments to abandon Ukraine. The financial sector, in particular, would seem to be a logical target for Russian cyberattacks, given the damage that Western economic actions have already done to the Russian economy.
It is difficult to create widespread and long-lasting effects with cyberattacks, however, and the financial sector is the best equipped and most advanced cyber-defender in the world. Plus, research I’ve conducted with Sarah Kreps, director of the Cornell Tech Policy Lab, finds that the American public views cyberattacks as qualitatively different from conventional means of warfare—more akin to economic sanctions than bombs. Thus, cyberattacks are unlikely to provoke the kind of retaliation or emotional response that would pull the United States or its NATO allies into a war with Russia. What’s more, the United States can probably withstand the short-term damage to critical infrastructure that a Russian cyberattack might create, and such attacks might actually increase resolve to support Ukraine. This means a deliberate choice by Russia to use cyberattacks against the United States or NATO to “escalate to dominate”—deliberately ratcheting up the pressure to force Washington to back off—would likely fail.
A more troubling scenario involves accidental escalation from cyber-operations—that is, when critical infrastructure is unintentionally damaged by a cyberattack or when a cyberattack is misattributed to Russia (or the United States). This is especially dangerous for civilian infrastructure that also serves military or security purposes—for example, harming a refugee train by using a cyberattack targeting railroads also used to move troops and supplies to the front. Plus, a jumble of actors has jumped into this space, from criminal syndicates to cyber-militias to hacker collectives such as Anonymous. That increases the chances that one of these players will target civilian infrastructure, and misattribution to either Russia or the United States could needlessly trigger retaliation.
WHEN CYBER GOES NUCLEAR
By far the most dangerous form of escalation is the possibility that a cyber-operation increases the likelihood of nuclear war. How likely is such a scenario? No one may know if Russia has a cyberweapon that can target nuclear weapons (or, for that matter, whether the United States does), but there are theories and some data about how the cyber-realm might affect nuclear stability.
American policymakers have generally recognized that attempting to interfere with nuclear command, control, and communications could lead to dangerous incentives for states to launch nuclear weapons preemptively. Threats to nuclear command and control, for example, could leave states so fearful about their second-strike capability (the ability to launch a nuclear weapon in retaliation against an attacker) that in the midst of a conflict they would feel compelled to use nuclear weapons preemptively. Some scholars have warned that attacks against nuclear command-and-control systems could make it impossible to control nuclear war and keep it limited, leading to inadvertent nuclear Armageddon. Despite these fears about the dangers of attacking nuclear command and control, there was never an agreement between the United States and the Soviet Union (and subsequently Russia) to not attack each other’s nuclear command, control, and communications.
Would Russia, or even the United States and its allies, launch a cyberattack against an enemy’s nuclear command-and-control system if they could? And how might that capability affect nuclear instability? Beginning in 2017, my team at the Naval War College and the Hoover Institution ran a wargame that explored this very question. It took place over three years and included 580 players from across the world—predominantly nuclear, cyber, and military experts ranging from former heads of state to military officers to industry leaders. In our simulations, we found that teams who were told they possessed cyber-exploits against nuclear command-and-control systems overwhelmingly used them. Because cyber-operations can be denied and are covert and virtual, players appeared to believe that they did not pose too great a risk of escalation. The tools seemed too valuable not to use, especially because they have a quick expiration date, with vulnerabilities quickly patched once discovered.

Cyber-operations could pull the United States or NATO into the conflict.

Perhaps more worrying, teams that were told they had these exploits were more likely to launch conventional campaigns of air, naval, and special operations strikes against the adversary’s nuclear force—a dangerous road to nuclear escalation. At the same time, teams that were told their nuclear command-and-control systems were vulnerable to a cyberattack often responded by pre-delegating launch authority to lower echelons and in some cases relying on automation or artificial intelligence to launch on warning. All of these actions only increase the chance of accident or inadvertent escalation from cyber to nuclear use.
These were actions players took in a hypothetical wargame between “our county” and “other country,” so they don’t predict the outcome between the United States and Russia in today’s crisis. But they reveal patterns of behaviors and motivations—pathways to escalation—that the United States and Russia need to avoid in order to limit nuclear escalation.
One way to avoid this type of escalation is resilience. When societies can withstand cyberattacks on critical infrastructure, their adversaries are less likely to attack in the first place. If the attack is going to have little effect, why launch it in the first place? The courage being displayed by Ukrainians to survive, to fight, and to make war costly for Putin is an exemplar about how resilience in any domain makes a society more survivable. The same is true for resilient nuclear weapons and command-and-control systems, which make states more confident in their second-strike capability. They are then less likely to find themselves vulnerable to counterforce campaigns and less tempted to launch their own preemptive nuclear attacks.
Finally, one lesson from wargaming is that player “type” matters—for whether cyber leads to escalation and whether crises escalate in general. In our games, the vast majority of players chose not to use nuclear weapons. But, a minority of players were going to escalate in the game no matter what capabilities or vulnerabilities we gave them. As Putin’s veiled nuclear threats and risk-taking behavior in Ukraine suggest, there is only so much a country can do in the face of such an enemy, and there are plenty of non-cyber pathways to escalation.

Foreign Affairs · by Jacquelyn Schneider · March 7, 2022


8. Gig App Gathering Data for U.S. Military, Others Prompts Safety Concerns

Interesting concepts. But it puts people at risk.



Gig App Gathering Data for U.S. Military, Others Prompts Safety Concerns
Briefly banned in Ukraine, U.S. mobile-phone app Premise does defense work globally and has faced contributor safety issues
WSJ · by Byron Tau
What that and other Ukrainian gig workers were doing was harvesting data for a U.S. Defense Department-funded research project. Descartes Labs, a government contractor that works with U.S. military and intelligence agencies, hired Premise to have its gig workers gauge how accurately the company’s satellite algorithms were performing, the people said. Could they, for example, accurately tell barley from wheat in photos taken from space? Descartes’s work was funded by DARPA, a research arm of the Pentagon, a Defense Department spokesperson said. Descartes declined to comment.
Based in San Francisco, Premise is one of a number of companies offering a service that uses iPhone and Android smartphones around the world as tools for gathering intelligence and commercial information from afar, sometimes without the users knowing specifically who they are working for. The business model of companies like Premise has prompted questions about the safety and propriety of enlisting such people for government work—especially in potential or active conflict zones.

Premise has been contracted by Descartes Labs, a government contractor that works with U.S. military and intelligence agencies.
Photo: Eddie Moore/Zuma Press
Such safety concerns were on display last week when the Ukrainian ministry of defense accused the company’s gig workers of being agents of Russia after false reports circulated on social media that Moscow was using the app to mark targets for military strikes. Premise said its work in Ukraine was on behalf of a U.S. government agency, a Western European government and some private clients, adding it wasn’t allowed to be more specific under the terms of its client agreements. “We need to get the message back to Ukraine that we’re good guys, not bad guys,” Premise CEO Maury Blackman said.
Bogdan Kulynych, a Ukrainian Ph.D. candidate who works on privacy and security issues, drew attention to the app’s work in his country in a series of viral tweets, calling Premise’s activities in a war zone “a very bad idea.”
“Ukrainian society is rightfully on the edge,” he wrote on Twitter. “I think that paying locals literally pennies to engage in suspicious activities that could get them detained, or worse, is harmful.”
A Premise spokesman said the company had been the target of a disinformation campaign and had expressed its concerns to the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Google halted Android users’ ability to download the app in Ukraine for several days before reversing itself this week. Google and the FBI didn’t respond to requests for comment.
Premise and apps like it are windows into the global geopolitical competition for user data playing out on personal computers and smart devices. The U.S. Defense Department is investing heavily in open-source intelligence—including the kind of unclassified data that Premise collects. A top defense-intelligence official said at a conference in December that 80% of what is in intelligence reports now comes from unclassified sources.
The clients for Premise’s data include an array of military commands—often entities responsible for intelligence gathering or operations planning. Premise has provided data to U.S. Army Intelligence in Europe, according to contracting documents viewed by The Wall Street Journal. Numerous units of the U.S. Special Operations Command, or SOCOM, have also been Premise customers, documents show. Premise also received funding to work with a technology incubator affiliated with SOCOM. The work entailed assessing how Premise’s data could be useful in planning tactical raids against high-value targets, documents show. SOCOM didn’t respond to requests for comment. U.S. Army intelligence said it used Premise in 2020 and 2021 but determined it didn’t fit the unit’s needs.
Premise told the Journal last year that about half of its customers were private corporations. However, people familiar with the company say the overwhelming majority of the company’s revenue has come in recent years from defense and intelligence work from U.S. and allied governments. At times, company leaders emphasized that the commercial work served as an important cover for the company’s government data collection, some of those people said—an accusation the company denies.
Mr. Blackman said revenue from commercial clients is growing and the company was pursuing them “as our primary market.” Premise declined to share the company’s revenues or financial projections with the Journal.
“Our contributors gather only publicly accessible data through photos of public places, as any tourist can do. The tasks that our contributors choose from are all publicly available and accessible from the Premise application, which is available for free to all to view on the app stores. Further, we disclose to our contributors in our terms of service that the data they collect can be sold to our customers. We provide data so that our customers, including private companies, nonprofits, and government departments, can better understand the world,” Mr. Blackman said.
“‘Our contributors gather only publicly accessible data through photos of public places, as any tourist can do.’”
— Premise CEO Maury Blackman
To build its public-sector business, Premise launched a network in Russia that can be tasked to do data collection or observation, according to people familiar with the matter who say it was set up primarily to solicit gig workers in Russian cities and enable U.S. and allied governments to collect data from afar. Premise said it has contributors in Russia but denied they were primarily for government customers.
Premise also explored whether to enter the Chinese and Iranian markets but decided against it, according to the company. “Our goal is to learn as much as we can about the world, and the world does not just include democratic, Western developed nations,” a spokesman for the company said.
Premise said it works only with publicly accessible data, but many of its contracts viewed by the Journal show that some personnel are required to obtain top-secret security clearance and that its data is being used in classified programs. The company said some of its employees “are required to have security clearances to work in that customer’s facilities and interact with that customer’s employees. This does not contradict the irrefutable fact that 100% of the data our contributors collect is publicly available data.”
One product Premise advertises to public-sector customers is the ability to do covert signal monitoring using the sensors on a user’s smartphone to understand nearby cellular towers and wireless networks, the people said. That kind of data turns a phone into a remote sensor that can be used to do basic digital reconnaissance in advance of a more sophisticated intrusion such as a hack or to figure out how to jam communications in advance of a raid.

Former Homeland Security Secretary Michael Chertoff; Premise said in November it had engaged Mr. Chertoff and his company, The Chertoff Group, to study how to improve contributor safety.
Photo: Richard Drew/Associated Press
Premise experienced a significant exodus of employees as defense work grew to be a larger share of its portfolio around 2018, people familiar with the matter said. Some employees expressed concern to management that the app was asking contributors to take on potentially dangerous situations including photographing flooding in Vietnam, gang activity in Central America or ports in Asia, the people said. The company, which has said some of its former employees were disgruntled, has brought lawsuits against some of them for disparaging the company. Some of those suits have been dismissed and others are ongoing.
The company said it was aware of the arrest of about two dozen Premise users while performing tasks, out of what it said was a total user base of 3.5 million over the last three years. They include a Malawian arrested on suspicion of black magic in rural Africa and a Palestinian who said he was arrested for taking photographs, according to people familiar with the matter. Most of those Premise users arrested or detained drew the attention of security guards or police when conspicuously taking smartphone photographs, the people said, adding that some users also faced occasional threats of violence while photographing sites such as markets, banks, mosques, police stations and gas stations.
The company said one contributor in Rwanda was detained for two weeks. It said it couldn’t confirm some of the arrests the Journal has identified and wasn’t aware of any contributors being convicted of a crime.
The company built safety systems into its app, including screens that tell users to leave the area if requested. It experimented with giving contributors credentials or letters to try to explain Premise’s work and prepared a response plan in case a contributor was killed, the people said. No Premise contributor has ever been injured on the job, the company said. Certain proposed projects involving photographing ports or sites suspected of being affiliated with terrorist groups have been turned down over safety concerns, the people said.
Premise said the number of contributors arrested represents just 0.0007% of its total contributor base. The company also said in November it had engaged former Homeland Security Secretary Michael Chertoff and his company, The Chertoff Group, to study how to improve contributor safety.
Write to Byron Tau at byron.tau@wsj.com
WSJ · by Byron Tau


9. Russia vs West in war for the censorship high ground

I am opposed to banning news outlets. RT and Sputnik and TASS, etc are useful to help recognize, understand, expose, and attack the enemy's strategy. They can telegraph regime intent. Banning any news source is an affront to our values and liberties as well as an insult to the American people. It would be better to inoculate the American people from Russian (and Chinese, Iranian, and They telegrapnorth Korean) propaganda by exposing their lies, providing the truth and offering more information. We need to maintain the moral high ground.

We also need to expose what Russia is doing to news organizations with their new fake news laws.

Excerpts:
 
On March 4, the Russian Parliament passed a bill that would criminalize “fake reports.” Penalties for what may simply be reports that do not fit with the Kremlin’s worldview can extend to 15 years in prison.
That threat has cowed some of the world’s largest media outlets: The BBC, Bloomberg, CBS and CNN are all reportedly considering the future of their operations in Russia.
And the media war is leading to a platform war: RT America ceased all operations on March 4, after it was dropped from satellite carrier Direct TV.
Relatedly, escalation is spiraling from mainstream media to social platforms which have blocked access to RT and Sputnik. Facebook has been completely blocked in Russia, and access to Twitter has been restricted by the Kremlin.
The blockage of social media platforms not only denies Russians access to overseas information but also to real-time conversations and personal information sharing with non-Russians.
While Putin’s Russia built its own mainstream media companies to counter Western counterparts, the risk now is that it could create its own media platforms and create a walled-off digital information infrastructure.
There is almost certainly a blueprint in place. A long-mooted plan in Russia, that dates back to 2019 or earlier, is to reduce its strategic vulnerabilities in time of hostilities by replicating China’s “Great Firewall.”
Russia vs West in war for the censorship high ground
EU bans RT and Sputnik for spreading lies and division while Russia shuts down independent outlets that fail to echo Kremlin’s lineEU bans RT and Sputnik for spreading lies and division while Russia shuts down independent outlets that fail to echo Kremlin’s line

asiatimes.com · by Andrew Salmon · March 7, 2022
Amid the high-profile death and destruction of Russia’s war upon Ukraine, one format of Western pushback – the de-platforming and outright banning of Russian media – has crept under multiple radars unnoticed.
There is some irony at play. As the West struggles to contrive a non-kinetic strategy that could slow or halt the Russian offensive without getting NATO dragged into a war that could go critical, Brussels is deploying censorial moves that could well have been lifted from the Kremlin’s playbook.
Whether Western democracies – supposedly agora of free information, free expression and free debate – should carry out such a policy has generated a ripple of debate but the policy has already been set. And President Vladimir Putin’s authorities were not slow to retaliate.
Engaging information-war mode, the Kremlin is shutting down the few independent domestic outlets that do not fall behind its policy line, while introducing draconian laws to control reporting. Those laws have the bureaus of major Western media in Russia considering the continued feasibility of their operations in the country.
Beyond irony, there is risk. The escalating media war could have blowback implications.
At a time when hopes are being aired across the West that news about the horrors of the war in Ukraine could compel popular Russian resistance to Putin, Russians are being robbed of outside information sources as the Kremlin uses Western media bans as the pretext to solidify its own information bubble.
Moreover, in the 21st century’s deeply intertwined digital landscape, the social media platforms that have followed policy directives and banned Russian content are being dragged into the fight and suffering access blocks in Russia.
The risk is now rising that Moscow will follow Chinese practice and seek to decouple its broad Internet infrastructure from the world wide web.
Western censors strike
In a statement by EU President Ursula von der Leyen posted on February 27, the EU outlined its opening moves against Russia. They included, in what the EU called an “unprecedented step,” a “ban in the EU on the Kremlin’s media machine.”
“The state-owned Russia Today and Sputnik, as well as their subsidiaries, will no longer be able to spread their lies to justify Putin’s war and to sow division in our union,” the EU said.
The targeted media are elements in a deliberate Russian strategy designed by President Vladimir Putin’s brain trust, according to former BBC Moscow correspondent Angus Roxburgh, in his 2013 work “Strongman: Vladimir Putin and the Struggle for Russia.”
Roxburgh, who after leaving the BBC worked for a time as a PR advisor to Putin, wrote that the Kremlin’s global messaging strategy shifted from trying to win the minds of Western audiences within the pages of Western media. Instead, Russia set up its own English-language media operations, namely Russia Today, now known as RT, and Sputnik.
Russia’s RT has been accused of disseminating misinformation. Image: AFP / Getty
The European Regulators Group for Audiovisual Media Services (ERGA) subsequently offered details on the sanctions, which will cross multiple platforms applying to transmission and distribution through satellite, cable, online video-sharing platforms and applications.
At a time when Russia’s military power is being deployed in ultra-aggressive fashion against a population that seeks to shift itself into the Western sphere of influence, the move to ban these mouthpieces has won considerable approval.
“RT and Sputnik have long been the tools of Putin’s plan to instill the sense of confusion or disbelief into the minds of Westerners,” said Leonid Petrov, an Australian-based Russian and visiting fellow at the Australian National University.
“During peacetime, these media outlets were marginalized and mocked, but in times of escalating conflict, misinformation stops being innocent and turns into subversive propaganda,” Petrov, an expert on Eurasian and Post-Communist Studies, said.
An anti-democratic move?
Many would agree. But there has also been pushback – albeit based less on defense of the outlets themselves and more on the principle the censorial steps represent.
The European Federation of Journalists – which has published messages asking for help from the Ukrainian Union of Journalists, appealed for protective gear for reporters in Ukraine and demanded EU support for Russian independent journalists – has spoken out.
“The total closure of a media outlet does not seem to me to be the best way to combat disinformation or propaganda,” said EFJ Secretary General Ricardo Gutiérrez in a March 1 statement, “Fighting Disinformation with Censorship is a Mistake,” that was posted on the organization’s website. “This act of censorship can have a totally counterproductive effect on the citizens who follow the banned media.”
He insisted that the Russian narrative should be openly countered with professionally produced, factual reporting.
“It is always better to counteract the disinformation of propagandist or allegedly propagandist media by exposing their factual errors or bad journalism, by demonstrating their lack of financial or operational independence, by highlighting their loyalty to government interests and their disregard for the public interest,” he said.
The EFJ has won an unusual ally: Tech uber-entrepreneur Elon Musk.
Last week, Musk supplied Starlink satellite equipment to Ukraine to enable them internet access even if ground equipment and wireless data links are damaged by Russian fire.
Calling himself a “free speech absolutist,” Musk said over the weekend that he would not block Russian state media over his channel “unless at gunpoint.”
Academics promoting free expression have also jumped into the fray.
“The freedom to read and discuss different viewpoints are central to democratic debate and academic learning,” said Joseph Yi a South Korea-based political scientist and founder of the HxA Academy East Asia, an affiliate of the global Heretodox Academy, which lobbies for freedom of expression and diversity in academia.
Russia’s Vladimir Putin has various media channels to get his message out. Image: Facebook
“Democratic governments and social media companies should not ban news media outlets, even those run by authoritarian regimes,” said Yi, who has argued for the removal of South Korea’s bans on North Korean media.
Japan-based academic Shaun O’Dwyer, a colleague of Yi’s, noted that the two outlets are “bad faith producers of propaganda…for a regime that is waging an unjust, unprovoked war of aggression.”
Even so, he put forward arguments against the ban.
“First, there is value in permitting even such information to circulate, in the interests of better comprehending the way of thinking that lies behind it,” he said. “Second, because it does set precedents in justifying limits on journalistic and speech freedoms whenever a state of emergency is declared by authorities.”
Russians cut off from foreign media
Brussels’ move has offered the Kremlin ammunition for retaliatory bans.
“The risk of a censorship policy is also that of likely retaliation, as we have seen with the banning of (German broadcaster] DW in Russia in response to the banning of RT in Germany,” the EFJ’s Gutierrez said in his statement. “The result of this escalation has been the impoverishment of media pluralism in Russia”
And it is not just tit-for-tat. Russia is upping the ante and extending its own actions.
On March 4, the Russian Parliament passed a bill that would criminalize “fake reports.” Penalties for what may simply be reports that do not fit with the Kremlin’s worldview can extend to 15 years in prison.
That threat has cowed some of the world’s largest media outlets: The BBC, Bloomberg, CBS and CNN are all reportedly considering the future of their operations in Russia.
And the media war is leading to a platform war: RT America ceased all operations on March 4, after it was dropped from satellite carrier Direct TV.
Relatedly, escalation is spiraling from mainstream media to social platforms which have blocked access to RT and Sputnik. Facebook has been completely blocked in Russia, and access to Twitter has been restricted by the Kremlin.
The blockage of social media platforms not only denies Russians access to overseas information but also to real-time conversations and personal information sharing with non-Russians.
While Putin’s Russia built its own mainstream media companies to counter Western counterparts, the risk now is that it could create its own media platforms and create a walled-off digital information infrastructure.
There is almost certainly a blueprint in place. A long-mooted plan in Russia, that dates back to 2019 or earlier, is to reduce its strategic vulnerabilities in time of hostilities by replicating China’s “Great Firewall.”
asiatimes.com · by Andrew Salmon · March 7, 2022


10. Why Is Ukraine’s Internet Still Up? Perhaps Because the Invaders Need It


Why Is Ukraine’s Internet Still Up? Perhaps Because the Invaders Need It
As well, eight years of effort to harden IT infrastructure may be paying off.
defenseone.com · by Tara Copp
In the days before Russia invaded Ukraine, many observers thought the oncoming tanks would be preceded by cyber attacks and a media blackout as Russian hackers took down the country’s communications.
Instead, Ukraine’s IT infrastructure has held up, allowing officials and citizens alike to dominate the global narrative with images of confused Russian soldiers and downed fighter jets.
“We have seen some internet outages, we have seen them try to impact the information and communication environment, not the least of which is striking, you know, television towers and that kind of thing,” a senior defense official told reporters last week.
But overall, the infrastructure remains operational.
Why? Only the Russian leadership knows.
“They perhaps have found some value to keeping some public communications open for their own purposes, for their own decision-making processes, but that's just speculation,” the official said.
One prevailing theory among defense experts is that Russia is relying on the network to conduct its attack.
“Putting a communications network together, other than radios, is actually really hard,” said John Ferrari, a retired Army two-star general-turned-non-resident fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. Ferrari noted the U.S. Army’s own struggles to develop WIN-T, a joint expeditionary communications network.
He said Russian forces are likely navigating and communicating via cell phones and local internet connections.
“So I think they felt that they were going to go in there and ride that communication network. And you see it, right? You see the reports coming out of them using cell phones and local internet connections,” he said.
That’s likely why the cell towers are still standing, Ferrari said: “You can't take down the cell phone towers, because then you blind yourself.”
Even if any of the convoys had satellite dishes to communicate independently of the towers, the nature of an invasion would make them almost impossible to use, said Mark Montgomery, a retired Navy rear admiral who is now an analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies.
“You know how hard those are [to operate] once they move?” Montgomery said. “When you sit there fixed, it works perfectly okay. This works great. And then the minute you move it, you know, now you're like, ‘Holy crap, I can't get a synchronization.’ If there's crypto riding on it, it gets ten times harder.”
David Maxwell, a retired Army special forces colonel, said Russia may also be preserving the networks to eavesdrop on the Ukrainian military and civilian resistance.
Last week, SpaceX founder Elon Musk moved 47 Starlink telecommunications satellites and sent a truckload of ground terminals to Ukraine. But those terminals were immediately targeted and jammed, leading Musk to shift SpaceX priorities to “cyber defense & overcoming signal jamming,” he tweeted over the weekend.
Another reason the Ukrainian communications net may still be up: the country has been working to harden it against attack, with U.S. and European help, Ferrari and Montgomery said. These efforts began after Russia annexed Crimea, and accelerated after Russia targeted Ukraine’s power grid in 2016 and 2017. Since then, Montgomery said, “Ukrainians have done a much better job in their cyber protection efforts.”
defenseone.com · by Tara Copp



11. Ukraine, Fight Your Fight—Not Their Fight

 It is good to see more and more people press for irregular warfare options. Maybe it will become accepted and not some lesser form of warfare. Fight the right war with the right strategy, tactics, and tools.

De Oppresso Liber - "to free the oppressed" - or more correctly, "to help the oppressed free themselves."

Ukraine, Fight Your Fight—Not Their Fight
The Ukrainian military needs the weapons and tactics of an irregular conflict, not a conventional war.
defenseone.com · by Mark Kimmitt
Through nearly two weeks of fighting, Ukraine’s combat performance has surprised many. Ambushes and similar tactics, soldier-borne fires such as Javelins and M107 sniper rifles, and the sheer bravery of motivated regular troops, reserves, and civilians have exacted a significant toll on Russian heavy armor and mechanized and wheeled vehicles. Still, the Russian juggernaut slowly—many would say haphazardly—plods on to the center of gravity: the city of Kyiv.
Meanwhile, Ukrainian officials—and a significant number of Americans—are calling for no-fly zones, the transfer of Polish MiGs to Ukrainian pilots, and the creation of humanitarian corridors to evacuate civilians and bring in aid. But such tactics would change the nature of the fight from irregular warfare to a conventional match-up between Ukraine and Russia. This is a problematic strategy. The Ukrainians have demonstrated well-honed skill in these tactics, NATO allies are sending tons of vital equipment to them, and the fight is steady, albeit slow. To change course at this point may do more harm than good.
The alternative proposals suffer from downsides that are understood, but underappreciated. President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has condemned the United States and NATO—he said they have “blood on their hands”—for hesitating to create the no-fly zone and transfer high-performance aircraft. The potential for direct conflict with the Russians is acknowledged, but little is said of the real flaw in these proposals: they wouldn’t matter much. All available evidence suggests that Russian air operations are wreaking much less damage on defenders and civilians than are mortars, artillery and missiles. A no-fly zone would do little to change that—and might even cause the Russians to increase their use of indiscriminate indirect fire weapons.
As for the MiGs, objections have centered on the notion that Moscow would find this an escalatory step. What is relatively certain is that these advanced aircraft would likely induce Russia to introduce the S-400 air defense system to Ukraine and shortly thereafter down or ground the MiGs. Nor is it clear that Russian bombings of military airfields in Ukraine will leave the MiGs anywhere to fly from—except NATO airbases, which would draw the alliance into the conflict.
Lastly, the Russians appear amenable only to humanitarian corridors that lead into Russia and Belarus, countries unlikely to speed displaced Ukrainians to their desired destinations, nor facilitate aid from international aid organizations. These corridors can also be expected to lie alongside Russian supply lines, effectively making the refugees human shields, if not hostages.
So, how should the Ukrainians fight? The best way is to use partisan tactics, not try to slug it out with Russian conventional forces. When a speeding Tesla plays chicken with a slow-moving bulldozer, the bulldozer wins. As the Russian forces close in and encircle Kyiv, their soft underbelly will be the outer ring of that encirclement: logistics convoys, supply depots, artillery units, missile batteries and all of the massive support infrastructure. This is a rich target environment for snipers, Javelins, raids, ambushes and Stinger missiles. Like the tactics used by insurgents against U.S. forces for years in Iraq and Afghanistan, car bombs, IEDs, mortars, and other weapons of the weak can wreak havoc on a Russian force not yet protected by bases and walls.
The NATO nations, in particular the U.S., are conducting a brilliant resupply effort, bringing in Javelins, sniper rifles, and Stinger missiles along with tons of other equipment, but time is running short to support the second effort: urban warfare. In short order, the ring around cities such as Kyiv will tighten, and it is critical to get those defenders the equipment they will need to make the Russians pay dearly when they begin the tough, gritty, and deadly city fighting needed to take the capital. Mariupol may have already been lost, Odessa may be next, but Kyiv needs supply as fast as practicable.
To win the urban fight, the Ukrainians are at a natural advantage. They have deep knowledge of the terrain, have a doctrinal advantage (at least five to one, perhaps 10 to 1), and are training now for that battle. But they need equipment beyond Molotov cocktails and Kalashnikovs. One can only hope that NATO is bringing in advanced night-vision goggles, explosive charges, blasting caps, anti-personnel mines, grenade launchers, small mortars and Carl Gustav-like short-range anti-tank weapons. M21 sniper rifles are ideal for tight urban environments; anti-tank mines will punish the small number of tanks brave enough to wade into the fight. It is important that these and other key enablers get to the fighters before the cordons around the cities close.
These two battles—the irregular fight against the Russian “soft-belly” rear echelons and the urban combat needed when the Russians attempt to storm the cities—are the fights that must be won. These are the fight to choke off supply routes; destroy the logistics depots; defeat the artillery, missile, and rocket units bombarding the cities; and make the cities a death trap for the attacking Russians. These fights may be supported by Ukrainian MiGs and a NATO no-fly zone, but the risks of escalation, not to mention the questionable value of those efforts, should not divert the attention from the irregular and urban combat that will defeat the Russian forces or, at best, give the Russians a Pyrrhic victory. This can be done best by fighting a Ukrainian fight, not a Russian fight.
Mark Kimmitt, a retired brigadier general, is a former assistant secretary of state for political-military affairs and former deputy assistant defense secretary for Middle East policy. He consults for firms operating in the Middle East and Afghanistan.
defenseone.com · by Mark Kimmitt






12. The Russian Sanctions Regime and the Risk of Catastrophic Success

Have we planned for "success?" Failure to do so could mean..well... uh....failure. Rarely do we develop contingency plans for "success."


The Russian Sanctions Regime and the Risk of Catastrophic Success - War on the Rocks
warontherocks.com · by Erik Sand · March 8, 2022
In August 1941, excrement was piling up in Tokyo, literally. Most of the city lacked a sewer system, and human waste had to be regularly trucked away from homes. In late July, the United States had frozen Japanese assets and embargoed oil sales to Japan to oppose the Japanese war in China. There was no longer enough fuel for the motor vehicles that normally transported the sewage out of the city, and bicycle-drawn carts could not keep up with demand. Residents complained loudly. The American sanctions created more than just sewage problems, and Japanese leaders came to believe they would lose power if they did nothing. They also believed they would lose power if they abandoned the war in China. As a result, Tokyo expanded the war and attacked Pearl Harbor. Critically, the Japanese cabinet chose to attack the United States even after it received analysis which reached the “unequivocal conclusion” that war with the United States “was unwinnable.”
Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Western governments have turned to economic sanctions as their principal response. The United States and its Western allies and partners, as well as other major powers such as Japan, have imposed the most comprehensive package of financial and technological sanctions ever applied to a nuclear-armed great power. Thus far, they have frozen the assets of key Russian political and business leaders, seized physical propertyinterned a merchant ship, and most significantly, banned transactions with the most important Russian banks, including the Russian central bank. Even Switzerland has made an exception to its neutrality to join the financial sanctions. Beyond these state-sponsored sanctions, numerous private businesses have decided to reduce services and operations in Russia of their own accord. These firms include a who’s-who of finance, technology, entertainment, and car companies, like Visa, MastercardApple, Microsoft, Disney, Netflix, Ford, and BMW.
As Daniel Drezner has identified, the specific strategic goals of these sanctions remain unclear. Reputational value exists in Western governments following through on the threats of sanctions simply to prove they would. That goal is already accomplished. No Western leader has announced conditions under which sanctions might end, an essential step if the sanctions serve a coercive strategy. It seems more likely the sanctions seek both to punish Russia for punishment’s sake and to weaken its economy to make the war more difficult — the traditional goals of economic warfare. If so, the sanctions are unlikely to end soon.
What if the sanctions work — that is, they make life in Russia intolerable or undermine Russia’s ability to continue the war? That could force Russia to the negotiating table. But it could also have the opposite effect. Western policymakers are right to be concerned about an escalation with Russia leading to a general European war, but they seem focused almost exclusively on avoiding escalatory military options and managing the close proximity of NATO and Russian forces. Sanctions too can lead to war, or at least to riskier Russian strategies that court war. A desperate Vladimir Putin could escalate the war in a gamble for resurrection.
Sanctions Thus Far
Though the war and the sanctions are still in their opening days, they have had an immediate effect. The ruble has lost almost 30 percent its value against the dollar and is worth less than a cent. In Russia, the Central Bank has more than doubled interest rates, the stock market has closed, the government has imposed capital controls, and civilians are queuing to withdraw savings from banks. Despite these immediate results, it could take weeks, months, or even years for sanctions to produce their full effects. Russia may have time to mitigate the worst consequences of the sanctions. When the West imposed sanctions on individuals and on the oil, defense, and financial sectors after the 2014 invasion of Crimea, Russia responded by “Russification” and diversification, pursuing import substitution, and shifting imports to Asian countries like China. While these adaptations were mostly successful, they took eight years to achieve fully. Today, Russia is already seeking ways to mitigate the new sanctions, but these sanctions are far more severe, and the success of Russian mitigation measures remains uncertain. The sanctions could bring Russia to its knees.
Economic Isolation Can Lead to Risky Strategies
Scholars who study the effects of economic isolation on states — whether through sanctions, wartime blockades, or other mechanisms — find that economic isolation rarely causes its targets to capitulate outright. Rather, economic pressure can lead states at war to adopt riskier strategies, often involving escalation. Call it economic inadvertent escalation.
Because economic pressure takes time to work, targets can anticipate their worsening situation before it reaches a crisis point. Once a future crisis seems inevitable, leaders face a closing window in which to try to avert the disaster they see coming. In such situations, they may decide they have little to lose if escalation provides even a small chance of improving their situation. Such calculations have not just affected the Japanese. Allied economic warfare drove Germany to adopt risky, war-expanding strategies in both World War I and World War II.
Such gambles are even more likely if a state’s leaders are unusually willing to accept risk. Putin’s decision to invade Ukraine, especially in light of the Russian military’s failure to perform as expected, and his increasingly shrill rhetoric suggest Putin may be at least as risk-accepting as were Japanese leaders 80 years ago. If so, the likelihood he would choose to double down is higher.
Paths to Escalation
Economic isolation can encourage leaders to escalate their wars in two ways. First, sanctions can directly undermine Russia’s military capability. Russia relies on the West for many high-tech imports required for advanced weapons systems, including components like microchips. Western sanctions explicitly target these items. If Russian losses mount, their production facilities may be unable to provide replacements because of import shortages. If the war drags on, shortages of precision-guided munitions may lead Russian forces to use more “dumb bombs” and engage in even more violence against civilians that characterized Russian strategies in Chechnya and Syria. As the shelling of Kharkiv and other cities, shows, Russia does not lack the will to kill Ukrainian civilians. Eventually, Putin may face a choice: use his remaining military capability before attrition depletes it or abandon the fight.
Second, sanctions may affect Putin’s domestic political calculus. Putin’s grip on control since 2003increased tools to suppress protest, and swift crackdown on current protests help insulate him from general political discontent. But if sanctions produce severe losses, especially among the oligarchs or the security services, Putin may come to believe he needs to offer them greater potential rewards from the war to compensate them for their hardship. Escalating the war in the face of a worsening situation might provide this possibility. Such logic shaped the fatal 1917 German decision to resume unrestricted submarine warfare in the face of British economic warfare, even though German leaders knew their decision would bring the United States into the war against them.
Potential Russian Moves
Russia could potentially escalate in several different ways. First, Russia might shift its objectives to reduce the impact of sanctions. Because of the Soviet legacy, prior to 2014, Russia sourced vital military equipment including aircraft engines, transport aircraft, air-to-air missiles, electronics, and components of inter-continental ballistic missiles from Ukraine. The Russian military has painstakingly sought to mitigate the resulting engine and aircraft shortages resulting from its 2014 annexation of Crimea by purchasing some items from other sources, but Western sanctions will hamper remaining imports from the West. Seizing Ukrainian defense factories could become a priority. While perhaps less likely if the target were a NATO member, Russia could even expand the war beyond Ukraine if it thought doing so might provide control of areas that would help alleviate the economic pressure.
Second, Russia could also try to give the West a taste of its own medicine. Ukraine is a major food exporter and a plant in Odessa purifies 60 percent of the world’s supply of neon, which is used in microchip production. Russian forces could target these economic objectives.
Third, a desperate Russia might risk striking Western military aid before or after it crosses the Ukrainian border. As Aaron Stein notes, a potential for accidental clashes will grow as flows of military aid increase across the Ukrainian-Polish border. Russia has already threatened that it would target aid convoys carrying weapons and ammunition for Ukrainian forces once they enter Ukraine. The region’s congested airspace furthers the risk of inadvertent NATO-Russia engagements. If Russia faces a sanctions-driven closing window for military success, Putin might deliberately choose to take more risks to intercept convoys or even attempt to push back supporting NATO forces.
Finally, even nuclear escalation could be possible. Russia has already increased the alert status of its nuclear forces. Its 2020 nuclear doctrine specifically states Russia would consider first use of nuclear weapons in situations where “conventional aggression” threatens “the very existence of the state.” Putin has declared the sanctions “akin to a declaration of war.” No nuclear armed power has ever faced the possibility of regime collapse due to economic pressure. It is conceivable that the Russia regime might consider nuclear use if economic pressure were significant enough to threaten its existence.
How to Respond
What does this possibility mean for Western policymakers? First, it does not necessarily mean they should reduce the economic pressure they are applying, but sanctions aren’t free. There is likely no way to effectively pressure Russia without some increase in the risk of escalation. Policymakers need to weigh the escalation risks of severe sanctions as they make their choices.
Second, policymakers should anticipate how Russia might direct its military toward objectives that will help ameliorate the effects of sanctions or increase economic pain in the West. Within Ukraine, Kharkiv and Kyiv — two of the cities with the heaviest fighting — host major Antonov facilities: a transport aircraft factory and Antonov’s headquarters, and Artem, which produces air-to-air missiles like the AA-10, respectively. Other vital defense companies like Ivchenko-Progress, Motor Sich, and Yuzhmash are located in eastern cities like Zaporizhzhia and Dnipro.
Most importantly, it is vital that Western leaders combine sanctions with off-ramps for Moscow, especially if the conflict drags on. Both the Japanese in 1941 and the Germans in 1916–1917 attempted negotiating with their isolators before choosing escalation. On the other hand, in both cases, domestic political constraints, which the economic isolation tightened, contributed to diplomatic failure. Western leaders should consider the circumstances under which Putin might calculate that he would be better off acceding to Western demands than continuing to defy them, which may include face-saving outs. There may be no deal both Russia and the West will accept, but Western leaders must not be lulled into thinking that continued pressure will only weaken Moscow without Putin deciding to fight back. He has previously warned, “If you compress the spring all the way to its limit, it will snap back hard. You must always remember this.”
The war in Ukraine is still in its early days. Economic pressure acts slowly, and the West may not achieve the economic isolation it desires. Still, the sanctions may work, and Western leaders cannot simply assume Vladimir Putin will throw in the towel. If they do, they may find themselves waking up as the U.S. Pacific Fleet did one Sunday morning in December 1941.
Erik Sand is an assistant professor in the Strategic and Operational Research Department at the U.S. Naval War College.
Suzanne Freeman is a Ph.D. candidate in the MIT Political Science Department.
Their opinions are their own and do not represent the opinions of the U.S. Naval War College, the U.S. Navy, or the U.S. Government.
warontherocks.com · by Erik Sand · March 8, 2022


13. Different Countries, Different Methods, Same Goal: Destroy Democracy

The PDF of the 11 page report can be downloaded here: https://nipp.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/517.pdf

Different Countries, Different Methods, Same Goal: Destroy Democracy


Dr. Michaela Dodge is a Research Scholar at the National Institute for Public Policy. 
Influence operations enable the Russian Federation to compensate for disadvantages in other areas of state power.[1] New technologies are making them cheaper and more potent, even if their principles haven’t changed. This Information Series offers lessons for alliance management and for building resilience against Russia’s malign operations, including the need to foster transparency, intelligence cooperation, and support for local independent journalists. It draws on a forthcoming Occasional Paper on Russia’s influence operations in the Czech Republic, Poland, and Romania in the context of their missile defense cooperation with the United States.[2]



14. A photo apparently showing Russian troops stranded in an elevator is going viral



This could be a technique right out of the OSS Simple Sabotage Manual.  https://smallwarsjournal.com/jrnl/art/glorious-ukrainian-resistance

A photo apparently showing Russian troops stranded in an elevator is going viral
War, and being stuck in an elevator, is hell

BY MAX HAUPTMAN | PUBLISHED MAR 7, 2022 1:50 PM
taskandpurpose.com · by Max Hauptman · March 7, 2022
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The Russian invasion of Ukraine has been described as the first “TikTok war,” with photos and videos from soldiers and civilians alike spreading and proliferating in real time.
There are reports about the mythical “Ghost of Kyiv”; a woman defiantly telling Russian soldiers that their bodies will soon be fodder for sunflowers, the national flower of Ukraine; and the supposed last stand of Ukrainian troops on Snake Island. Dozens of videos show Ukrainian civilians making off with disabled or abandoned Russian armored vehicles. Some of these reports are true, some of them false, but all are part of the murky information front of the conflict.
Against this backdrop comes one of the latest social media updates from the invasion, posted by eastern European news outlet Visegrád 24, which showed a squad of Russian soldiers packed tightly in an elevator, supposedly stuck while trying to make their way to the top of a building.
A team of Russian soldiers wanted to use the elevator to reach the roof of an office building.

The Ukrainian administration of the building trapped them inside by cutting off the electricity.

The Ukrainians also used an industrial camera to take this commemorative photo. pic.twitter.com/JwF9tHh1T5
— Visegrád 24 (@visegrad24) March 5, 2022
The timestamp from the photo is dated March 3, and it first appeared online on March 4, but like most of these stories, its veracity remains unclear. The photo seems to show five Russian soldiers in a typical hurry-up-and-wait situation, albeit in an unusual location. They’re stuck in an elevator, with a few looking up with a bit of confusion at the security camera.
With Russian forces fighting on the outskirts of Kharkiv and Kyiv and seemingly poised to fight in these dense, complex urban environments, though, it begs the question – is it a good idea to take the elevator when you’re in combat?
“This aspect of the vertical terrain in urban warfare is a huge gap,” said John Spencer, chair of urban warfare studies at the Madison Policy Forum. “It really exposes the difficulty and lack of capability to conduct warfare above a certain floor.”
Urban combat is the “great equalizer,” but fighting in tall buildings has very little precedence outside of counter-terrorism scenarios. U.S. Army guidelines cover urban operations, but “there is nothing in our urban doctrine that highlights a change in tactics based on high rise structures,” said Spencer.
In other words, clearing a 20-story building is functionally the same as a two-story building, just on a much larger scale. The logistics of doing so, however, make it a very difficult proposition to the attacking force. Especially if they lack extensive training on operating in such an environment.
“In an unknown environment, speed is security,” said Spencer. “And the evolution of modern day close quarters tactics relies heavily on speed. But just from a time analysis perspective, even if its just five minutes per room, in a tall building you would need a ton of time and troops to clear it.”
According to Spencer, “it would be insanely risky” to use an elevator in an enemy-occupied building, “but maybe if you just needed to check a single floor I suppose it would not be out of the question.”
Tactically, it is likely easier to bypass tall buildings altogether.
In this instance, then, taking an elevator in a war might be chalked up to the less than stellar training that we have seen in Russian propaganda videos.
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Max Hauptman has been covering breaking news at Task & Purpose since December 2021. He previously worked at The Washington Post as a Military Veterans in Journalism Fellow, as well as covering local news in New England. Contact the author here.

taskandpurpose.com · by Max Hauptman · March 7, 2022



15. Like the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, But for Cyber
So what is "just right?" (Goldilocks)

Excerpts:
We recommend a similar model for cybersecurity and the development of a supporting national workforce. Such a structure acknowledges the whole of nation nature of the cybersecurity mission (including the development of a national cybersecurity workforce); realizes that collaboration, rather than hierarchical direction, is the key to achieving any sort of unity of effort in that regard; and institutionalizes that effort in a single organizational hub that is insulated from the political football that is the EOP.
That model must be sized to do its strategic job: not with the thousands of "headquarters-knows-best" staff that come with a mega-department merger; but more than just a handful of experts in the EOP who can only issue platitudes and principles.
In other words, for better or worse, an ODNI-like structure that can integrate the horizontal and vertical efforts of all of those public and private entities that have a role to play in that regard, big enough to be able to provide the strategic guidance and oversight necessary to achieve that end, but not so big as to be tempted to try to direct or control all the entities involved in safeguarding cybersecurity.


Like the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, But for Cyber
The tasks of coordinating cybersecurity efforts and growing a cyber workforce is too big for a White House office and too fluid for a full department.
By RONALD SANDERS and MIKE MCCONNELL
MARCH 7, 2022 04:00 PM ET
defenseone.com · by Ronald Sanders
The U.S. is in a 'war' for cyber talent, and in our opinion, we are in danger of losing it.
We are not talking about the benign sort of competition for that talent that occurs between companies and government agencies in the overheated U.S. labor market, although that's not unimportant. Rather, we are talking about the development and deployment of U.S. cybersecurity professionals to protect our country's national security interests, especially vis-à-vis those of geopolitical rivals like Russia and China, Iran and North Korea, and their extralegal proxies.
Simply put, our adversaries are producing and using more cyber talent than we are, and that talent translates into more cyber capability, especially the national security kind…at least potentially. And while we can close some of that gap from a qualitative standpoint—we have some of the world's smartest people protecting us—and have done so to date, that may not be enough. As the U.S. and its allies become more and more digitally dependent—and more and more digitally vulnerable as a consequence—we should all be worried about ensuring that our country has the cybersecurity talent and concomitant capability and structure to protect us. And that means having enough skilled cyber professionals, in both private and public sectors, to stand watch over the U.S. government's data, systems, and networks, including but not limited to those that are classified.
But in the case of cybersecurity, it's even more complicated than that…it also means having the cyber talent and capability and structure to protect all of the Nation's critical information and communications technology infrastructure, most of which is owned and operated by our private sector. That is the underlying focus of a congressionally mandated report just issued by the National Academy of Public Administration, and we have some thoughts about its recommendations.
Developing the nation's cybersecurity workforce
Simply put, it is our view—as well as the NAPA Report's—that the U.S. is not developing and deploying enough of the skilled cyber professionals we need to protect and pursue our national interests broadly defined, and the report recommends that among other things, the new National Cybersecurity Director—former National Security Agency (NSA) Deputy Director Chris Inglis is the first to have that illustrious title—should oversee a national effort to achieve that lofty goal from his perch in the Executive Office of the President.
While that is certainly a good start, we are not sure that this ultimately goes far enough. In our view, trying to lead and more importantly, sustain such an effort from the EOP, as politically charged and resource constrained as it usually is, will almost certainly result in suboptimization, and we strongly suggest that cybersecurity leadership from the White House be augmented by a more expansive—and in our view, ultimately a more sustainable—approach, one born out of our experience in setting up and leading the Office of the Director of National Intelligence.
ODNI was tasked with overseeing a similar effort by the Congress in the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004, in hopes of preventing another 9-11. And it did so with a politically compromised structure that was neither central bureaucracy nor a "czar" based in the White House. The fact is that it worked, at least after a fashion (primarily because of the unsung efforts of its dedicated staff), but in so doing, it may just have created a new organizational model, one that in our view, a cyber czar in the White House desperately needs.
Why is this important? Because as the NAPA Report points out, the nation's cybersecurity—and the development of a second-to-none U.S. cybersecurity workforce that serves its interests—is perhaps the ultimate in team sports, requiring the cooperation and collaboration of a whole host of federal, state, local, non-profit, and private sector actors. As a consequence, its structure, and the direction, authority, and control over such things as budgets and personnel, really matters. Indeed, it may be the difference between the success and failure of the National Cybersecurity Director, at a time when few things are more important to the security of our digitally dependent Nation.
Why not the National Cyber Director?
As noted, the NAPA Report would put the National Cybersecurity Director in charge of developing a national cybersecurity strategy that is grounded in a strong, capable cybersecurity workforce. What does that mean, exactly? In our view—and we have some experience in the matter—it means coordinating the efforts of a host of actors across the private sector, academia and state and local government that have historically resisted federal control. Even federal agencies can be resistant to centralized authority, protecting their own bureaucratic interests even in the face of a "whole of government" imperative like cybersecurity.
In our view, tasking a White House czar to herd cybersecurity policy, strategy, and operations is a true mission impossible. There are too many examples of this—the diminutive Office of National Drug Control Policy is perhaps the most obvious—to count. The sad fact is that even when it may be in the national interest, few will salute (or succumb) to White House direction, particularly if it means subsuming their own parochial interests to that direction.
Bottom line: That stick doesn't work for the cybersecurity enterprise.
In our cynical view, the carrot won't work either. In this case, the carrot is money—the promise of federal funds as an incentive to do the NCD's cybersecurity bidding, in coordination with the Office of Management and Budget. While all of the various independent and semi-independent actors involved in that effort will gladly take federal funding, that funding comes from a variety of sources. At least seven federal agencies have grant programs in this area, not to mention funding from state and local governments, school districts and schools, public and private donations, colleges and universities, etc., and while they all seek to incentivize cybersecurity generally (and cybersecurity education specifically), the devil's in their details, and the NCD's small staff can hardly be expected to herd all of those cats.
What about a Department of Cybersecurity?
If "authority, direction, and control" over the development of the nation's cybersecurity workforce and broader cybersecurity operations cannot effectively come from a small office in the EOP, why not apply the Department of Homeland Security model and put all of the relevant agencies under one bureaucratic roof?
It should be obvious that this other extreme is just as problematic. Indeed, one need only look at the challenges that have faced DHS since its mega-merger inception to question the efficacy of this approach. That is not a criticism of DHS, just a fact. It is therefore fair to ask whether the nation's cybersecurity can benefit from a mega-merger of existing capabilities and programs.
We think not. Cybersecurity depends not only on achieving "horizontal" unity of effort among the federal agencies that have a piece of the cybersecurity mission, but also building and unifying a "vertical" coalition as well, among all the public and private institutions and organizations that have some influence over cybersecurity.
All of those entities have something to do with the development of a U.S. cybersecurity strategy and a workforce to execute it, and they are all independent—not only legally but also in mindset—and the political and pedagogical complexities in achieving that unity of effort amongst them, whether by persuasion or by direction, are simply mind-numbing.
Our Proposal: the 'Goldilocks' solution
So, if a White House czar on one hand, and a centralized Department of Cybersecurity on the other won't work, what do we suggest? In our view, challenges like cybersecurity, and the development and deployment of a national cybersecurity workforce as a subset of that challenge, simply do not lend themselves to a hierarchical, command-and-control model emanating from Washington, D.C.
We saw that play out first-hand with the Congress's creation of the Office of the Director National Intelligence, which shied away from establishing a Department of Intelligence that mirrored its contemporary DHS cousin, in favor of something that was more federated in nature. That structure was established largely by default, to try to integrate the intelligence community without disturbing the jealously guarded statutory authority and control that cabinet secretaries—especially the secretary of defense—have over their intelligence agencies.
Congress attempted to do both with ODNI, and one can argue that that compromise had (and has) its faults. But the dedicated leadership and staff in ODNI managed to make that structure work, if not optimally, then at least better than top-down bureaucracies like DHS. Indeed, we used to compare notes with our DHS colleagues, who lamented the practical limitations of simply telling the Department's components what to do, only to have them do what they wanted.
We recommend a similar model for cybersecurity and the development of a supporting national workforce. Such a structure acknowledges the whole of nation nature of the cybersecurity mission (including the development of a national cybersecurity workforce); realizes that collaboration, rather than hierarchical direction, is the key to achieving any sort of unity of effort in that regard; and institutionalizes that effort in a single organizational hub that is insulated from the political football that is the EOP.
That model must be sized to do its strategic job: not with the thousands of "headquarters-knows-best" staff that come with a mega-department merger; but more than just a handful of experts in the EOP who can only issue platitudes and principles.
In other words, for better or worse, an ODNI-like structure that can integrate the horizontal and vertical efforts of all of those public and private entities that have a role to play in that regard, big enough to be able to provide the strategic guidance and oversight necessary to achieve that end, but not so big as to be tempted to try to direct or control all the entities involved in safeguarding cybersecurity.
Ronald Sanders is staff director of the Florida Center for Cybersecurity.
Mike McConnell is executive director of the Florida Center for Cybersecurity at the University of South Florida.
defenseone.com · by Ronald Sanders





16. The Emergence of Civilian Resistance to Military Rule in Myanmar

Resistance: Recognize it. Accept it. Study it. Support it. Practice it.

I again offer these references to those who wish to learn about resistance:
Thanks to USASOC and Johns Hopkins APL for providing the intellectual foundation for the study of resistance (Paul Tompkins single handedly led this effort and he deserves great credit). Read these publications (and the additional ones on revolutions, insurgency, undergrounds, and unconventional warfare) and you will have completed the foundational coursework for your advanced degree in resistance. . (note I cannot say resistance is the PhD level of warfare because the COINDINISTAs already co-opted that term. But I would not say that anyway, I argued a the time that "war" is the PhD level of warfare and all other forms of warfare are subsets of war which is a basic state of nature and humankind, but I digress. We must understand all aspects of warfare: nuclear, conventional, and irregular warfare)

https://www.soc.mil/ARIS/ARIS.html

https://www.soc.mil/ARIS/books/arisbooks.html

Science of Resistance
https://www.soc.mil/ARIS/books/pdf/science-resistance.pdf

Resistance Manual
https://www.soc.mil/ARIS/books/pdf/resistance-manual.pdf

Understanding States of Resistance
https://www.soc.mil/ARIS/books/pdf/understanding-states-resistance.pdf

Understanding States of Resistance - Pocket Guide
https://www.soc.mil/ARIS/books/pdf/understanding-states-pg.pdf

Resistance and the Cyber Domain
https://www.soc.mil/ARIS/books/pdf/resistance-cyber.pdf

Narratives and Competing Messages
https://www.soc.mil/ARIS/books/pdf/ARIS_Narratives_v2.pdf

Conceptual Typology of a Resistance
https://www.soc.mil/ARIS/books/pdf/typology-resistance.pdf

Legal Implications of the Status of Persons in Resistance
https://www.soc.mil/ARIS/books/pdf/ARIS_Legal_Status-BOOK.pdf

"Little Green Men" A Primer on Modern Russian Unconventional Warfare, Ukraine 2013-14
https://www.soc.mil/ARIS/books/pdf/14-02984_LittleGreenMen-UNCLASS-hi-res.pdf

From SOCEUR (which is responsible for developing and operationalizing the resistance operating concept).
Resistance Operating Concept
https://nsiteam.com/social/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/U-SMA-Brief-SOCEUR-Resistance-Operating-Concept.pdf

From the Joint Special Operations University (JSOU) which has been teaching UW and resistance to those in the military and interagency who recognize the importance of such study.
Resistance Operating Concept (ROC) by Otto C. Fiala with foreword by Major General Kirk Smith and Brigadier General Anders Löfberg
https://jsou.libguides.com/ld.php?content_id=54216464

Also, if it were up to me I would have a "UW Standing “PIR” For Resistance:"
Assessments – Special Forces Area Study/Area Assessment, PSYOP Target Audience Analysis, and Civil Affairs Civil Reconnaissance
•Who is the resistance?
–Leaders, groups, former military, in or out of government, etc.
•Why is there a resistance or the potential for resistance?
–What are the underlying causes/drivers?
•What are the objectives of the resistance?
–Do they align with the US and friends, partners, and allies? If not, who with?
•What is the resistance narrative?
–How is it shaping the information environment?
•Where is it operating?
–From where is it getting support?
•When did it begin?
–When will it/did it commence operations?
•How will it turn out?
–E.g., what is the assessment of success or failure of the resistance?
•Most important - An expert recommendation: Should the US support or counter the resistance and if so how?
The Emergence of Civilian Resistance to Military Rule in Myanmar

In a matter of months, the People’s Defense Forces have evolved from rag-tag groups into organized, and increasingly well-armed, military outfits.
thediplomat.com · by Jasper Picard · March 8, 2022
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On February 1, 2021, just hours after it was revealed that key members of Myanmar’s government had been detained following a military coup d’état, the National League for Democracy (NLD) released a statement on its Facebook page in which former State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi urged people “not to accept the coup…and resist it resoundingly.” Almost immediately, nationwide strikes and mass protests emerged as part of an organized campaign of resistance referred to as the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM)”. Within a week, protesters numbering in the hundreds of thousands were gathering in the streets of Myanmar’s two largest cities, Yangon and Mandalay. Meanwhile, the breadth and scale of the nationwide strike campaign brought the country to a standstill, with hospitals, banks, schools, and even government ministries forced to close their doors due to lack of staff.
Initially, the new junta government was keen to be seen dealing with the protests in a proportional manner. Police relied on conventional crowd control tactics and used non-lethal weapons such as rubber bullets and tear gas. However, this was soon abandoned in favor of a more aggressive approach in which armed police and the military employed lethal force during repressive crackdowns. The protesters, who had been largely peaceful up until this point, responded by arming themselves with rudimentary weapons and formed guard units to protect other protesters. Teams of night watchmen were also created to provide warning of the arrival of security forces conducting night-time raids. This soon gave rise to local resistance groups, known as People’s Defense Forces (PDFs), that took on the responsibility of defending their communities and resisting government rule.
Now, more than a year on from the coup, PDFs have emerged as a new dominant force among Myanmar’s already crowded group of anti-state actors. According to my own research, there are over 70 separate PDFs in Sagaing Region alone, and perhaps as many as 300 nationwide. PDFs not only claim to have killed thousands of junta soldiers, but have also begun carving out “liberated zones” in rural regions of Myanmar, complete with their own “people’s administrations.” This article is the first of a three-part series examining the emergence of PDFs, the ongoing challenges they face in their fight against the military, and the potential implications these new actors may have on the future of the Union of Myanmar.
Peaceful Protest and Civil Disobedience
From as early as February 2, plans for a nationwide campaign of civil disobedience to resist the newly formed junta government were being put in place. Led principally by doctors and other healthcare workers, some small-scale protests began the same day. However, on February 6, tens of thousands of people gathered on the streets of Yangon to protest against military rule. At first, there was genuine sense that the CDM could force the military to relinquish power and restore the civilian government. The fact that Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the commander-in-chief of Myanmar’s armed forces, was making public pleas for people to return to work was seen as a sign the CDM was working.
Soon though, the state’s initially restrained response to the now daily protests gave way to a far more violent approach. Reports began appearing of the presence of soldiers among the ranks of police at protests, as well as the use of live ammunition. On February 13, the CDM’s first death occurred when the family of Ma Mya Thwet Thwet Khine, a 20-year girl who had been shot in the head, was forced to take her off life support after she was pronounced braindead. Ma Mya Thwet Thwet Khine was immediately heralded as a martyr and her image adopted as new symbol of the CDM and the anti-coup resistance writ large.
Even as the death count continued to climb, people saw hope in the rising number of police joining the CDM. On March 1, a police major from Yangon region police force became the highest ranking officer to defect, and was closely followed by two senior officers from Mandalay, demonstrating that discontent was not limited only to the rank-and-file. Then, on March 2, the Karen National Union (KNU), one of Myanmar’s largest ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), announced that 12 soldiers had deserted the Tatmadaw – the official name of Myanmar’s armed forces – and surrendered themselves to the KNU Brigade 5 in a show of solidarity with the anti-coup movement.
While some protesters clung to the belief that whole battalions would defect from the military, as occurred during the Syrian uprising, or that the police could be pried from the arms of the military and made to switch sides, in reality the chances of either of these happening was always slim. Although the number of defectors has continued to increase, the rate has been slow and fairly constant. The current figure stands at approximately 2,000 defectors from the military and 6,000 police officers. To put this in perspective, in August 2021, the number of army defectors was estimated to be around 1,500, giving a rate of 1,000 defectors per year, or 83 per month. The Tatmadaw is believed to have 407,000 personnel, of which 375,000 belong to the army alone, while the police force has an estimated 93,000 employees. Of course, for both institutions, not all personnel will be soldiers or on-the-ground police officers, however if the current rate of defection continues, it will be 75 years until just a fifth of the army had defected (I have seen some argue that a defection rate of 20 percent would lead to the Tatmadaw’s collapse).
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The Tatmadaw is a highly cohesive organization, built around a central ideology that portrays the military as the guardian of national unity, and reinforced by an expansive patronage network. Its members exist largely separate from mainstream society. Often born into multi-generational military families, they are educated in military schools, their wives are given jobs in military companies, and when their children are sick, they are cared for in military hospitals. Particularly for the lower ranks, this means that despite their meager salaries, the need to support their families makes them beholden to the military. High-ranking officers are able to supplement their income through the taking of bribes, to which the military turns a blind eye, but are equally tied to the military through the same system of incentives, as well as the promise of progressively lucrative opportunities for corruption.
Although defectors have spoken positively of the prospect of more soldiers deserting the military, they have also stressed the difficulty in escaping a lifetime of indoctrination and incentivization. In May 2021, the Asia Times reported that veteran members of the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) and State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), the two military juntas that ruled Myanmar from 1988 to 2011, had confidentially expressed displeasure with the manner in which Min Aung Hlaing is managing the current crisis. Without knowing the source of these remarks, it is difficult to judge their significance, but the fact that they were made confidentially to the media suggests that the people making them are not yet in a position to act and nothing further has come of it since.
As for the police, unlike in 1946, when they sided with protesters campaigning for independence from the British by refusing to work for the colonial administration, they are now rigidly under the control of the state. Like the military, the police force is a distinctly insular organization which is able to exert significant control over its members. In multiple statements made by defectors there is evidence of commanding officers threatening to find and kill anyone that attempts to run away and join the CDM. And despite most defectors expressing a common concern that the police is being used by the military to do its dirty work, this has not prevented the majority of officers from carrying out orders to shoot at unarmed civilians.
The increasing threat of assault, arrest, or even death at the hands of Myanmar’s security forces quickly put an end to the mass protests seen during the early days of the coup government. While small protests continued in many places, they relied on new guerrilla tactics such as flash mobs and the use of social media as a form of intelligence network, both of which were borrowed from the recent protests in Hong Kong. At the same time, there was a distinct shift away from the previous emphasis on peaceful protests, as more radical sections of the CDM began to advocate for the need to meet force with force. Primarily made up of people from Generation Z, these young radicals formed guard units with the aim of protecting fellow protesters as best they could using large metal shields, Molotov cocktails, and hand-held catapults.
The fact that the new smaller protests were usually confined to a specific town or district, and made up of people from the local area, introduced a new territorial aspect to resistance in Myanmar. This was compounded by the response of state security forces, which was to target protest sites with community-wide raids, often in the small hours of the morning, to identify protesters and make arrests. The threat of armed men coming into towns and villages at night to abduct loved ones, while looting local businesses and shooting indiscriminately into people’s homes, created a siege mentality and people understandably felt the need to defend themselves. Many communities, particularly those in urban areas, set up teams of night watchmen and built roadblocks and fortified strongholds to deny access to security forces.
By early March, several of Yangon’s suburban townships had become hotbeds of resistance. Almost daily protests were occurring and security forces had yet to breach protesters’ rudimentary system of defenses. This didn’t last long, however. On March 3, at least seven people were killed in North Okkalapa as part of a deadly nationwide crackdown on protests. Then, on March 15, security forces conducted simultaneous raids on multiple townships in Yangon, with Hlaing Tharyar, Thingangyun, Kyimyindaing, and South Dagon townships among the worst affected. On this day alone, 59 people were killed and the total death count since the beginning of the coup was now approaching 250.
Armed Civilian Resistance
Faced with overwhelming odds and such extreme brutality, it wasn’t long before protesters began to militarize. The first step was toward the use of air-rifles and homemade gas-powered guns, but by the end of March reports of bombings and arson attacks against military bases and military-owned businesses started to appear. This was perhaps a consequence of the growing number of youths that were departing Myanmar’s major cities and traveling to the borderlands to receive military training from EAOs in the hope of acquiring skills, such as bomb-making and weapons handling, that could be brought back and passed onto other protesters. Meanwhile, the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), a parallel government created by former MPs ousted by the coup, declared plans to form a federal army which would include all members of the resistance from the village/ward level to the township level, as well as pro-CDM EAOs.
The beginning of April marked the emergence of People’s Defense Forces (PDFs), which have since become one of the primary agents of anti-coup resistance. The first PDFs were formed in Sagaing, a remote province bordering India in Myanmar’s northwest with a largely rural population. On April 1, junta forces entered Natchaung village in Kalay Township and opened fire. Instead of attempting to flee, however, residents decided to fight back using locally-made single-shot hunting rifles known as “Tumi” guns. A couple of days later, a police officer who had defected to the CDM led a group from Sagaing’s Tamu Township in a grenade attack on a police outpost which resulted in the death of five police officers, as well as the defector himself. Residents from Pinlebu and Yinmabin townships were the next to take up arms as armed resistance spread, first through Sagaing, and then into neighboring Chin State.
Like Sagaing, Chin State is a thinly populated region, more mountainous and inaccessible than its eastern neighbor, but with an equally strong tradition of hunting and a storied history of anti-colonial resistance. The Chinland Defense Force (CDF) was established on April 4 and began combat operations on April 25 in response to the arrest of seven anti-regime protesters in Mindat Township. Following four days of continuous fighting that resulted in the deaths of at least 30 Tatmadaw troops, the detained protesters were released and government soldiers withdrew from the town. For many, the CDF was the first local militia to demonstrate the viability of civilian armed resistance despite the Tatmadaw’s considerable advantages in experience, training, and equipment. As a new beacon of hope, the CDF was able to attract large numbers of recruits and soon established a chapter in Hakha, the state capital.
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From here, armed civilian resistance expanded across the country, with new PDFs appearing in the Magwe, Mandalay, and Bago regions, as well as in Kayah State. Most recently, PDFs have formed in Ayeyarwaddy Region and even in Rakhine State, where the CDM movement has yet to find much support.
Whereas at first PDFs were simply defending their local areas from Tatmadaw incursions, as they have grown in strength and number, they have taken on a more offensive role. Access to sophisticated weaponry has been a key denominator in the evolution of PDF tactics. For instance, the PDFs in Magwe, Mandalay, and Bago regions were some of the first to carry out direct attacks on military bases using a mixture of improvised components and 107mm rockets presumed to have been acquired on the black market. There is also evidence that EAOs have been supplying PDFs with weaponry. In June, the Tatmadaw intercepted a large cache of weapons on a truck bound for Mandalay. The four PDF members arrested at the scene apparently admitted to having obtained the arms and received training from the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). In other cases, PDFs have acquired weapons and ammunition by attacking poorly defended police stations or simply by looting the bodies of regime soldiers killed in battle.
In a short space of time, PDFs have evolved from their rudimentary beginnings, when they were little more than rag-tag groups of individuals armed with home-made weapons, to organized military outfits with an established system of rank, training programs, modern weaponry, uniforms, and even their own media outlets. There is visual evidence of PDF members possessing high-powered assault rifles, grenade launchers, and sniper rifles, as well using home-made mortars and commercial drones to conduct aerial attacks on junta soldiers. Despite this, PDFs continue to face many challenges in their fight against the junta, including the superior strength and experience of the Tatmadaw, the risk of civilian attrition, inadequate support from the opposition National Unity Government, and potentially conflicting interests with local EAOs. Each of these factors will be explored in detail in the second article in this series.
thediplomat.com · by Jasper Picard · March 8, 2022

17. Checking Putin: How to Counter Russia in Ukraine


Andrew Milburn is on a roll.

Yes the risk of escalation remains ever present. But we should not allow ourselves to be "self-deterred" due to fear of such escalation. And the sad irony is that there is just as much of a chance (if not more likely) for escalation if we do nothing.

Excerpts:

The risk of escalation remains ever present. The Russians might respond by striking across the borders of a NATO country to eliminate a safe haven, thus triggering Article 5 of the alliance’s founding treaty. Or Putin could launch a full-scale cyberattack on US financial systems on the rationale that the United States is more dependent on such systems than Russia, and that in any case, Russia has little more to lose economically. Or Russian troops in Ukraine might start committing widespread atrocities against civilians in retribution for acts of resistance. The United States must anticipate these possibilities and develop contingency plans—some of which may simply involve unequivocally messaging Putin about the consequences of taking such actions. In weighing these risks, US policymakers need to keep two thoughts foremost in mind.
First, previous confrontations that resulted in the use of physical force against Russia have not led to escalation. One example is an attack by pro-government forces in Syria that included Russian contractors on an outpost manned by Arab and Kurdish forces, which were backed by US personnel and firepower—a confrontation that reportedly ended with up to three hundred dead among the attackers. Another example came three years earlier, when a Russian warplane was shot down by Turkish forces along Turkey’s border with Syria. Of course, both these incidents involved tactical decisions made with the justification of self-defense, and neither involved Russian troops on home soil, as Putin insists on describing Ukraine. Nevertheless, they both prompted the Russians to seek closer cooperation. And although the stakes may be higher in Ukraine than in Syria, it is unlikely that even Putin seeks direct armed confrontation with the United States. US policymakers should make clear what the United States intends to do—and by implication, where it intends to stop. Regardless, planners must, of course, be prepared for the worst.
Secondly, policymakers must decide whether the risk of taking determined action now is greater than the risk of taking none. Putin’s past record would suggest that it is not. If Russia’s invasion of Ukraine escapes substantial——and sustained—punishment, it will have terrible implications for global norms, international peace, and US national interests.





Checking Putin: How to Counter Russia in Ukraine - Modern War Institute
mwi.usma.edu · by Andrew Milburn · March 8, 2022
As Russian forces lay siege to Kyiv, the West appears impotent to take action beyond economic sanctions. Despite the explicit understanding in NATO that Ukraine falls outside its mandate, there remains a significant risk that the war will spill over the borders of Ukraine’s NATO neighbors, such as Poland. There will be millions of displaced people and tens of thousands of deaths, serious economic costs, and a sense that the continent has reverted to a pre–Cold War state of instability.
The United States and Europe seem to hope that international censure and the costs of a protracted war will eventually convince Russian President Vladimir Putin to pull back. But those who imagine that sanctions alone will inflict sufficient pain on Russia to make Putin back down are likely to be disappointed. One reason is that sanctions also inflict pain on those who employ them; this fact will be felt even more acutely if the United States and its European allies ban imports of Russian oil and gas, given that Europe gets a quarter of its oil and more than 40 percent of its gas from Russia. In any case, hope, as military planners are fond of repeating, is not a course of action.
With that in mind, the administration of President Joe Biden should now be asking the military for a range of options to counter the Russian invasion and to prepare for its aftermath. A menu of such options should include cyber, electromagnetic, and information operations. It should also include practical steps to aid a post-invasion resistance movement.
1. Cyber Network and Electromagnetic Spectrum Operations
US assistance should include cyber and electromagnetic operations targeting Russian forces in Ukraine. From the weeks that Russian forces spent massing on the Ukrainian border, US and British intelligence agencies will have put together a fairly accurate order of battle, probably down to the level of each of the hundred or so battalion tactical groups—fighting formations of six hundred to one thousand troops, accompanied by air defense, artillery, and logistics capabilities.
In cyber, as in the physical world, attack is usually the best form of defense, and the United States’ cyber doctrine of “defend forward” should lead it to defend Ukrainian networks by stopping attacks at their source—that is, inside Russian networks. Electronic and cyberattacks would also involve selectively disrupting the command-and-control nodes of Russian units on Ukrainian soil—the systems that enable these units to communicate. Such attacks would involve more than intermittently shutting these systems down. They would instead aim to create ambiguity—a perception that Russian forces are not where they are supposed to be, and that Ukrainian forces are everywhere.
International norms for the employment of cyber network operations have yet to be formally established, but in the current situation the United States can make a clear distinction between cyberattacks launched against the Russian homeland and those directed against Russian military forces violating Ukrainian sovereignty; it should view the latter as fair game.
The greatest risk is that of escalation. A full-scale cyberwar would be hugely destructive—something that both Russia and the United States would want to avoid. US policymakers should repeat this as an explicit red line to Putin to deter him from turning a tactical cyber campaign into mutually assured paralysis. Alternatively, because cyber operations are notoriously hard to attribute and because their intermittent use in support of resistance operations could lie beneath the threshold of Russian detection, the United States could choose not to claim ownership.
2. Message Mother Russia
There are indications that Russian morale has been flagging from the outset, suggesting that a consequential share of the Russian Federation’s soldiery does not share its leader’s desire to punish Ukraine. The inevitable turnover of personnel that occurs during the lifecycle of an occupation force will likely bring with it a greater portion of conscripts who generally lack the training, maturity, and discipline required to fight a successful counterinsurgency. They are less likely than regular soldiers to take the trouble to do the small but burdensome tasks that help keep you alive in such an environment. They are more likely to succumb to grief and anger following the loss of their comrades. And they are more likely to overreact to provocation, with results that will undermine their cause. Insurgencies tend to be particularly nasty wars that bring out the worst in people. None of this bodes well for the morale of the Russian military, especially among the ground forces that have borne the brunt of Russian casualties.
A concerted information campaign focused on Russian military personnel in Ukraine would help stoke misgivings about the value of their cause, thus giving life to Napoleon’s dictum that in war moral factors far outweigh the physical. Here the United States could provide the training and technology to enable members of the Ukrainian resistance to mass-text Russian troops in their locale with messages that highlight the futility of their cause, the opprobrium of the world, and the likely fate that awaits them and their comrades. The offer of financial reward for desertion, which Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced early on, is a great start.
A second line of effort would focus on the Russian public—especially those with relatives among the Russian forces in Ukraine. There are a host of themes well suited for such an audience, but most should involve stark images of the war. Admittedly, stirring protest in an authoritarian country such as Putin’s Russia is not guaranteed to achieve the desired effect, but Russian mothers have proven in the past to be a powerful political bloc.
The final line of effort would target Russia’s political and military elite—with the theme that Putin is destroying Russia. With an economy in free fall, and Russians waking up to a new national identity as an international pariah, this should not be a difficult message to propagate. A few Russian oligarchs and lawmakers have already criticized the invasion openly, and as with all information campaigns, initial impetus is all important. Washington now needs to hammer this message home by every means available.
3. Support Ukrainian Resistance
Invading a country is one thing; occupying it is quite another. This is, of course, a painful lesson that the United States learned in Iraq as well as in Afghanistan—a place from which Russia should have learned the same lesson. Eight years of war with Russia, and increasingly close relations with the West, have led to a strong feeling of national resolve among the Ukrainian people. Evidence of this has been seen in the fight put up by Ukrainian forces from the outset of the invasion. If, as seems probable, the Russian military will defeat that of Ukraine, it will find itself sitting on the proverbial powder keg.
Historically, two conditions are necessary for an insurgency to flourish: popular support and a safe haven which doubles as a source for logistical support. Ukraine has both. Ukrainian national resolve appears unshaken, which augurs well for a nascent resistance movement. As for the second condition, no counterinsurgency campaign has been completely successful in sealing off access to a crossborder safe haven: not the French in Algeria, the Americans in Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Iraq, or the British in Northern Ireland. Ukraine has thousands of kilometers of border, much of which abuts against NATO territory. The Russians will not be able to stop the flow of aid to a resistance group across these borders; the only such danger comes from the possibility of Ukraine’s neighbors forbidding the United States from using their territory to support a resistance movement. The time is now for Washington to get assurances from the four countries that share a border with Ukraine that each will continue to support Ukrainian resistance even if it transitions from being a largely conventional defensive fight to a protracted insurgency.
Since resistance fighters are likely to be outnumbered in every engagement, they need more than small arms or antitank weapons to give them the ability to engage the Russians outside the range of the latter’s weapons. The United States should focus on supplying the resistance with cutting-edge weapons that give the operator this standoff ability while best countering Russian strengths. Man-portable antitank and antiaircraft missiles have been making the news, but US assistance should also include drones such as the TB-2, which are capable of penetrating Russian air defense systems, and loitering munitions that can search out and destroy precision targets several miles from the operator. Even simple kamikaze drones, such as the relatively inexpensive Switchblade, which has a range of ten kilometers, would be an ideal weapon to provide to the Ukrainian resistance.
The United States also needs to prioritize increased shipments of Javelin antitank guided missiles, one of the few weapons capable of defeating the reactive armor of Russia’s T-90 tanks. The same goes for the latest model of the famed Stinger antiaircraft missile system, which will give insurgents the ability to shoot down fast-flying fixed-wing aircraft.
Doing Nothing Is Risky, Too
The risk of escalation remains ever present. The Russians might respond by striking across the borders of a NATO country to eliminate a safe haven, thus triggering Article 5 of the alliance’s founding treaty. Or Putin could launch a full-scale cyberattack on US financial systems on the rationale that the United States is more dependent on such systems than Russia, and that in any case, Russia has little more to lose economically. Or Russian troops in Ukraine might start committing widespread atrocities against civilians in retribution for acts of resistance. The United States must anticipate these possibilities and develop contingency plans—some of which may simply involve unequivocally messaging Putin about the consequences of taking such actions. In weighing these risks, US policymakers need to keep two thoughts foremost in mind.
First, previous confrontations that resulted in the use of physical force against Russia have not led to escalation. One example is an attack by pro-government forces in Syria that included Russian contractors on an outpost manned by Arab and Kurdish forces, which were backed by US personnel and firepower—a confrontation that reportedly ended with up to three hundred dead among the attackers. Another example came three years earlier, when a Russian warplane was shot down by Turkish forces along Turkey’s border with Syria. Of course, both these incidents involved tactical decisions made with the justification of self-defense, and neither involved Russian troops on home soil, as Putin insists on describing Ukraine. Nevertheless, they both prompted the Russians to seek closer cooperation. And although the stakes may be higher in Ukraine than in Syria, it is unlikely that even Putin seeks direct armed confrontation with the United States. US policymakers should make clear what the United States intends to do—and by implication, where it intends to stop. Regardless, planners must, of course, be prepared for the worst.
Secondly, policymakers must decide whether the risk of taking determined action now is greater than the risk of taking none. Putin’s past record would suggest that it is not. If Russia’s invasion of Ukraine escapes substantial——and sustained—punishment, it will have terrible implications for global norms, international peace, and US national interests.

Andrew Milburn retired from the Marine Corps as a colonel in 2019 after a thirty-one-year career as an infantry and special operations officer. His last position in uniform was deputy commander of Special Operations Command Central, and prior to that commanding officer of the Marine Raider Regiment and Combined Special Operations Task Force–Iraq. He is the author of When the Tempest Gathers and a cohost of the Irregular Warfare Podcast. He tweets at @andymilburn8.
The views expressed are those of the author and do not reflect the official position of the United States Military Academy, Department of the Army, or Department of Defense.
Image credit: kremlin.ru
mwi.usma.edu · by Andrew Milburn · March 8, 2022




18. What Ukraine Means for Japan

As bad as the crisis is in Ukraine (and we must keep the suffering but heroic Ukrainian people in the forefront of our minds, the crisis does present opportunities. Blowback from Russian actions could result in problems for China as well as Russia. We have the opportunity to reinvigorate not only alliances,but also strengthen the rules based international order against these revisionist and rogue regimes.
What Ukraine Means for Japan
Will Japan follow Germany’s suit in rethinking its approach to national security?

thediplomat.com · by Yukari Easton · March 8, 2022
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In the wake of Russia’s attack on its sovereign neighbor, Ukraine, democratic nations must now accept the existential crisis that has been presented and acknowledge that World War II-style invasions, accompanied by modern information warfare, are now a reality in 21st century Europe. Russian President Vladimir Putin’s aggression and appetite for risk were never truly appreciated hitherto.
In response, previously unimaginable changes have taken place. Switzerland, Sweden, and Finland eschewed their longstanding neutrality and Germany announced it would increase its defense spending to 2 percent of GDP. Japan, for its part, has frozen Russian central bank assets, representing about 10 percent of Russia’s total currency reserves. But in the wake of thousands of deaths, more than a million refugees, and unprecedented levels of economic sanctions, the endgame is unclear.
When a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council can go rogue to such an extent, the most obvious response is collective self-defense. Sweden and Finland are reported to be considering joining NATO. Japan, which has territorial disputes with Russia, will need to reassess and further strengthen its security within the framework of the bilateral Japan-U.S. Security Treaty.
While the U.S. defense alliance enjoys broad support among the Japanese public, what is more opaque is the domestic perception of the invasion and how best to address this in a broader context. Since the end of the Pacific War, Japan’s emphasis has been on preventing the emergence of another militaristic regime from within. Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution states that, “Aspiring sincerely to an international peace based on justice and order, the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the nation.” Furthermore, the “threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes” is prohibited and, to this end, “land, sea, and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained.”
This text was well-suited to the purpose of Japan rejoining the international community after World War II. But in modern Japan, faith in Article 9 still endures with such intensity that it has turned those with liberal values into dogmatic textualists.
The debate in Japan about the use of force is acutely sensitive and has been reduced to black-and-white arguments that have left the Self-Defense Forces in limbo. In the absence of rational discourse, the resultant vacuum has been filled by bystander apathy and willful ignorance of the dangers the world faces. For example, following Russia’s invasion, Japan Communist Party leader Shii Kazuo took to Twitter in a widely shared self-serving tweet heralding Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution. And former Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio alluded to fault on the sides of both Ukraine and Russia. Japan’s pacifists seem oblivious to the Ukrainians’ urgent need for military assistance.
Prime Minister Kishida Fumio’s rejection on February 28 of NATO-style nuclear-sharing with the United States pleased the public and was seen a rebuke of former Prime Minister Abe Shinzo. But such a policy is unnecessary, given the nuclear reach of the U.S. and the different premises of NATO’s constitution and the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. The real question regarding Japan’s security has two elements. The first is the solidarity of Japan’s partners. India, one of four participants in the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (the Quad), abstained on both U.N. General Assembly and Human Rights Council resolutions criticizing Russia, despite having urged other states to denounce the Russian aggression. This presents a dilemma in terms of future cooperation and further intelligence sharing in Asia.
The second element is a scenario in which the fundamental concept of collective self-defense is challenged. While such solidarity has not yet been tested, it was challenged during the Trump administration, when the president repeatedly complained about the nature of the security treaties with Japan and South Korea, as well as the U.S. relationship with NATO. John Bolton, Trump’s former national security adviser, is on record as saying, “In a second Trump term, I think he [Trump] may well have withdrawn from NATO, and I think Putin was waiting for that.” Japan can only hope that no future president entertains such dangerous isolationist whims.
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The world is clearly a much more dangerous and less stable place than was imagined two weeks ago. And in the face of this new challenge, Japan needs to reconsider the nature of its contribution to peace. An innate distrust of anything military contributes little to national or global security. Sending a virtuous message of peace will, going forward, need to be accompanied by an effective hard power strategy within the continuing collective self-defense structure.
thediplomat.com · by Yukari Easton · March 8, 2022

19. How the US and Europe helped Ukraine prep for insurgency

Finally seeing the public recognition of what a handful of operators and contractors and IC personnel have been doing for the past eight years. And not just the US but also resistance concepts have been developing organically in Ukraine and other countries in the region. This is the first report I have seen that discusses the resistance operating concept in more than just a passing mention and recognizes the contribution it has and will continue to make.

How the US and Europe helped Ukraine prep for insurgency
armytimes.com · by Davis Winkie · March 8, 2022
In recent days, Ukrainian officials and citizens have made it clear: even if the country does fall to Russia’s massive invasion, the fight won’t stop there.
“It is high time to proceed to resistance!” said defense minister Oleksiy Reznikov in a March 2 Facebook post. “I appeal to the citizens who are in the territories temporarily occupied by the enemy. With your help, our army will quickly defeat and drive out the occupiers.”
“Hunters. Foresters. You know every path…in your area,” Reznikov said, adding that guerillas should “leave the [Russian] tanks” and target logistics convoys. “The enemy must feel that every step without invitation on Ukrainian soil may be his last.”
Ordinary Ukrainians near or behind enemy lines appear to be listening, resisting through both violent and non-violent means.
For some officials, that means everything is going to plan.
Since 2018, U.S. and European officials have quietly helped Ukraine implement key portions of a total defense framework that military officials call the “Resistance Operating Concept,” according to a U.S. special operations official who requested anonymity to discuss the project with Military Times. The work took place over time, through interagency meetings in Kyiv and with multinational representation, the official explained.
Special Operations Command-Europe was unable to grant Military Times interview requests for resistance experts due to the ongoing conflict. The Pentagon has adopted a restrictive media posture on the war in Ukraine, denying media embed requests and conducting routine intelligence updates on background.
From civil to violent resistance: the ROC and Ukraine
The Resistance Operating Concept centers around building up the capacity of NATO members and friendly countries to mount an effective civil and military resistance if they were to face Russian invasion.
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The resistance operating concept is helping inform Army special operators as they focus on great power competition.
The ROC also encourages civil disobedience and non-violent resistance in the face of enemy occupation.
Nations supported under the ROC are encouraged to develop the legal and organizational framework for a resistance and bring it under the official control of their armed forces. That makes it easier for resistance forces to receive external training, funding and weapons.
Ukraine’s total defense project, which is part of a U.S.- and NATO-supported defense reform collaboration that has been ongoing since war began in 2014, resulted in such a framework last year — and not a second too soon.
“The ROC did help Ukraine self-evaluate [their national defense plan]...and it generated some momentum for Ukraine to catch up with their neighbors in that proper legal structure,” explained the U.S. special operations official familiar with the country’s resistance planning. The official added that other countries have also implemented lessons from Ukraine’s combat experience against Russia in the Donbass region.
Kyiv’s legislature passed “On the Fundamentals of National Resistance” in July, according to a release from president Volodymyr Zelensky’s office. The legislation included “important measures aimed at developing territorial defense and [a] resistance movement, and introducing a system of preparing the population for national resistance.”
It also offers legal protections for any civilian in Ukraine who takes up arms against an occupying force, while offering the government options for disavowing or blocking counter-productive resistance.
The law also placed Ukraine’s highly capable SOF units — who have trained extensively with U.S., Canadian and European troops since 2014 — in charge of building out and coordinating insurgent forces in the event of occupation.
It’s not clear yet whether Ukrainian SOF are organizing and leading insurgent forces amid their ongoing ambushes and raids against Russian columns. But early signs of resistance are appearing as Western nations flood the country with man-portable anti-tank and anti-aircraft weapons.
One of many widely shared videos out of the conflict zone depicts a drive-by Molotov cocktail attack on a disabled Russian vehicle under tow.
Videos emerging from Kherson, one of the few cities currently under Russian occupation, show a restive population that regularly protests and impedes occupation forces. One video even showed protestors brawling with Russian troops as a hail of warning shots sounded in the background.
Citizens in Energogar, another town in southern Ukraine, delayed a Russian advance on the town’s nuclear power plant when hundreds of residents blocked the road with vehicles, barricades and their own bodies.
Training materials anytime, anywhere
Ukrainian officials are doing their best to fan the flames, too.
A new official website — the “National Resistance Center” — run by Ukraine’s Special Operations Forces offers advice and handbooks for would-be insurgents of all stripes. It also disseminates “fresh news” daily on protests and resistance actions in Russian-occupied areas of the country.
The website includes how-to guides on reporting Russian troop movements, tactical medicine, secure communications, sabotage and more.
A 19-page “pocketbook” consolidates much of the training material into a single PDF document illustrated with various images of Vault Boy, a symbol from the Fallout video game series where players navigate a post-apocalyptic world through smarts and sabotage.
Notably, the website also instructs everyday citizens on how they can resist Russian occupation without taking up arms.

This portion of a resistance handbook published by Ukraine's Special Operations Forces instructs readers on how to conduct sabotage operations. (Screenshot)
One page instructs office workers in any future Russian occupation administration to “work as slowly as possible,” spread “alarming” workplace rumors, “do your job badly” and misplace documents.
Implications beyond Ukraine
The adoption of total defense isn’t unique to Ukraine, though the Eastern European country of more than 40 million is poised to be a test-case of these principles in action.
In recent years, other countries across Europe have quietly updated their national defense plans to lay the groundwork for an insurgency in the case of Russian invasion and occupation.
Countries at the vanguard of resistance planning include Poland, the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania; the Nordic countries of Finland, Norway and Sweden; and other vulnerable states, like Georgia.
Ukraine, should its government fall, will offer insight on a burning question for these countries — can a country plant the seeds of insurgency before a full-scale war even begins?

Volunteers of Ukraine's Territorial Defense Forces talk to each other by a damaged vehicle at a checkpoint in Brovary, outside Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, March 1, 2022. Russian shelling pounded civilian targets in Ukraine's second-largest city Tuesday and a 40-mile convoy of tanks and other vehicles threatened the capital — tactics Ukraine's embattled president said were designed to force him into concessions in Europe's largest ground war in generations. (AP Photo/Efrem Lukatsky)
That’s what military planners from countries who have invested heavily in resistance capabilities are closely monitoring, explained the editorial director of West Point’s Modern War Institute, John Amble, in a recent article.
“Ultimately, the questions are whether civilian resistance is a credible means of defending against aggression and, if so, what balance between such an approach and conventional capabilities is appropriate,” Amble explained. He noted that the effectiveness of such efforts thus far “remain unknown in an operational sense but have certainly been symbolically powerful.”
Ukraine is considered one of the countries best-suited for armed resistance among ROC adherents due to its combat experience in the country’s east, explained the special operations official familiar with the country’s resistance planning.
If resistance can’t succeed there, some worry it won’t succeed anywhere — though Ukraine can’t rely on NATO military intervention like many other ROC-inspired militaries can.
Meanwhile, planners supporting Ukraine are preparing for what could be a protracted fight.
According to the Washington Post, Ukraine’s partners “are planning how to help establish and support a government-in-exile, which could direct guerrilla operations against Russian occupiers” in the event that Kyiv and other cities fall and make continued conventional warfare untenable.
“We must win the war,” said one Zelenskyy advisor to the Washington Post. “There are no other options.”
About Davis Winkie
Davis Winkie is a staff reporter covering the Army. He originally joined Military Times as a reporting intern in 2020. Before journalism, Davis worked as a military historian. He is also a human resources officer in the Army National Guard.


20. Niger Syndrome goes mainstream: Abbey Gate attack shows commanders are failing to assess risks


This is not just from a still grieving father. He has captured a very important weakness - the Niger syndrome. 
Niger Syndrome goes mainstream: Abbey Gate attack shows commanders are failing to assess risks
militarytimes.com · by Henry Black · March 7, 2022
I once observed retired Marine Maj. Gen. Lawrence Livingston say: “I will use every god d*#! round I have to save the life of one Marine.”
During 1990-1991, I served under Livingston, then a colonel, both before and during Operations Desert Shield and Desert Storm, when he commanded the 6th Marine Regiment. I loved Livingston. He was brutally honest, guided by integrity, tactically proficient and used every asset at his disposal to maximize the safety and success of his Marines.
He epitomized the opposite of what I call the Niger Syndrome — essentially, commanders ordering military forces to execute a mission, but failing to properly assess mission risk and therefore failing to allocate adequate risk mitigation measures. The underlying factor creating the Niger Syndrome is a failure by the commander to view and therefore care for the members of the unit as brothers, sisters, sons and daughters.
The Niger Syndrome was a fundamental cause for the deaths of four members of Army ODA 3212 and five Nigerien partner soldiers on Oct. 4, 2017, during an ambush near Tongo Tongo, Niger. My youngest son, Bryan, was one of the four.
In the years since, the lives of those who loved Bryan have settled into a rhythm in which, while grateful for the grace and goodness of God, we yet live with the ache of loss. Often, that ache is unnoticed, but every now and then that ache pushes through the scars, and we again feel that intense, indescribable grief.
For me, that grief broke through on Aug. 26, 2021, when the news broke that 13 U.S. service members were killed by a suicide bomber at Hamid Karzai Airport during the Afghanistan evacuation. I grieved for the 13 killed, for their families and for their brothers and sisters in arms.

U.S. soldiers transfer the remains of Army Staff Sgt. Dustin Wright of Lyons, Ga., late Thursday, Oct. 5, 2017, upon arrival at Dover Air Force Base, Del. Wright was one of four U.S. troops and four Niger forces killed in an ambush in Niger earlier this month. (Staff Sgt. Aaron J. Jenne/Air Force)
In February 2022, the Pentagon concluded following an investigation into the attack on Hamid Karzai Airport’s Abbey Gate that, based on the tactical situation, the attack was “not preventable.”
After I heard this, I grew angry, because I realized that the Niger Syndrome had gone mainstream.
The tactical force conducting the evacuation had been assigned a mission in which the risk assessment was inadequate, and therefore the mission assigned to the unit had not been configured with the assets necessary to prevent lethal attacks. The world’s most powerful military failed to properly assess risk, and thus failed to plan and resource the mission to maximize both protection and success for the tactical force.
It had failed to “use every god d*#! round.” If there had been multiple attacks, suicide or otherwise, the casualties could very easily have been much higher.
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Four soldiers were killed in the ambush on Oct. 4, 2017.
I thought of Bagram Airbase, which had been closed earlier in the withdrawal from Afghanistan and from where proper stand-off was possible. I also thought of the U.S. service members who knew the security situation at Abbey Gate was untenable prior to the attack.
In Niger, the battalion commander overseeing ODA 3212 also did not “use every god d*#! Round” for the team. In Afghanistan, the higher commanders overseeing the evacuation failed the same test.
Beyond these two events, as I look at what is happening both administratively and operationally in our military today, it seems evident that leadership within and over our military has lost sight of what needs to be done to take care of service members.
As I look at the growing challenges facing our military posed by a resurgent Russia and aggressive China against the backdrop of current military leadership, I have little faith that these challenges will be successfully met.
What is needed today, right now, is a set of Lawrence Livingstons to take charge. I know they are out there, and I’ve been looking for them, but all I’ve been able to see so far is a proverbial theater filled with actors unable or unwilling to recite their lines, and singers unable to carry a tune.
The U.S. military emerged victorious and strong after World War II. However, by the time that the Korean War hit, civilian and military leadership had allowed that same military to become degraded, failing to maintain a prepared military commensurate with robust risk assessments. Consequently, U.S. forces initially committed to Korea were poorly trained and equipped, offered little resistance to the North Korean forces and suffered unnecessary casualties.
I hope and pray that history is not repeating itself.
Henry Black is a retired Marine Corps major. His son, Staff Sgt. Bryan Black, an Army Special Forces medic, was one of the four U.S. soldiers killed in Niger in October 2017. Black lives in Washington state with his wife, two daughters-in-law, one son and four grandchildren.
Editor’s note: This is an Op-Ed and as such, the opinions expressed are those of the author. If you would like to respond, or have an editorial of your own you would like to submit, please contact Military Times managing editor Howard Altman, haltman@militarytimes.com.


21. Analysis of IAEA Iran Verification and Monitoring Report - March 2022

Analysis of IAEA Iran Verification and Monitoring Report - March 2022
by David Albright, Sarah Burkhard, and Andrea Stricker [1]
March 4, 2022
This report summarizes and assesses information in the International Atomic Energy Agency’s (IAEA) quarterly safeguards report for March 3, 2022, Verification and monitoring in the Islamic Republic of Iran in light of United Nations Security Council resolution 2231 (2015), including Iran’s compliance with the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).
The IAEA’s latest report details Iran’s rapidly advancing nuclear activities and inspectors’ diminished ability to detect Iranian diversion of assets to undeclared facilities.
Highlights and Breakout Estimate
  • Due to the growth of Iran’s 20 and 60 percent enriched uranium stocks, breakout timelines have become dangerously short, far shorter than just a few months ago. Iran now has enough 20 and 60 percent enriched uranium (in the form of uranium hexafluoride (UF6)) to use as feed for production of enough weapon-grade uranium (WGU) (taken as 25 kilograms (kg) per weapon) for two nuclear weapons, producing the first quantity of WGU in as little as two to three weeks after breakout commences, including a set up period, and producing the second quantity by the end of that month.
  • In total, Iran has enough 60, 20, and 4.5 percent enriched uranium to make sufficient WGU for four nuclear weapons. The third quantity could be produced soon after the start of the second month after breakout commences, and the fourth in somewhat less than four months. The third and fourth quantities would depend on stocks of uranium enriched between 2 and 4.5 percent and would be produced significantly more slowly than the first two quantities of WGU.
  • In essence, Iran is effectively breaking out slowly by producing 60 percent enriched uranium and continuing to accumulate it. As of February 19, Iran had a stock of 33.2 kg of near 60 percent enriched uranium (in uranium mass or U mass), or 49.1 kg (in hexafluoride mass). If Iran accumulated about 40 kg of 60 percent enriched uranium (U mass), it would have enough to be able to further enrich it and quickly produce 25 kg of WGU (U mass) in just a few advanced centrifuge cascades.
  • Alternatively, 40 kg of 60 percent enriched uranium is more than enough to fashion a nuclear explosive directly, without any further enrichment, although Iran’s known nuclear weapons designs use WGU.
  • Iran’s current production rate of 60 percent enriched uranium is 4.5 kg per month (U mass), meaning that it could accumulate its first amount of 40 kg in less than two months from now.
  • Iran is learning important lessons in producing WGU and breaking out to nuclear weapons, including by experimenting with skipping typical enrichment steps as it enriches up to 60 percent uranium-235 and building and testing out equipment to feed 20 percent enriched uranium and withdraw highly enriched uranium (HEU). It is starting from a level below 5 percent LEU and enriching directly to near 60 percent in one cascade, rather than using two steps in between, a slower process entailing the intermediate production of 20 percent enriched uranium. It has used temporary feed and withdrawal set ups to produce HEU from near 20 percent enriched uranium feed. Iran is also implementing a plan to allow IR-6 cascades to switch more easily from the production of 5 percent enriched uranium to 20 percent enriched uranium. As such, Iran is experimenting with multi-step enrichment while seeking to shortcut the process.
  • Iran started to produce 20 percent enriched uranium in one cascade of IR-6 centrifuges at the Fordow Fuel Enrichment Plant (FFEP) in addition to the six IR-1 cascades that were already producing 20 percent enriched uranium.
  • The production rate of 20 percent enriched uranium at the FFEP increased by 50 percent from a monthly average of 13.2 kg (U mass) or 19.5 kg (hex mass), to 19.7 kg (U mass) or 29.2 kg (hex mass).
  • Iran has installed a second cascade of 166 IR-6 centrifuges at the FFEP, but has not yet fed it with UF6. The installation of advanced centrifuges at the FFEP enhances Iran’s ability to break out using a declared but highly fortified facility.
  • As of February 19, Iran had an IAEA-estimated stock of 182.1 kg of 20 percent enriched uranium (U mass and in the form of UF6), an increase from the previous reporting period’s 113.8 kg of 20 percent enriched uranium in UF6 form. Iran also has an additional stock of 36.5 kg (U mass) of 20 percent uranium in other chemical forms.
  • Since the previous report, Iran has not produced any uranium metal.
  • At the Natanz Fuel Enrichment Plant (FEP), Iran has installed 36 cascades of IR-1 centrifuges, six cascades of IR-2m centrifuges, and two cascades of IR-4 centrifuges. Of those, 31 IR-1 cascades, six IR-2m cascades, and two IR-4 cascades were being fed with uranium.
  • Iran’s current, total operating enrichment capability is estimated to be about 13,400 separative work units (SWU) per year, compared to 12,400 SWU per year at the end of the last reporting period.
  • While average daily production of 5 percent LEU increased at the FEP, Iran’s total usable stock of below 5 percent LEU decreased compared to the previous reporting period, as the average feed rate at the FFEP increased.
  • Near 5 percent LEU production during this reporting period, which spanned 104 days at the Natanz FEP, totaled 596 kg (U mass), for a daily average production rate of 5.7 kg (U mass), a slight increase from the previous reporting period’s daily average production rate of 4.9 kg (U mass). This reflects Iran’s slightly increased enrichment capacity at the FEP.
  • Iran’s overall reported stockpile of LEU increased due to a significant increase in Iran’s stock of up to 2 percent enriched uranium, much of which was produced as tails in the production of 20 percent and 60 percent enriched uranium.
  • On January 24, the IAEA visited Iran’s centrifuge manufacturing workshop at a new location in Esfahan, relocated from the Karaj site, and installed surveillance cameras to replace those at the Karaj site. The IAEA will not have access to Esfahan or Karaj video recordings and data, which Iran claims it will keep in its custody, until it receives relief from sanctions. The IAEA, for more than one year, has not been able to monitor Iran’s production of advanced centrifuges, particularly rotors and bellows, per JCPOA monitoring provisions, and faces a difficult challenge in reconstructing events should Iran turn over these data.
  • The IAEA also faces a gap in knowledge about Iran’s advanced centrifuge manufacturing activities from June 2021 until January 2022, raising doubt about its ability to ascertain whether Iran may have diverted centrifuge components.
  • The IAEA report does not discuss the status of Iran’s construction of a new advanced centrifuge assembly facility in a tunnel near the main Natanz complex.
  • The IAEA does not report whether Iran has turned over a missing recording unit and storage data from a camera that was destroyed at Karaj in June 2021.
  • Combined with outstanding safeguards issues in Iran, the IAEA has a significantly reduced ability to monitor Iran’s complex and growing nuclear program, which notably has unresolved nuclear weapons dimensions. The IAEA’s ability to detect diversion of nuclear materials, equipment, and other capabilities to undeclared facilities remains greatly diminished.
Click here to read the full analysis.
[1] Andrea Stricker is a research fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD).

22. Trudeau’s Double Standards on Iranian Immigrants: Alireza Nader for Inside Policy


Trudeau’s Double Standards on Iranian Immigrants: Alireza Nader for Inside Policy | Macdonald-Laurier Institute
macdonaldlaurier.ca · March 7, 2022
By Alireza Nader, March 7, 2022
Canada’s treatment of Iranian immigrants demonstrates the Trudeau government’s double standards on Iran. On one hand, Ottawa allows Islamic Republic officials to live openly in cities such as Toronto. On the other hand, it deports innocent Iranian residents back to Iran, where they could face imprisonment or even execution.
Morteza Talaei, Tehran’s police chief from 2001 to 2006, was recently spotted exercising at a Toronto-area gym, enjoying the perks of Canadian life. Talaei has presided over numerous human rights abuses, including the imprisonment and torture of pro-democracy dissidents as well as the enforcement of a draconian dress code on Iranian women. Yet Ottawa granted him entry into (and possibly) residency in Canada. He seems to feel safe enough to appear in public.
At the same time, the Canadian government recently deported an elderly Iranian man from Canada back to Iran, where he is likely to face imprisonment, torture, and possibly execution. The 85-year-old Mizraali Vaezaddeh had been living in Canada since 1997, but Ottawa denied him permanent residency due to his work for the SAVAK, the Shah’s secret police and intelligence service, which engaged in human rights abuses during the Shah’s rule.
Yet Vaezaddeh’s family claims that his work for the intelligence agency was short, and that he did not engage in torture. According to his lawyer, his work for SAVAK was “decades ago, and he did have an extremely insignificant and short-term role.” Whatever the nature of his work for SAVAK, Vaezaddeh’s deportation will spell doom for him. The ruling Islamic Republic is deeply hostile toward the Shah and SAVAK, and routinely imprisons, tortures, and executes young and old opponents alike. It is unlikely to show any mercy to Vaezaddeh.
Ottawa’s policy is cruel and disappointing to Canada’s émigré Iranian community, whose members have consistently pressured Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s government to adopt tougher policies against the regime.
In particular, Canadian-Iranians are still waiting for Trudeau to deliver on his pledge to find “answers” to the 2020 downing of Ukrainian flight PS752 by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), which resulted in the deaths of 158 Canadian-Iranian citizens and permanent residents. To date, Canada has failed to take any punitive actions against the regime, such as sanctioning the IRGC, an action recommended by the Association of Families of Flight PS752 Victims.
The Canadian government has also been slow to investigate the regime’s network and illicit activities, including money-laundering and regime investments in Canada
Some Canadian-Iranians, including family members of the victims of flight PS752, have received threats of physical harm from the regime for their vocal criticism of Tehran. Though they are mostly opposed to the Islamic Republic, Canadian-Iranians nevertheless contains include pro-regime elements, members of which have openly rallied for the Islamic Republic on Canadian city streets.
Trudeau’s government must carefully review its Iran policy to make sure similar deportations do not occur in the future. Ottawa should judge each case on its individual merits rather than subject them to blanket immigration laws that produce more harm than good. Separating an old man from his family to go to certain death or torture in Iran serves no one justice. Rather than deport men like Vaezaddeh, Canada should prevent former regime officials like Talaei from entering the country.
Canadian-Iranians must hold Trudeau accountable for his promises, including finding justice for the PS752 families. He can reassure them by being tough on the regime.
Alireza Nader is a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD). Follow Alireza on Twitter @AlirezaNader. FDD is a Washington, DC-based, nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy.
macdonaldlaurier.ca · March 7, 2022


23. Stunned by Putin’s war, nations rewrite their playbooks on defense


Russian blowback. The international community, especially those who value freedom and democracy are going to recommit to defense and to defending the rules based international order. We have an opportunity now at this proverbial inflection point. Should be able to see this now rather than have to look back and say 2022 was an inflection point, the time the revisionist and rogue powers miscalculated and overshot their objectives. The question is can we exploit this?

Stunned by Putin’s war, nations rewrite their playbooks on defense
Defense News · by Sebastian Sprenger · March 4, 2022
WASHINGTON — Western nations are beginning to channel the shock over Russia’s military assault on Ukraine into a wholesale remake of their defense policies, deepening alliances and swelling budgets.
The dynamics of the conflict have shifted in recent days as Moscow’s forces gain the upper hand in some areas by their sheer overmatch in firepower, according to analysts. The humanitarian catastrophe caused by the destruction has left Ukrainian leaders pleading for more military help, a request NATO officials have said they can accommodate only indirectly and, increasingly, discreetly.
With no end game in sight for the conflict, governments on both sides of the Atlantic are beginning to settle in for the long haul.
U.S. President Joe Biden, in a March 2 address, seemed to be preparing the country for a lengthy period of tension, and the likelihood that Ukrainian forces may not hold out for much longer against Russia’s conventional military might.
“[Russian President Vladimir] Putin has unleashed violence and chaos,” Biden said. “But while he may make gains on the battlefield, he will pay a continuing high price over the long run.”
Some European nations are now waking up to the fact that Russia is willing to use military force to redraw borders in their neighborhood, an idea still pooh-poohed in Western European circles even after Moscow’s annexation of Crimea from Ukraine in 2014.
The continent’s defense scenario is shifting daily, said Alessandro Marrone, a defense analyst at the Rome-based think tank IAI.
“A number of historical thresholds have been passed in recent weeks. The war in Ukraine will not be short, Germany’s budget hike will have a huge impact on German and Europe’s industry. And the [European Union’s] €500 million [(U.S. $547 million)] spending on weapons for the war is a watershed in the relations with Russia,” Marrone said.
‘A significant moment’
Heather Conley, president of the German Marshall Fund of the United States, said nations should quickly move past the realization the world’s security order has irreversibly shifted.
“Now we lean in with our allies and partners to make sure there’s no rollback, to make sure they implement and they execute that,” the think tank’s leader said. “It’s such a significant moment, but we can’t bask in that moment; we have to lean in and get greater purpose and focus.”
Discussions have already begun in Germany about the practical implications of a defense budget that Chancellor Olaf Scholz said would rise beyond 2% of gross domestic product, propped up by a $113 billion special fund to be disbursed over several years. NATO has set a target for its members to spend 2% of their respective GDP on defense.
Analysis by the Berlin-based German Council on Foreign Relations found the extra money would yield “no champagne,” but only fill “empty water glasses.” The think tank said the backlog of underfunding Germany’s military amounts to €90 billion over the past 30 years, according to slides posted on Twitter by analyst Christian Mölling.
Once lawmakers approve the spending uptick, it remains to be seen if the German defense bureaucracy and its associated industries can actually convert the money into better readiness and modernized equipment.
In the United States, the discussion is similarly moving toward the question of how big future defense increases will be — not whether there will be one at all.
The next U.S. defense budget will now “have to be bigger than we thought,” according to Rep. Adam Smith, D-Wash., who is the chairman of the House Armed Services Committee and is typically a skeptic of enlarged Defense Department budgets. He said Capitol Hill is gripped by a new spirit of bipartisan cooperation to tackle the crisis.
“Just the Russian invasion in Ukraine fundamentally altered what our national security posture, what our defense posture needs to be,” Smith said at an American Enterprise Institute event March 3. “It made it more complicated, and it made it more expensive. … The decision to invade Ukraine by Russia changes it, and it’s going to go up. There’s no doubt about it.”
While some leading Republicans are calling on Biden to pursue a defense budget increase for fiscal 2023 that exceeds inflation by 5%, Congress is meanwhile considering Biden’s request for an immediate $10 billion in Ukraine-focused defense and humanitarian spending. That’s likely to be tacked onto a still-missing budget deal for FY22.
A hint to where new dollars could flow: Smith’s Republican counterpart, Rep. Mike Rogers of Alabama, has encouraged Romania and the U.S. to cut a deal for American troops to be permanently stationed in the European country, and Pentagon officials acknowledge they must now revisit four-month-old force posture plans to consider the possibility of new permanent or rotational troop deployments to NATO nations in Eastern Europe.
“Posture-wise, yes, we’re going to need to do more in Eastern Europe,” Smith said. “I don’t think we can forget about Asia because the presence does matter. So I think we’re going to need to balance those two things.”
Analysts and politicians have said Putin’s war on Ukraine has galvanized the West like no event before. Germany’s dramatic policy change on Russia is only the tip of the iceberg, as other nations previously hesitant about confronting Moscow realize the Kremlin cannot be acquiesced.
Italy and France
After years of lukewarm support for Russian sanctions, partly inspired by strong business ties with Moscow, Italy has done an about-face under the guidance of Prime Minister Mario Draghi and thrown its weight behind moves to punish Putin for his invasion of Ukraine.
Rome has joined other European nations in sending Stinger missiles and other weaponry to Kyiv, a move backed by politicians who previously voiced admiration for Russia.
The change in viewpoint on Russia means Italy’s political class is catching up with the country’s military chiefs, who have been preparing for a high-end conflict in recent years.
“Ukraine has had a huge impact on the political level, which will give a political impetus to implement capability development, which is already being largely planned,” said Marrone, the Italian defense analyst.
“New submarines, corvettes and the [short-takeoff-and-vertical-landing] F-35 will help ensure maritime security, which will be strained in the Mediterranean,” he said. “Italy is also investing in new wheeled armored vehicles, although it has to decide on a next-generation main battle tank, also depending whether the French-German development will open to third parties.”
Marrone does not expect a new iron curtain to descend on Europe, separating east from west. “Ukraine may remain in a kind of limbo, a place where conflict could flare up at any time,” he said.
In France, where presidential elections are up next month, the nation’s foreign policy agenda and its approach to Russia are more relevant than ever before. All nine declared candidates have joined Macron in condemning the Russian invasion of Ukraine, although they differ in assigning responsibility, analysts Mathilde Ciulla and Amandine Drouet noted in a March 1 report for the European Council on Foreign Relations.
Macron, who has long supported robust French defense spending and advocated for European strategic autonomy, formally announced his decision to run for reelection on Thursday. He is currently leading the polls to win a second term.
Geopolitical issues remain low on the list of French citizens’ concerns, but the presidential campaign debate will allow the candidates to transform a foreign policy debate into a domestic one by presenting their views on different regimes, democracy and rule of law, Ciulla and Drouet wrote in an email to Defense News.
“The invasion has forced candidates to clarify their position on Russia, and to give elements of what their diplomacy towards this neighbor would be, should they be elected president,” they said.
France has sent helmets, bulletproof vests, demining equipment and first aid kits to Ukraine, per Armed Forces Ministry spokesman Herve Grandjean.
More defensive equipment is on the way, but the French government will not comment on what it is, citing security reasons, Grandjean told reporters Thursday. He also would not say whether the European Union’s plan to provide €500 million worth of lethal and nonlethal aid to Ukraine would include French-made weapons.
Sebastian Sprenger and Joe Gould reported from Washington. Vivienne Machi reported from Stuttgart, Germany. Tom Kington reported from Rome.
Sebastian Sprenger is Europe editor for Defense News, reporting on the state of the defense market in the region, and on U.S.-Europe cooperation and multinational investments in defense and global security. He previously served as managing editor for Defense News.
Joe Gould is senior Pentagon reporter for Defense News, covering the intersection of national security policy, politics and the defense industry.
Vivienne Machi is a reporter based in Stuttgart, Germany, contributing to Defense News' European coverage. She previously reported for National Defense Magazine, Defense Daily, Via Satellite, Foreign Policy and the Dayton Daily News. She was named the Defence Media Awards' best young defense journalist in 2020.
Tom Kington is the Italy correspondent for Defense News.

24. Thinking Strategically: Economics, Resources, and Strategy

Excerpts:
Andrew Marshall suggests viewing strategy as a “process of identifying, creating, and exploiting asymmetric advantages that can be used to achieve or improve sustainable competitive advantages.”[18] Thinking strategically, thus, also entails identifying and thinking through one’s relative strengths and weaknesses vis-à-vis an intelligent adversary and trying to understand how they think and might view you.[19] Economic analysis is useful for identifying these strengths and weaknesses and understanding how economic strength is related to the factors that could determine the outcomes of potential conflicts. However, its utility depends on choosing the appropriate criterion for making such determinations, thus underscoring the need first to ask the appropriate strategic questions and arrive at an accurate diagnosis of the competitive and cultural landscape, one’s place in it, and one’s ability to compete in a given area.[20]
The industrial era featured well structured, familiar, and repetitive problems for which the application of tools, such as systems analysis, to analytic problems was largely sufficient. In contrast, the post-industrial era features complex, wicked, and emergent problems that necessitate problem framing, flexibility, teamwork, and multi-disciplinary problem solving that is responsive to real world problems because today, solutions and innovations tend to lie or emerge in the interfaces between functions, offices, or organizations.[21] The essence of Hitch’s vision was to facilitate the productive mixing of people and ideas to ask the right questions, uncover erroneous assumptions, and arrive at creative solutions to wicked problems. Hitch exhorted system analysts to see their work within the context of a multi-disciplinary approach: “Systems analysis should be looked upon as a framework that permits the judgment of experts in numerous sub-fields to be combined, to yield results which transcend any individual.”[22] While economics and resource analysis are important, we must remain mindful to think strategically, critically, and holistically about how we use them.

Thinking Strategically: Economics, Resources, and Strategy
thestrategybridge.org · March 8, 2022
Mie Augier and Sean F. X. Barrett
As President Eisenhower noted, the foundation of military strength is our economic strength. In a few short years, however, we will be paying interest on our debt, and it will be a bigger bill than what we pay today for defense . . . No nation in history has maintained its military power if it failed to keep its fiscal house in order.
—Gen James N. Mattis, USMC (Ret.), 2015[1]
Fiscal realities dictate that we must first divest of legacy programs in order to generate the resources needed to invest in future capabilities.
—General David H. Berger, USMC[2]
Introduction
U.S. military leaders have, in recent years, expressed concern about the deleterious effects of continuing resolutions, budgetary uncertainty, and increasing national debt on balancing the tradeoffs between readiness and future force capabilities.[3] An indication of ongoing fiscal challenges is that Marine Corps General David Berger has sought to secure funding for necessary future capabilities in the U.S. Marine Corps by divesting select legacy capabilities and capacities, thus harvesting budget space.[4] A heightened sensitivity to the importance of tradeoffs between today’s important capabilities and obtaining tomorrow’s vital priorities reflects a renewed focus by national security leaders on the interrelationship between the national and global economy, resource management, and strategy.
The wicked, ill-structured, and interactively complex problems of the present and future environment necessitate a problem solving approach rooted in a holistic understanding that is liberated from conventional bureaucratic silos…
The strategically sound allocation of resources as well as their efficient, and effective, use requires a strategic framework and vision rooted in a realistic understanding of the world as it is and not as one wishes it to be. The wicked, ill-structured, and interactively complex problems of the present and future environment necessitate a problem solving approach rooted in a holistic understanding that is liberated from conventional bureaucratic silos that breaks problems down and analyzes them as isolated, individual component parts. Resource or requirements analysis uninformed by a sound strategic vision or oblivious to the competitive and cultural context are as likely to develop the perfect solution to the wrong problem as they are to achieve an acceptable outcome.
The Roots and Limitations of Systems Analysis

The contemporary approach to linking resources and strategy rose to prominence during the early Cold War years, although applying economic analysis to national security problems dates to at least Adam Smith. A passage in The Wealth of Nations concerns the allocation of resources between “defense” and “opulence.”[5] Charlie Hitch, a pioneer of this approach, was an economist who understood that complex problems like those in national security cannot be adequately understood within the confines of just one discipline like economics. Hitch co-authored The Economics of Defense in the Nuclear Age with Roland McKean in 1960 which illuminated the importance of concurrently and deliberately addressing the interrelationship between requirements and the defense budget, resource management and assessments, and the institutional arrangements that promote efficiencies in every aspect.[6]
Until McNamara’s tenure as Defense Secretary, financial management and military planning had been largely independent of one another.

Defense Secretary Robert S. McNamara works at his desk in the Pentagon on March 17, 1961. (DVIDS)
President John F. Kennedy nominated Robert McNamara to be his Secretary of Defense not long after The Economics of Defense was published. McNamara, eager to avoid being led by parochial service chiefs, found the book’s approach to managing defense equities and resources supportive of his goals. He recruited Hitch to become his Assistant Secretary of Defense (Comptroller)—a position Hitch held from 1961 to 1965. Kennedy’s Defense Secretary also implemented the administrative system and analytical approaches that Hitch and McKean had prescribed in their book. McNamara’s adoption of the book and trust in Hitch were both central to the creation of the Planning-Programming-Budgeting System (PPBS) and the systems analysis activities on which it relied.[7]
The basic premise of the PPBS was “to build a bridge between financial management and military planning to facilitate the application of operations research or systems analysis to military problems.”[8] Until McNamara’s tenure as Defense Secretary, financial management and military planning had been largely independent of one another. Planning had focused strictly on force structure and major weapons systems over a five-to-ten-year period, and budgeting had focused narrowly on functional categories like military personnel and operations and maintenance projected over just one year.
Economics or systems analysis is certainly not strategy as such, but rather a way of thinking concerned with allocating resources…
Each year, the Joint Chiefs produced a Joint Strategic Operations Plan that effectively consisted of a wish list of the services—the product of each service’s largely unilateral planning and divorced from any budget reality. Cost considerations were disregarded until after requirements had already been established. Military planners developed plans without first making reasonable assumptions as to resource constraints and, by doing so, abdicated responsibility from critical strategic choices. Relying on Hitch’s expertise, McNamara intended to upend this process and implement a recursive program where planning was informed by fiscal constraints and where budgets responded to plans instead of leading them.[9]
Economics or systems analysis is certainly not strategy as such, but rather a way of thinking concerned with allocating resources—choosing operating concepts, equipment, policies, and so on—so as to get the most out of the finite resources available and thus inform the development and implementation of a national security strategy.[10] Hitch identifies several equities relevant to strategy that benefit from economic analysis, including the impact of a country’s economic health on the purchasing power of military budgets and vice versa, how best to manage the allocation of resources to address national security concerns, as well as burden sharing and specialization in military alliances. Moreover, economics can itself be an instrument of conflict, such as trade denial and boycotts against adversaries and competing for the support of uncommitted parties and the continued support of allies.[11]
However, even as systems analysis became a standard tool for research, education, and the application of economic ideas to national security, its modern manifestations have strayed from Hitch’s vision. Recent use of systems analysis has too often resurrected the narrow parochial approach Hitch sought to displace, or simply slipped into a functionally limited form of military cost-benefit analysis.
Hitch warned against the hazards of narrow economic ideas like optimization, noting that “[t]here has been altogether too much obsession with optimizing.”[12] He cautioned that “[m]ost of our relations are so unpredictable that we do well to get the right sign and order of magnitude of first differentials. In most of our attempted optimizations we are kidding our customers or ourselves or both.”[13] Hitch observed that systems analysis should be based on observations of the real world but that it tends to fall victim to a variety of analytic pitfalls, succumbing to the draw of theoretical models to the exclusion of empirical evidence and to the application of models to problems for which they are ill-suited.[14]
While economic thinking is important to national security issues, it is equally important to recognize that economics, including thinking about and analyzing resources and requirements, is not sufficient as a lens to think through strategic issues…
The institutional success of systems analysis created new barriers within organizations even after it had broken down others. For example, the Office of Cost Assessment and Program Evaluation (CAPE) and the programming and acquisitions process are notoriously lacking in agility and are only fit for doing analysis within very narrow models. For institutional and strategic leaders, the limitations and pitfalls of systems analysis as it has been institutionalized are a real barrier for developing and realizing their vision.[15]
While economic thinking is important to national security issues, it is equally important to recognize that economics, including thinking about and analyzing resources and requirements, is not sufficient as a lens to think through strategic issues and can, in fact, become its own silo and quite detrimental to strategic thinking and practice. As another renowned economist, public servant, and former Secretary of Defense, James R. Schlesinger, cautions, “Analysis is a useful tool, but it is only a tool.”[16] Resources obviously matter for strategy, but narrow disciplinary lenses like defense economics are not useful insofar as they tend toward intellectual homophily and artificially limit one’s ability to identify and think about the trends shaping the competitive environment.[17] Most central issues in strategy, competition, and conflict are the result of complex interactions between many issues, players, and the strategic environment. Economics and systems analysis can help understand parts of this, but they should not be the only—or even, the main—lens through which to try to achieve this level of understanding.
Strategy, Multi-Disciplinarity, and Problem-Centric Thinking
Andrew Marshall suggests viewing strategy as a “process of identifying, creating, and exploiting asymmetric advantages that can be used to achieve or improve sustainable competitive advantages.”[18] Thinking strategically, thus, also entails identifying and thinking through one’s relative strengths and weaknesses vis-à-vis an intelligent adversary and trying to understand how they think and might view you.[19] Economic analysis is useful for identifying these strengths and weaknesses and understanding how economic strength is related to the factors that could determine the outcomes of potential conflicts. However, its utility depends on choosing the appropriate criterion for making such determinations, thus underscoring the need first to ask the appropriate strategic questions and arrive at an accurate diagnosis of the competitive and cultural landscape, one’s place in it, and one’s ability to compete in a given area.[20]
The industrial era featured well structured, familiar, and repetitive problems for which the application of tools, such as systems analysis, to analytic problems was largely sufficient. In contrast, the post-industrial era features complex, wicked, and emergent problems that necessitate problem framing, flexibility, teamwork, and multi-disciplinary problem solving that is responsive to real world problems because today, solutions and innovations tend to lie or emerge in the interfaces between functions, offices, or organizations.[21] The essence of Hitch’s vision was to facilitate the productive mixing of people and ideas to ask the right questions, uncover erroneous assumptions, and arrive at creative solutions to wicked problems. Hitch exhorted system analysts to see their work within the context of a multi-disciplinary approach: “Systems analysis should be looked upon as a framework that permits the judgment of experts in numerous sub-fields to be combined, to yield results which transcend any individual.”[22] While economics and resource analysis are important, we must remain mindful to think strategically, critically, and holistically about how we use them.
Dr. Mie Augier is a Professor in the Graduate School of Defense Management, and Defense Analysis Department, at NPS. She is a founding member of the Naval Warfare Studies Institute (NWSI) and is interested in strategy, organizations, leadership, innovation, and how to educate strategic thinkers and learning leaders.
Dr. Sean F. X. Barrett, is an officer in the U.S. Marine Corps. He has previously deployed in support of Operations IRAQI FREEDOM, ENDURING FREEDOM, ENDURING FREEDOM-PHILIPPINES, and INHERENT RESOLVE.
The views expressed are the authors’ alone and do not reflect those of the U.S. Navy, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government.

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Header Image: Federal Debt Held by the Public, 1900 to 2050, September 2020 (Congressional Budget Office).
Notes:
[1] Global Challenges, U.S. National Security Strategy, and Defense Organization, 114th Cong., 1st sess. (2015) (statement of General James N. Mattis, USMC (Ret.), former Commander, U.S. Central Command).
[2] David H. Berger, Force Design 2030: Annual Update (Washington, DC: U.S. Marine Corps, 2021), 5.
[3] See, for example, Charles Q. Brown and David H. Berger, “Redefine Readiness Or Lose,” War on the Rocks, March 15, 2021, https://warontherocks.com/2021/03/redefine-readiness-or-lose/. Generals Brown and Berger refer to this tradeoff as one between “availability” and “capability.” Separately, expressing frustration with operating under a continuing resolution, General Berger said, “[T]here’s 15 problems with that.” David H. Berger and Ryan Evans, “Gen. David H. Berger on the Marine Corps of the Future,” War on the Rocks, January 4, 2022, https://warontherocks.com/2022/01/general-berger-on-the-marine-corps-of-the-future/.
[4] Mallory Shelbourne, “Berger Reaffirms Commitment to Force Design 2030 Overhaul In Memo to New SECDEF,” USNI News, March 1, 2021, https://news.usni.org/2021/03/01/berger-reaffirms-commitment-to-force-design-2030-overhaul-in-memo-to-new-secde; Berger, Force Design 2030.
[5] Adam Smith, An Inquiry Into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (New York: Modern Library, 1937), 431.
[6] Charles J. Hitch and Roland N. McKean, The Economics of Defense in the Nuclear Age, R-346 (Santa Monica, CA: The RAND Corporation, 1960).
[7] Charles J. Hitch, “Management Problems of Large Organizations,” Operations Research 44, no. 2 (Mar. – Apr. 1996): 257-58.
[8] Charles J. Hitch, “The New Approach to Management in the U.S. Defense Department,” Management Science 9, no. 1 (Oct. 1962): 1. Alain Enthoven worked for and with Hitch in the comptroller’s office and at RAND and also became an important contributor to the perspective.
[9] Hitch, “New Approach,” 1-4; Hitch, “Management Problems,” 258-259; Charles J. Hitch, “Economics and Operations Research,” The Review of Economics and Statistics 40, no. 3 (Aug. 1958): 200-201.
[10] Hitch and McKean, Economics of Defense, v.
[11] Charles J. Hitch, “National Security Policy As a Field for Economics Research,” World Politics 12, no. 3 (Apr. 1960): 434-52.
[12] Charles J. Hitch, “Uncertainties in Operations Research,” Operations Research 8, no. 4 (Jul. – Aug. 1960): 444.
[13] Charles J. Hitch, “Uncertainties in Operations Research,” Operations Research 8, no. 4 (Jul. – Aug. 1960): 444.
[14] Charles J. Hitch and Roland N. McKean, “What Can Managerial Economics Contribute to Economic Theory?” The American Economic Review 51, no. 2 (May 1961): 148; Herman Kahn and Irwin Mann, Ten Common Pitfalls, RM-1937 (Santa Monica, CA: The RAND Corporation, 1957). Hitch also warns against a narrow focus on optimization that ignores the possibility of intelligent opposition. Charles J. Hitch, “An Appreciation of Systems Analysis,” Journal of Operations Research Society of America 3, no. 4 (Nov. 1955): 466-481.
[15] The 1980s Maritime Strategy has received a lot of attention recently as an example of sound strategic thinking and design, but Secretary John Lehman oftentimes faced opposition from the Office of Program Analysis and Evaluation (PA&E, an earlier name for CAPE) to his Maritime Strategy, as analysis and efficiencies threatened to block its implementation. Dov S. Zakheim, “Lehman’s Maritime Triumph,” Naval War College Review 71, no. 4 (Autumn 2018): 141-46.
[16] James R. Schlesinger, “Use and Abuses of Analysis,” Survival 10, no. 10 (1968): 336.
[17] Herman Kahn, for example, describes “educated incapacity” as “an acquired or learned inability to understand or even perceive a problem, much less a solution.” According to Kahn, “The more expert—or at least the more educated—a person is, the less likely that person is to see a solution when it is not within the framework in which he or she was taught to think.” The Essential Herman Kahn: In Defense of Thinking, ed. Paul Dragos Aligica and Kenneth R. Weinstein (New York: Lexington Books, 2009), 238.
[18] Mie Augier and Andrew W. Marshall, “The Fog of Strategy: Some Organizational Perspectives on Strategy and the Strategic Management Challenges in the Changing Competitive Environment,” Comparative Strategy 36, no. 4 (2017): 275.
[19] Thinking about relative strengths and weaknesses and how to create and leverage strategic asymmetries also necessitates acknowledging a distinction between competition, which is an ever-present reality, and war. The importance of relative strengths and weaknesses and understanding the opponent are central to business strategy, but this is not always the case concerning the national security community’s way of thinking. Mie Augier and Andrew W. Marshall, “The Fog of Strategy,” Comparative Strategy 36, no. 4 (2017): 275-92.
[20] Hitch emphasizes that asking the right questions and choosing the appropriate criterion or criteria is crucial to economic and systems analysis. Hitch, “Management Problems,” 260; Hitch, “Appreciation,” 473-75; Hitch and McKean, Economics of Defense, viii; Hitch, “Economics and Operations Research,” 203-206.
[21] Tiziana Casciaro, Amy C. Edmondson, and Sujin Jang, “Cross-Silo Leadership: How to Create More Value by Connecting Experts from Inside and Outside the Organization,” Harvard Business Review (May-June 2019): 132. For more on the characteristics that distinguish the industrial era and post-industrial era and their implications, see Mie Augier and Sean F. X. Barrett, “Leadership for Seapower: Intellectual Competitive Advantage in the Cognitive/Judgment Era,” Marine Corps Gazette 103, no. 12 (Dec. 2019): 54-59; Mie Augier and Sean F. X. Barrett, “Learning for Seapower: Cognitive Skills for the Post-Industrial Era,” Marine Corps Gazette 104, no. 11 (Nov. 2020): 25-31. This paradigm shift has featured prominently in recent strategic documents including the Department of the Navy’s Education for Seapower study and Joint Chiefs of Staff’s guidance for professional military education and talent management. Department of the Navy, Education for Seapower (Washington, DC: December 2018); Joint Chiefs of Staff, Developing Today’s Joint Officers for Tomorrow’s Ways of War: The Joint Chiefs of Staff Vision and Guidance for Professional Military Education & Talent Management (Washington, DC: 2020).
[22] Hitch, “Appreciation,” 476-481; Hitch also notes that systems analysis is superior to, in contrast, narrowly focused intuition.
thestrategybridge.org · March 8, 2022

25. FDD | Time to Sanction Russia’s Alternative to SWIFT


Excerpts:
To support these efforts, Washington and its allies should target SPFS to undercut Russia’s ability to use the system as an alternative to SWIFT for international transactions. For example, the Biden administration could announce that it will bar any financial institution connected to SPFS and above a certain capitalization threshold from using correspondent or payable-through accounts in the United States. Using Section 311 of the USA PATRIOT Act, Treasury could also require U.S. financial institutions and agencies to reject transactions that directly or indirectly utilize SPFS.
With Russian forces currently moving to encircle Kyiv, Washington and its allies have no time to spare.
FDD | Time to Sanction Russia’s Alternative to SWIFT

Matthew Zweig
Senior Fellow

John Hardie
Research Manager and Research Analyst

fdd.org · by Matthew Zweig Senior Fellow · March 7, 2022
Per an agreement with Washington and other Western allies, the European Union last week prohibited the SWIFT financial messaging system from providing services to seven Russian banks sanctioned over Moscow’s aggression against Ukraine. The SWIFT cut-off will sever critical ties between Russia and the global marketplace, but Moscow will likely try to employ its parallel messaging system, SPFS, to mitigate the cost of sanctions.
SWIFT, or the Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication, is a Belgium-based global messaging system that facilitates transactions between over 11,000 financial institutions around the world. On February 26, the European Commission, France, Germany, Italy, the United Kingdom, Canada, and the United States agreed to remove “selected Russian banks” from SWIFT. Brussels followed through on March 2, requiring SWIFT to cut ties with VTB Bank, Vnesheconombank (VEB), Bank Otkritie, Novikombank, Sovcombank, Promsvyazbank, and Rossiya Bank, including their majority-owned subsidiaries.
The U.S. Treasury Department had designated the first six of those banks on February 22 and 24 and Rossiya Bank in 2014, while the European Union sanctioned VEB, Promsvyazbank, and Rossiya Bank on February 23. These designations prohibit U.S. and EU persons from transacting with the sanctioned banks. The U.S. designations will make them toxic to most major firms around the world given the central role of the U.S. financial system.
Combining the SWIFT cut-off with individual designations is important for two reasons. First, losing access to SWIFT does not necessarily preclude a bank from transacting with other financial institutions. While most partners will eschew banks cut off from SWIFT, some might continue their business by relying on less efficient alternatives. Second, and relatedly, disconnecting Russian banks from SWIFT without first precluding transactions with them could perversely promote the use of alternatives to SWIFT.
Russia began developing its SWIFT alternative, known as SPFS, or the System for Transfer of Financial Messages, in 2014 amid fears that Russian banks could be booted from SWIFT. Moscow fully launched the system in December 2017. According to Russia’s central bank, SPFS had 338 users as of March 3. They include major Russian financial institutions and other companies as well as a relatively small number of foreign banks, many of them subsidiaries of Russian banks. The system currently handles about one-fifth of Russia’s total domestic payments.
Over the longer-term, Russia may also look to CIPS, or China’s Cross-Border Interbank Payment System. Launched in 2015, the system is designed to promote use of the renminbi in international settlements, with messaging flows going through either CIPS or SWIFT. Moscow and Beijing have previously discussed linking SPFS and CIPS as part of their broader efforts to undermine the effectiveness of U.S. sanctions.
While far inferior to SWIFT, SPFS and CIPS could offer alternatives for undesignated Russian banks in the event that Russia completely loses access to SWIFT, as Kyiv and many U.S. policymakers have advocated. China may be unwilling to risk allowing sanctioned Russian banks to use CIPS, but those banks could use SPFS to facilitate transactions with any foreign partners still willing to work with them.
With President Vladimir Putin so far unwilling to de-escalate in Ukraine, Washington and its allies should urgently look for additional ways to ratchet up the economic pressure on Moscow. This should include working closely with European allies to designate additional Russian banks and cut them off from SWIFT, working toward comprehensive isolation of the Russian financial sector.
To support these efforts, Washington and its allies should target SPFS to undercut Russia’s ability to use the system as an alternative to SWIFT for international transactions. For example, the Biden administration could announce that it will bar any financial institution connected to SPFS and above a certain capitalization threshold from using correspondent or payable-through accounts in the United States. Using Section 311 of the USA PATRIOT Act, Treasury could also require U.S. financial institutions and agencies to reject transactions that directly or indirectly utilize SPFS.
With Russian forces currently moving to encircle Kyiv, Washington and its allies have no time to spare.
Matthew Zweig is a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD), where John Hardie is research manager and a research analyst. They both contribute to FDD’s Center on Economic and Financial Power (CEFP). For more analysis from the authors and CEFP, please subscribe HERE. Follow Matthew on Twitter @MatthewZweig1. Follow FDD on Twitter @FDD and @FDD_CEFP. FDD is a Washington, DC-based, nonpartisan research institute focused on national security and foreign policy.
fdd.org · by Matthew Zweig Senior Fellow · March 7, 2022


26. FDD | Returning to UNESCO Will Not Solve Our China Problem

Excerpts:
The problem, though, is that there is no evidence to suggest that the United States could effectively counter China in the education and cultural domains by giving money to UNESCO. Meaningful pushback can occur only through bilateral engagements between the United States and its partners — including foreign governments and private institutions — about Beijing’s myriad threats. Absent structural reforms to wrest power and influence away from world despots and return them to free democracies, there is no reason to believe UNESCO will end up looking any different than the Human Rights Council does today.
The U.S. funding cut and eventual withdrawal from UNESCO have presented a cautionary tale to other international bodies that might consider allowing Palestinian membership. The United States should hold UNESCO accountable by making clear that a return to the body is contingent on its repeal of antisemitic resolutions and its rescinding of Palestinian membership. Anything short of this would constitute a shameful waste of U.S. taxpayer dollars, merely emboldening the Palestinian leadership to press for membership in new international bodies. Congress should maintain current laws and reject the Senate Appropriations Committee’s proposed change.
FDD | Returning to UNESCO Will Not Solve Our China Problem
fdd.org · March 4, 2022
The Senate Appropriations Committee is quietly advancing a change to U.S. laws that would allow the Biden administration to rejoin the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) — a dysfunctional and antisemitic body that works overtime to deny the historical ties between Jews and the Jewish people’s holy sites. The change is needed, supposedly, to enable the United States to better counter China’s influence inside the agency. But as congressional negotiators stare down a March 11 deadline to keep the government funded, House and Senate leaders should maintain current laws and, in the process, save American taxpayers half a billion dollars.
In the early 1990s, Congress passed two bills prohibiting U.S. funding for international organizations that admit a unilaterally declared state of “Palestine” as a member. The idea was to deter Palestinians from seeking statehood in international organizations while refusing to make tough sacrifices at the negotiating table with Israel. The United States has long held that Palestinian statehood can result only from direct negotiations between the parties and that, by recognizing a Palestinian state outside of those negotiations, international bodies would simply forestall a peaceful solution to the conflict.
In 2011, knowing full well that admitting the Palestinians would cost UNESCO its biggest donor, the body’s member states voted overwhelmingly to do so, triggering the U.S. laws and pushing the agency into one of the most politicized conflicts in the world. Before pulling its funding, America contributed more than 20 percent of UNESCO’s budget —$80 million in 2011 alone.
But even after the Obama administration cut UNESCO funding in 2011, the United States remained a member, wielding little influence over its agenda and accruing $500 million in arrears. The Trump administration announced its withdrawal from UNESCO in 2017, citing concerns over the mounting arrears, need for reform, and continuing anti-Israel bias.
The anti-Israel bias was on clear display in 2016 and 2017 when UNESCO passed resolutions denying the Jewish connection to the land of Israel both at theTemple Mount in Jerusalem and at theTomb of the Patriarchs in Hebron, where Jewish history dates back thousands of years. Unsurprisingly, Israel announced its departure from UNESCO shortly after the United States.
More recently, however, the Israeli government reportedly told the Biden administration it would not oppose an apparent State Department desire to rejoin the organization. Nor did Israel put up any significant fight when the United States resumed funding to the troubled UN Relief and Works Agency or returned to the vociferously anti-Israel UN Human Rights Council without first securing reforms in either organization. In light of its deepening rift with Washington over an impending Iran nuclear deal, the fragile coalition government in Jerusalem is picking its battles carefully.
Ultimately, only Congress can answer the question of whether American taxpayers should pay $500 million in arrears to an organization that remains in violation of U.S. law and has not reversed its institutional denial of the Jewish people’s historic ties to Israel.
Last year, some in Washington urged the State Department to rejoin UNESCO in order to push back on Chinese influence in education and culture. China has become the leading donor to UNESCO in America’s absence. Toward the end of last year, the Senate Appropriations Committee released its draft foreign aid bill for fiscal year 2022. Tucked inside was a new provision: The president could waive current laws prohibiting U.S. contributions to UNESCO if he tells Congress the funding is needed to counter China inside the organization.
The problem, though, is that there is no evidence to suggest that the United States could effectively counter China in the education and cultural domains by giving money to UNESCO. Meaningful pushback can occur only through bilateral engagements between the United States and its partners — including foreign governments and private institutions — about Beijing’s myriad threats. Absent structural reforms to wrest power and influence away from world despots and return them to free democracies, there is no reason to believe UNESCO will end up looking any different than the Human Rights Council does today.
The U.S. funding cut and eventual withdrawal from UNESCO have presented a cautionary tale to other international bodies that might consider allowing Palestinian membership. The United States should hold UNESCO accountable by making clear that a return to the body is contingent on its repeal of antisemitic resolutions and its rescinding of Palestinian membership. Anything short of this would constitute a shameful waste of U.S. taxpayer dollars, merely emboldening the Palestinian leadership to press for membership in new international bodies. Congress should maintain current laws and reject the Senate Appropriations Committee’s proposed change.
Enia Krivine is the senior director of the Israel Program and National Security Network at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, where Richard Goldberg is a senior adviser. Follow them on Twitter @EKrivine and @rich_goldberg. FDD is a nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy.
fdd.org · March 4, 2022


27. How the Letter Z Became a Russian Pro-War Symbol

This is really getting everyone's attention. I wonder if the joke will be on the leaders and analysts when they learn some "Russian Joe" trooper made the mark on some vehicles in a "Kilroy was here" manner and it caught on and other troopers started marking their vehicles and equipment this way. But none of the leaders can explain it - it just happened.

Okay, I know that is probably more far fetched than the more learned explanations that are being discussed but soldiers are soldiers and they often do creative and satirical things.


How the Letter Z Became a Russian Pro-War Symbol
Russia’s government has been using the letter Z as a patriotic symbol to rally Russians around its invasion of Ukraine
WSJ · by Evan Gershkovich and Matthew Luxmoore
The International Gymnastics Federation, which on Monday barred Russian and Belarusian athletes from its events, said it had opened disciplinary proceedings against Mr. Kuliak.
The letter first began appearing on Russian tanks and armored vehicles as they massed near Ukraine’s border days before Russian troops crossed the border. Military analysts say the letter, along with other markers, is used by the Russian military as identifiers to distinguish their equipment on the battlefield from that of Ukraine.
Since the invasion, the “Z” iconography has appeared on cars, on banners at pro-Kremlin rallies, and on billboards in the Moscow and St. Petersburg metro systems. At a children’s hospice in the central city of Kazan on Saturday, patients were herded outside to form the letter for a photo shoot.
In recent days, pro-government videos featuring the symbol have been shared widely on social media. One such clip opens with a speech in support of Russia’s armed forces by Anton Demidov, a nationalist activist, after which hundreds of people gathered in what appears to be a warehouse are shown waving Russian flags and chanting “Russia!” and the name of President Vladimir Putin.
“I don’t know where this symbol came from,” Mr. Demidov said in an interview, adding that pro-Kremlin activists saw it on Russian tanks in Ukraine and started using it. “The symbol is not important. What’s important is what position it represents, and that is that we understand we need to back our president and our army in their difficult task.”
Russia’s Defense Ministry and other government institutions have embraced the easily reproducible symbol to rally the country around the war, which Moscow has characterized as a “special military operation.”
Soon after Russia launched the war, state-backed broadcaster RT began hawking T-shirts with such phrases. Some companies have replaced the Cyrillic version of Z for the Latin letter in their brand logos, while some government officials have swapped the letters in their social-media profiles. In Russian, the word “for” is written as “za,” and the Defense Ministry has flooded Instagram with posts saying “for peace,” “for our guys,” “for victory,” all using the English letter Z.

A Ukrainian serviceman stands near captured Russian tanks, one painted in the color of the Ukrainian national flag and the other marked with the letter Z, in the Kharkiv region of Ukraine.
Photo: IRINA RYBAKOVA/PRESS SERVICE OF/via REUTERS
Local governments around the country have joined in, lighting the windows in their government buildings to form the Latin letter Z at night.
“It is a symbol of the unity of the people,” Ivan Zhernakov, an official in the northern region of Arkhangelsk, who runs its patriotic education department, told a state media outlet there. “It symbolizes the support of our armed forces, support for the president’s decisions, and is designed to unite us in this difficult situation.”
In Ukraine, the symbol has gone down differently.
Oleksii Reznikov, Ukraine’s defense minister, on Monday compared the symbol to the iconography of Nazi Germany, posting a picture of a Swastikalike logo formed out of two interwoven Zs that has been making the rounds on Ukrainian social media. He also tweeted: “At 1943 near the conccamp Sachsenhausen was a station Z where mass murders were committed,” in reference to a Nazi death camp.

The references to Nazi Germany come against the backdrop of Russia falsely alleging that the Ukrainian government is run by neo-Nazis and that one of the aims of its war is to “de-Nazify” the country. Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelensky, is Jewish.
In Russia, the letter Z has received some pushback. A traffic reporter with a state television channel in Moscow went viral on social media on Monday after telling viewers that if they tape the Z symbol to the back windows of their cars they are likely to get into more accidents and have their cars hit with objects. But the letter in recent days has also been graffitied on the property of those opposing the war.
Russia’s most prominent human-rights group, which chronicled rights abuses in the country before a court forced it to shut in December, on Saturday said that security officers had drawn the letter Z in its building after searching the premises.
An activist with the feminist protest punk rock group Pussy Riot, which has for years spoken out against Mr. Putin, tweeted a photo of the letter drawn on what she said was the front door of her apartment.
The assertions couldn't be independently verified.
And Russia’s best-known film critic, Anton Dolin, found the letter on his door before he left the country. “The message was absolutely clear. The people who did this know I am against war,” Mr. Dolin said by phone from Latvia. “They showed they know where I live and where my family lives. It’s an act of intimidation.”
Mr. Dolin said that for him, the letter is less reminiscent of Nazi iconography and more a popular zombie movie. “It brings to mind World War Z,” he said, referring to the 2013 Hollywood film starring Brad Pitt and based on a book with the same name. “I see it as representing our zombified army and the zombified part of the population that watches state television and supports the operation.”
His children, he says, see another meaning in the symbol: Zlo, or Russian for evil.
Write to Evan Gershkovich at evan.gershkovich@wsj.com and Matthew Luxmoore at Matthew.Luxmoore@wsj.com
WSJ · by Evan Gershkovich and Matthew Luxmoore


28. Russia-Ukraine live updates: Ukraine says Russia still disrupting evacuations; U.N. says 2 million have fled


Russia-Ukraine live updates: Ukraine says Russia still disrupting evacuations; U.N. says 2 million have fled
The Washington Post · March 8, 2022
MUKACHEVO, Ukraine – Ukraine accused Russia on Tuesday of shelling evacuation routes for civilians seeking to evacuate after Russia said its troops would observe a temporary cease-fire in several besieged Ukrainian cities to allow safe passage.
Ceasefire violated!” said Ukraine’s foreign ministry, citing reports of Russian forces hitting an evacuation route out of hard-hit port city of Mariupol, the fourth day in a row it has accused Moscow of shelling humanitarian corridors.
Russia’s announced Tuesday that it was opening humanitarian corridors to evacuate civilians from cities including Mariupol and the capital Kyiv. Russian officials said that evacuees from Kyiv would be flown to Russia after arriving in Gomel, Belarus. Ukraine has rejected the idea of evacuation corridors leading to Russia or its ally, Belarus, and said Tuesday that the only agreed routes were for regions in Ukraine. Officials in the city of Sumy said that the first buses of evacuees had left from left for the Ukrainian city of Poltava.
As Russia’s bombardment continues across Ukraine, the humanitarian crisis is growing. The United Nations on Tuesday said that two million people have now fled Ukraine, making it the fastest-growing refugee crisis since the Second World War.
Here’s what to know
  • In a video interview that aired Monday night, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky accused Russian soldiers of being “war criminals.” A growing number of Western leaders are also raising questions about possible war crimes — which Moscow denies — citing reports of attacks on civilians.
  • The Pentagon will send an additional 500 U.S. troops from the United States to Europe to bolster American forces in the eastern part of the continent, a senior U.S. defense official said.
  • Shell says it will halt operations in Russia and apologized for buying Russian oil. The U.S. national average gas price climbed to over $4 this week, according to the AAA Gas Prices website, a record high since July 2008.
  • A third round of talks Monday between Russia and Ukraine failed to achieve a substantial breakthrough, although further talks were expected to continue as soon as Thursday.

29.  As Russia’s Military Stumbles, Its Adversaries Take Note

The bear is having trouble coming over the mountain.

As Russia’s Military Stumbles, Its Adversaries Take Note

By Helene Cooper, Eric Schmitt and Julian E. Barnes
The New York Times · by Julian E. Barnes · March 7, 2022
President Vladimir Putin could still reduce cities in Ukraine to rubble, officials say. But European countries that once feared Russia say they are not so scared anymore.

Russian forces attacked residential neighborhoods of Mykolaiv, Ukraine, with artillery on Monday.Credit...Tyler Hicks/The New York Times
March 7, 2022, 7:19 p.m. ET
CONSTANTA, Romania — When it comes to war, generals say that “mass matters.”
But nearly two weeks into President Vladimir V. Putin’s invasion of Ukraine — Europe’s largest land war since 1945 — the image of a Russian military as one that other countries should fear, let alone emulate, has been shattered.
Ukraine’s military, which is dwarfed by the Russian force in most ways, has somehow managed to stymie its opponent. Ukrainian soldiers have killed more than 3,000 Russian troops, according to conservative estimates by American officials.
Ukraine has shot down military transport planes carrying Russian paratroopers, downed helicopters and blown holes in Russia’s convoys using American anti-tank missiles and armed drones supplied by Turkey, these officials said, citing confidential U.S. intelligence assessments.
The Russian soldiers have been plagued by poor morale as well as fuel and food shortages. Some troops have crossed the border with MREs (meals ready to eat) that expired in 2002, U.S. and other Western officials said, and others have surrendered and sabotaged their own vehicles to avoid fighting.
To be sure, most military experts say that Russia will eventually subdue Ukraine’s army. Russia’s military, at 900,000 active duty troops and two million reservists, is eight times the size of Ukraine’s. Russia has advanced fighter planes, a formidable navy and marines capable of multiple amphibious landings, as they proved early in the invasion when they launched from the Black Sea and headed toward the city of Mariupol.
And the Western governments that have spoken openly about Russia’s military failings are eager to spread the word to help damage Russian morale and bolster the Ukrainians.
But with each day that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky holds out, the scenes of a frustrated Russia pounding, but not managing to finish off, a smaller opponent dominate screens around the world.
The result: Militaries in Europe that once feared Russia say they are not as intimidated by Russian ground forces as they were in the past.
Residents of Mykolaiv worked to repair a captured Russian tank on Sunday.Credit...Tyler Hicks/The New York Times
That Russia has so quickly abandoned surgical strikes, instead killing civilians trying to flee, could damage Mr. Putin’s chances of winning a long-term war in Ukraine. The brutal tactics may eventually overwhelm Ukraine’s defenses, but they will almost certainly fuel a bloody insurgency that could bog down Russia for years, military analysts say. Most of all, Russia has exposed to its European neighbors and American rivals gaps in its military strategy that can be exploited in future battles.
“Today what I have seen is that even this huge army or military is not so huge,” said Lt. Gen. Martin Herem, Estonia’s chief of defense, during a news conference at an air base in northern Estonia with Gen. Mark A. Milley, the chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff. General Herem’s colleague and the air force chief, Brig. Gen. Rauno Sirk, in an interview with a local newspaper, was even more blunt in his assessment of the Russian air force. “If you look at what’s on the other side, you’ll see that there isn’t really an opponent anymore,” he said.
Many of the more than 150,000 largely conscripted troops that Moscow has deployed across Ukraine have been bogged down north of Kyiv, the capital. The northeastern city of Kharkiv was expected to fall within hours of the invasion; it is battered by an onslaught of rocket fire and shelling, but still standing.
Every day, Pentagon officials caution that Russia’s military will soon correct its mistakes, perhaps shutting off communications across the country, cutting off Mr. Zelensky from his commanders. Or Russia could try to shut down Ukraine’s banking system, or parts of the power grid, to increase pressure on the civilian population to capitulate.
Thousands who fled Kyiv, the Ukrainian capital, arrived at the train station in Lviv, in the west.Credit...Ivor Prickett for The New York Times
Even if they don’t, the officials say a frustrated Mr. Putin has the firepower to simply reduce Ukraine to rubble — although he would be destroying the very prize he wants. The use of that kind of force would expose not only the miscalculations the Kremlin made in launching a complex, three-sided invasion but also the limits of Russia’s military upgrades.
“The Kremlin spent the last 20 years trying to modernize its military,” said Andrei V. Kozyrev, the foreign minister for Russia under Boris Yeltsin, in a post on Twitter. “Much of that budget was stolen and spent on mega-yachts in Cyprus. But as a military advisor you cannot report that to the President. So they reported lies to him instead. Potemkin military.”
During a trip through the Eastern European countries that fear they could next face Mr. Putin’s military, General Milley has consistently been asked the same questions. Why have the Russians performed so poorly in the early days of the war? Why did they so badly misjudge the Ukrainian resistance?
His careful response, before reporters in Estonia: “We’ve seen a large, combined-arms, multi-axis invasion of the second-largest country in Europe, Ukraine, by Russian air, ground, special forces, intelligence forces,” he said, before describing some of the bombardment brought by Russia and his concern over its “indiscriminate firing” on civilians.
“It’s a little bit early to draw any definitive lessons learned,” he added. “But one of the lessons that’s clearly evident is that the will of the people, the will of the Ukrainian people, and the importance of national leadership and the fighting skills of the Ukrainian army has come through loud and clear.”
While the Russian army’s troubles are real, the public’s view of the fight is skewed by the realities of the information battlefield. Russia remains keen to play down the war and provides little information about its victories or defeats, contributing to an incomplete picture.
But a dissection of the Russian military’s performance so far, compiled from interviews with two dozen American, NATO and Ukrainian officials, paints a portrait of young, inexperienced conscripted soldiers who have not been empowered to make on-the-spot decisions, and a noncommissioned officer corps that isn’t allowed to make decisions either. Russia’s military leadership, with Gen. Valery Gerasimov at the top, is far too centralized; lieutenants must ask him for permission even on small matters, said the officials, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss operational matters.
Russia-Ukraine War: Key Things to Know
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Civilians caught in attacks. As Russia steps up increasingly indiscriminate assaults on civilian targets and infrastructure in Ukraine, fears are growing that thousands of Ukrainians could die in the coming days if relief does not arrive and humanitarian cease-fires fail to take hold.
The key cities. Russian artillery struck residential areas in Mykolaiv but Ukrainian forces said they maintained control after another day of fierce fighting. In Kyiv, a Ukrainian commander claimed that two Russian planes were shot down. Here’s where the fighting stands in other cities.
Economic fallout. Global stocks slid and energy prices jumped as U.S. officials in Congress and the Biden administration weighed a ban on Russian oil imports that could further punish President Vladimir V. Putin and exacerbate already-high gas prices.
In addition, the Russian senior officers have proved so far to be risk-averse, the officials said.
Their caution partly explains why they still don’t have air superiority over all of Ukraine, for example, American officials said. Faced with bad weather in northern Ukraine, the Russian officers grounded some Russian attack planes and helicopters, and forced others to fly at lower altitudes, making them more vulnerable to Ukrainian ground fire, a senior Pentagon official said.
“Most Russian capabilities have been sitting on the sidelines,” said Michael Kofman, director of Russia studies at CNA, a defense research institute, in an email. “The force employment is completely irrational, preparations for a real war near nonexistent and morale incredibly low because troops were clearly not told they would be sent into this fight.”
Russian tank units, for instance, have deployed with too few soldiers to fire and protect the tanks, officials said. The result is that Ukraine, using Javelin anti-tank missiles, has stalled the convoy headed for Kyiv by blowing up tank after tank.
Thomas Bullock, an open source analyst from Janes, the defense intelligence firm, said Russian forces have made tactical errors that the Ukrainians have been able to capitalize on.
“It looks like the Ukrainians have been most successful when ambushing Russian troops,” Mr. Bullock said. “The way the Russians have advanced, which is that they have stuck to main roads so that they can move quickly, not risk of getting bogged down in mud. But they are advancing on winding roads and their flanks and supply routes are overly exposed to Ukrainian attacks.”
Russian battlefield defeats, and mounting casualties, also have an impact.
“Having the Ukrainians just wreck your airborne units, elite Russian units, has to be devastating for Russian morale,” said Frederick W. Kagan, an expert on the Russian military who leads the Critical Threats Project at the American Enterprise Institute. “Russian soldiers have to be looking at this and saying, ‘What the hell have we gotten ourselves into?’”
Most of Russia’s initial attacks in Ukraine were relatively small, involving at most two or three battalions. Such attacks demonstrate a failure to coordinate disparate units on the battlefield and failed to take advantage of the full power of the Russian force, Mr. Kagan said.
Moscow’s forces are likely to step up the kind of broader attacks that have led to rising numbers of civilian deaths.Credit...Tyler Hicks/The New York Times
Russia has begun military maneuvers with larger units in recent days and has assembled a large force around Kyiv that appears poised for a possible multipronged attack on the capital soon, he added.
Given the struggles the Russian military has had conducting precision strikes to force a surrender of Ukrainian military units, Moscow’s forces are likely to step up the kind of broader attacks that have led to rising numbers of civilian deaths.
But in the end, military officials say they still expect that mass will matter.
“The Russian advance is ponderous,” retired Gen. Philip M. Breedlove, a former NATO supreme allied commander for Europe, said at a virtual Atlantic Conference event on the crisis last Friday. “But it is relentless, and there’s still a lot of force to be applied.”
The New York Times · by Julian E. Barnes · March 7, 2022


30. Ukraine war serves as wake-up call for Taiwan over China threat
Excerpts:

The war has also prompted debate over reinstating conscription and reforming Taiwan’s large but poorly trained reserve force. “If our reserve force were to play a role similar to Ukraine’s national guard, they would need heavier equipment and be trained in a different way,” said Sheu.
The debate goes to the core of Taiwanese society and how it functions. “In Ukraine, thousands already fought in the conflict in the east, but we have nothing like that,” said Tan Le-i, secretary-general of the Taiwan Militia Association, a civic group.
“In our society, everyone expects the government to act, so there is very little bottom-up community organisation, and mobilisation will be very slow.”
The association is building a network of volunteers, teaching them first aid and training a small number of members to shoot. But Taiwan’s strict gun laws mean they must practise with air guns.
“If you are familiar with handling an air gun, training time on real guns would be shorter,” Tan said. “Training for a disaster situation needs to happen regularly; you need to build these skills into your muscle memory.”
The battle for Ukraine has galvanised many Taiwanese, including Wu, the student, who has signed up for a first-aid seminar this month. “I have to start somewhere,” he said.
Ukraine war serves as wake-up call for Taiwan over China threat
Financial Times · by Kathrin Hille · March 8, 2022
Before Russia invaded Ukraine, Wu Hao-chin had never heard of Javelin anti-tank missiles. Now, Wu is discussing their merits in urban warfare with his friends and argues that Taiwan should train its reservists to use them.
“Taiwan is very peaceful, so I never thought about war. But watching the Ukraine war on the news, it is dawning on us that this could happen here, too,” said the 22-year-old economics student.
“It is heroic how the Ukrainians are defending their homeland. We may have to do the same when China attacks, but we are not ready.”
Russia’s assault on Ukraine is serving as a wake-up call for Taiwan, where there is now greater awareness that the Chinese Communist party could make good on its warning to take by force the island it claims as its own.
“This Ukraine crisis reminds us that this threat is very real. A lot of people are suddenly paying more attention to self-defence,” said Ho Cheng-hui, a law professor who last year founded Kuma Academy. The academy aims to educate the public about fighting and strengthen its will to resist.
Enoch Wu, a former special forces officer who has trained more than 8,000 people on defence issues and disaster response, has also noted a jump in public interest.
“We were planning on launching a series of resilience workshops in May or June, but decided to shift everything up to this weekend,” he said. “Within the hour of the announcement going up, it was fully booked.”
Officials in Taipei believe Chinese president Xi Jinping would prefer to gain control over Taiwan without a fight. But they said the risk of China using force was growing as it realised that political and economic pressure was failing to overcome Taiwan’s opposition to being ruled by Beijing.
Until recently there was little sign of concern over that threat, despite Beijing piling greater pressure on Taipei with air and naval manoeuvres close to the island. According to recent polls, more than half of the Taiwanese public did not consider war likely.
Enoch Wu, right, gives a course on civilian preparedness in Taipei. HIs ‘resilience workshops’ sold out within an hour © Forward Alliance
“Taiwan sees that western countries are sending food and weapons to Ukraine but not coming in physically, and that is something the Taiwanese did not imagine before,” said Alexander Huang, a professor of strategy and war gaming at Tamkang University. “People thought as long as the US military is close, we are safe.”
The US has a commitment to help Taiwan defend itself, although the language surrounding whether its military would directly intervene in a war is ambiguous.
“Now many people say ‘Ukraine today, Taiwan tomorrow’,” added Huang, who also heads the international affairs department of the Kuomintang, Taiwan’s largest opposition party. “First it was Hong Kong, then it was the US’s retreat from Afghanistan and now this. The effect is a lot of accumulated anxiety that has been brewing under the surface.”
President Tsai Ing-wen has avoided a broader debate about war and steered clear of alarmist rhetoric over the Ukraine conflict partly, according to senior officials, because Beijing could construe a high-profile defence drive as a provocative call to arms.
The White House sent a delegation led by Michael Mullen, former chair of the joint chiefs of staff, to Taipei last week as a sign of support. It is believed that behind the scenes, they discussed the need for Taipei to strengthen its defences faster and more decisively.
“I told Mike Mullen that this is a rare opportunity that we can address the issue seriously,” Huang said.
Although war over Taiwan would be conducted completely differently because the People’s Liberation Army would have to cross the Taiwan Strait, the Ukraine war has been instructive.
“Russia’s difficulties getting paratroopers in shows how important functioning air defences are,” said Sheu Jyh-shyang, a researcher at the Institute for National Defence and Security Research, a state think-tank.
“Our air defences were modelled on the US, with big systems such as Patriot missiles. But we may not have air superiority like the US. We can see from Ukraine how useful small, mobile systems such as Stinger man-portable missiles and Javelin anti-tank missiles are in that situation.”
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The war has also prompted debate over reinstating conscription and reforming Taiwan’s large but poorly trained reserve force. “If our reserve force were to play a role similar to Ukraine’s national guard, they would need heavier equipment and be trained in a different way,” said Sheu.
The debate goes to the core of Taiwanese society and how it functions. “In Ukraine, thousands already fought in the conflict in the east, but we have nothing like that,” said Tan Le-i, secretary-general of the Taiwan Militia Association, a civic group.
“In our society, everyone expects the government to act, so there is very little bottom-up community organisation, and mobilisation will be very slow.”
The association is building a network of volunteers, teaching them first aid and training a small number of members to shoot. But Taiwan’s strict gun laws mean they must practise with air guns.
“If you are familiar with handling an air gun, training time on real guns would be shorter,” Tan said. “Training for a disaster situation needs to happen regularly; you need to build these skills into your muscle memory.”
The battle for Ukraine has galvanised many Taiwanese, including Wu, the student, who has signed up for a first-aid seminar this month. “I have to start somewhere,” he said.
Financial Times · by Kathrin Hille · March 8, 2022






V/R
David Maxwell
Senior Fellow
Foundation for Defense of Democracies
Phone: 202-573-8647
Personal Email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com
Web Site: www.fdd.org
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
VIDEO "WHEREBY" Link: https://whereby.com/david-maxwell
Subscribe to FDD’s new podcastForeign Podicy
FDD is a Washington-based nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy.

V/R
David Maxwell
Senior Fellow
Foundation for Defense of Democracies
Phone: 202-573-8647
Personal Email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com
Web Site: www.fdd.org
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
Subscribe to FDD’s new podcastForeign Podicy
FDD is a Washington-based nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy.

If you do not read anything else in the 2017 National Security Strategy read this on page 14:

"A democracy is only as resilient as its people. An informed and engaged citizenry is the fundamental requirement for a free and resilient nation. For generations, our society has protected free press, free speech, and free thought. Today, actors such as Russia are using information tools in an attempt to undermine the legitimacy of democracies. Adversaries target media, political processes, financial networks, and personal data. The American public and private sectors must recognize this and work together to defend our way of life. No external threat can be allowed to shake our shared commitment to our values, undermine our system of government, or divide our Nation."
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