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Quotes of the Day:
"Once you eliminate the impossible, whatever remains, no matter how improbable, must be the truth."
- Arthur Conan Doyle
"All great masters are chiefly distinguished by the power of adding a second, a third and perhaps a fourth step in a continuous line. Many a man had taken the first step. With every additional step you enhance immensely the value of your first."
- Ralph Waldo Emerson
"You just can't beat the person who never gives up."
- Babe Ruth
1. U.S. praises courage of President Yoon for mending ties with Japan: Kurt Campbell
2. ROK-US alliance marks the 70th anniversary
3. U.S. lawmaker introduces bill on providing healthcare to Korean veterans of Vietnam War
4. Top U.S. general cancels plan to visit S. Korea due to time restraints: his office
5. Seoul must rekindle its ambition to become financial hub
6. [Translation] “We must continue to arouse public opinion and collect evidence for the prosecution of Kim Jong-un by the ICC.”
7. [Translation] [Q&A] 10th Anniversary of COI... Seoul actively participates in discussion on North Korean Human Rights
8. Opposition leader planned solo trip to North Korea: prosecutors
9. ‘Momentum for change’: Ji Seong-ho highlights North Korea human rights during US trip
10. Is NK's recent nuclear warhead display prelude to nuclear test?
11. Yoon gov't disputes Japanese media's claims about summit
12. How China let a ship banned for ferrying North Korean coal go rogue
13. How to make S Korea-Japan rapprochement endure
14. PLANA Opens Two California Locations While Seeking FAA Certification
15. Korea-Japan Rapprochement: Challenges, Implications and Expectations
16. How Civil Society can Contribute to a Free and Unified Korea
1. U.S. praises courage of President Yoon for mending ties with Japan: Kurt Campbell
Excerpts:
"I do want to commend the courage of President Yoon in his decision to take some of these steps and to go to Japan and to make some unilateral steps," the NSC official said in a seminar hosted by the Center for a New American Security, a Washington-based think tank.
...
"You don't see that kind of courage often on the global stage and it has to be acknowledged," Campbell insisted.
Friday
March 31, 2023
dictionary + A - A
U.S. praises courage of President Yoon for mending ties with Japan: Kurt Campbell
https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/2023/03/31/national/diplomacy/Kurt-Campbell-National-Security-Council-SeoulTokyo/20230331100908091.html
Kurt Campbell, deputy assistant to the president and National Security Council coordinator for the Indo-Pacific, speaks during a seminar hosted by the Center for a New American Security, a Washington-based think tank, on Thursday. [SCREEN CAPTURE]
The United States welcomes the courage shown by South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol in reaching out to Japan, a ranking White House official said Thursday, highlighting the importance of cooperation between the two U.S. allies.
Kurt Campbell, deputy assistant to the president and National Security Council (NSC) coordinator for the Indo-Pacific, stressed that the United States is hoping for further improvements in Seoul-Tokyo relations down the road.
"I do want to commend the courage of President Yoon in his decision to take some of these steps and to go to Japan and to make some unilateral steps," the NSC official said in a seminar hosted by the Center for a New American Security, a Washington-based think tank.
Yoon visited Tokyo earlier this month for a summit with Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, becoming the first South Korean president in 12 years to visit Japan for a bilateral summit.
Yoon's trip to Japan also followed historic steps taken by Seoul to resolve thorny historical issues stemming from Japan's 1910-45 colonial rule of Korea.
"You don't see that kind of courage often on the global stage and it has to be acknowledged," Campbell insisted.
The NSC official stressed the importance of cooperation between Seoul and Tokyo as Washington seeks to strengthen and expand trilateral cooperation between the United States and its two Asian allies.
"I think there are many purposes behind this," he said of the need for trilateral cooperation.
"One is basically just strong deterrence and solidarity in the face of increasing North Korean provocations. I think that's the central purpose, but also increasingly to diversify beyond that, to talk about technology standards, to talk about regional issues and challenges and to see what's possible with respect to trilateral engagement," added Campbell.
He expressed hope for further enhancements in Seoul-Tokyo relations, while noting the United Statess. has long been "encouraging" them to do so from the sidelines.
"We are hoping, however, that we will see even more from both capitals going forward. And again, as I said [···] we will be engaged accordingly," said Campbell.
Yonhap
2. ROK-US alliance marks the 70th anniversary
This OpEd is a little odd or off. While it is for the most part positive it does identify some friction points that bear watching.
ROK-US alliance marks the 70th anniversary
donga.com
Posted April. 01, 2023 08:06,
Updated April. 01, 2023 08:06
ROK-US alliance marks the 70th anniversary. April. 01, 2023 08:06. .
Marking the 70th anniversary of the ROK-US alliance and the 103rd anniversary of the founding of the Dong-A Ilbo, together with the Ministry of Patriots and Veterans Affairs, conducted a survey targeting citizens of both Korea and the United States, and both citizens agreed on the need for the stationing of U.S. forces in Korea and the ROK-US joint training. On the other hand, there was a significant difference in perception between Koreans and Americans about the “America First” legislation such as the CHIPS Act. These survey results indicate that there is an urgent need for efforts to narrow the gap in perception between the two countries on economic security issues directly related to the Korean economy, such as trade and investment with the United States.
The results of this survey affirm that the people of the United States and South Korea share the rationale and necessity of a bilateral security alliance. 66% of American respondents said the presence of U.S. forces in Korea was necessary, and furthermore, 71% agreed on the necessity of joint training. When asked, “Should we send troops in the event of a war in the other country?”, the share of U.S. respondents in favor of dispatching troops was higher than opposed. Mutual recognition that security interests are shared, rather than unilateral dependence or burden given on any country, is the core foundation of the alliance's solidarity.
It is somewhat surprising that the public opinion of Americans in favor of South Korea's nuclear weapons or North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)-style nuclear sharing was higher than those opposed. Although the U.S. administration has expressed disapproval of South Korea's nuclear armament in any form, Americans' perceptions are not aligned with that. It points to the fact that their fear of the North Korean nuclear threat is great. Still, it also serves as an opportunity to peak at the underlying mindset of Americans that they want it to end as a “problem on the Korean Peninsula and it should stay that way.” We should take note of the mixed reaction between the U.S. and South Korea on the level of South Korea's defense cost sharing as it could also be a potential source of tension in the alliance.
The gap in perception between Korea and the United States in the economic field shows that it will be an important challenge for the future alliance between the two countries. More than 80% of Koreans agreed with whether the interests of allies should be considered in the U.S. CHIPS Act and the Inflation Reduction Act, but only half of the Americans agreed. 76.7% of South Koreans and 41.4% of Americans said that the ROK-US alliance positively impacted their respective economies. This leads to the overarching trend of Americans who value economic interests more than the value or utility of the alliance.
The ROK-US alliance began with the mighty power of the US that saved Korea from the verge of crisis. Of course, the difference in national power, including military and economic power, remains the same between the two countries. However, Korea now boasts the world's 10th-largest economy and military might. The two countries started as an asymmetrical alliance with a poor balance of power, but now, as security and economic partners, they must grow into an alliance that addresses each other's shortcomings on an equal footing. A larger role for Korea to play, especially for Korean businesses, could show us a more attractive future for the bilateral alliance.
한국어
donga.com
3. U.S. lawmaker introduces bill on providing healthcare to Korean veterans of Vietnam War
U.S. lawmaker introduces bill on providing healthcare to Korean veterans of Vietnam War | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by 변덕근 · April 1, 2023
By Byun Duk-kun
WASHINGTON, March 30 (Yonhap) -- A U.S. lawmaker has submitted a bill calling for the provision of healthcare services to former Korean veterans of the Vietnam War who have since become naturalized citizens of the United States, the lawmaker's office said Friday.
Rep. Mark Takano (D-CA) introduced the Korean American Vietnam Allies Long Overdue for Relief Act or Korean American VALOR Act in January.
"As Ranking Member of the House Committee on Veterans' Affairs (VA), I introduced the Korean American VALOR Act to provide some measure of long overdue parity for these Vietnam War veterans," Takano was quoted as saying in a legislation hearing held Wednesday.
"They served side-by-side with U.S. troops and have since become U.S. citizens, but they have never been eligible for VA healthcare services," Takano added, according to his office.
There currently are some 2,800 former Korean veterans of the Vietnam War who now reside in the U.S. with no access to the VA healthcare system, according to his office.
Rep. Takano insists the proposed benefit for such Korean American veterans is "long overdue," noting former veterans of European nations that were allies of the U.S. during World War I and World War II have been subject to the VA healthcare system since 1958.
"It is the U.S.' obligation -- as a longtime ally of the Republic of Korea and as a beneficiary of these veterans' sacrifices during the Vietnam War -- to ensure they finally receive the same respect and consideration their European counterparts have received for generations," Takano was quoted as saying.
The U.S. lawmaker had introduced a similar bill in the previous U.S. Congress, which passed the House veterans affairs committee in 2021.
Rep. Mark Takano (R) and South Korean Veterans Affairs Minister Park Min-shik are seen shaking hands during their meeting in Seoul on Aug. 4, 2022 in this photo provided by the Ministry of Patriots and Veterans Affairs. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
bdk@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by 변덕근 · April 1, 2023
4. Top U.S. general cancels plan to visit S. Korea due to time restraints: his office
Top U.S. general cancels plan to visit S. Korea due to time restraints: his office | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by 송상호 · April 1, 2023
SEOUL, April 1 (Yonhap) -- U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) Chairman Gen. Mark A. Milley canceled a plan to visit South Korea late last month due to time restraints, according to his spokesperson Saturday.
Milley was expected to visit Japan and South Korea in a regional swing aimed apparently at highlighting the importance of America's trilateral cooperation with the two Asian allies amid North Korea's saber-rattling and China's growing assertiveness.
"The chairman planned to visit South Korea this past week however due to time restraints and testifying at the Senate Armed Services Committee Hearing and House Armed Services Committee Hearing he was unable to attend," a JCS spokesperson wrote in an email to Yonhap News Agency.
The official added, "The Chairman does remain in contact with his counterparts."
South Korea's Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) Chairman Gen. Kim Seung-kyum (2nd from L), his U.S. counterpart, Gen. Mark Milley (C), and his Japanese counterpart, Gen. Koji Yamazaki (2nd from R), pose for a photo after trilateral talks in Washington on Oct. 20, 2022, in this file photo provided by Seoul's JCS. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
sshluck@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by 송상호 · April 1, 2023
5. Seoul must rekindle its ambition to become financial hub
Excerpts:
Some reasons why Korea lags behind in the financial hub competition include institutional problems such as excessive regulations that have not been improved over 20 years and uncompetitive tax incentives. Banks have to lower their loan rates at the slightest warning from financial authorities, and CEOs are forced to bear criminal liabilities for financial accidents, which is far from the global standards required for international financial centers. While Korea’s successive governments have declared their ambition to promote overseas expansion and globalization of the country’s financial industry, there has been little change in the banks’ management, which relies 90% of their profits on interest rate margins, under the aegis of government regulations.
Seoul must rekindle its ambition to become financial hub
donga.com
Posted March. 31, 2023 08:08,
Updated March. 31, 2023 08:08
Seoul must rekindle its ambition to become financial hub. March. 31, 2023 08:08. .
Global financial companies, feeling the pressure of China’s tightening communist grip, are leaving Hong Kong one after another, intensifying the competition to become the next “Asian financial hub” among cities like Singapore, Shanghai, and Tokyo.
South Korea’s former administrations have also promoted the strategy of becoming a financial hub, but global financial competitiveness has remained stagnant.
According to the Global Financial Centers Index (GFCI), which evaluates the financial competitiveness of 130 cities worldwide, Singapore recently ranked third after New York and London. Seoul climbed one step from last year’s 11th to 10th place. However, Seoul still lagged behind Hong Kong (4th) and Shanghai (7th) though it ranked higher than Tokyo (21st).
In 2003, the Roh Moo-hyun administration proposed the “Northeast Asia Financial Hub Strategy,” which aimed to attract the Asian headquarters of global financial companies to Seoul. Recently, the Seoul Metropolitan Government announced a plan to raise Seoul as one of the "Top 5 Global Financial Cities." However, no foreign financial companies have actually moved to Korea. If anything, it had some of the existing global financial companies leaving the country, such as Northern Trust and Macquarie Group. In contrast, Singapore is attracting global funds by offering tax haven-level tax benefits to corporate entities and strengthening ultra-high-net-worth individuals' asset management services to absorb the capital exiting Hong Kong.
Some reasons why Korea lags behind in the financial hub competition include institutional problems such as excessive regulations that have not been improved over 20 years and uncompetitive tax incentives. Banks have to lower their loan rates at the slightest warning from financial authorities, and CEOs are forced to bear criminal liabilities for financial accidents, which is far from the global standards required for international financial centers. While Korea’s successive governments have declared their ambition to promote overseas expansion and globalization of the country’s financial industry, there has been little change in the banks’ management, which relies 90% of their profits on interest rate margins, under the aegis of government regulations.
Still, there are opportunities. Focusing the country’s technological prowess on fintech industries combining high-level IT and finance will allow us to become a future-oriented financial center differentiated from traditional financial hubs. The attractiveness of assets such as the “K-culture,” a non-English asset that successfully appealed to the global audience, can also help attract foreign financial professionals. To this end, excessive regulations and unfavorable institutions that infringe upon the autonomy of the financial industry must be revamped. Korea must reignite its aspirations of becoming a financial hub as the country’s proud reputation as a “manufacturing powerhouse” is at peril.
한국어
donga.com
6. [Translation] “We must continue to arouse public opinion and collect evidence for the prosecution of Kim Jong-un by the ICC.”
Human rights upfront.
[Translation] “We must continue to arouse public opinion and collect evidence for the prosecution of Kim Jong-un by the ICC.”
https://www.rfa.org/korean/in_focus/human_rights_defector/kjuicc-03202023095159.html
Anchor: In a discussion held to mark the 10th anniversary of the establishment of the United Nations Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in North Korea (COI), it was argued that the international public opinion and evidence collection work must be continued in order to prosecute Kim Jong-un at the International Criminal Court (ICC). Reporter Mok Yong-jae reports from Seoul.
In 2014, the United Nations Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in North Korea issued a report and recommended that the international community file a complaint against the North Korean leadership, including Kim Jong-un, with the International Criminal Court (ICC). However, there has been no real movement in this regard.
This is because North Korea is not a signatory to the Rome Statute, which was the basis for the establishment of the ICC. Through the UN Security Council, It is possible to file a complaint to the ICC against the North Korean leadership, including General Secretary Kim, through the UN Security Council, but the UN Security Council is currently unable to play that role due to China and Russia's non-cooperation.
In spite of this situation, experts agree that it is important to maintain the international community's interest in the ICC prosecution of General Secretary Kim.
On the 20th, Nawi Ukabiala, an attorney at Debevoise & Plimpton Law Firm, participated in a video discussion co-hosted by the Committee for Human Rights in North Korea (HRNK), the International Bar Association (IBA), and Yonsei University. He said, “The prosecution issue (of General Secretary Kim Jong-un) is on the agenda for negotiations. It should be raised and always discussed, and this issue should be treated as a permanent item on the international agenda.”
Attorney Ukabiala said, “It is impossible to directly prosecute North Korea to the ICC due to jurisdictional issues under the Rome Convention,’ but that all possible activities, including as collecting evidence related to human rights abuses in North Korea, should continue until an opportunity arises to report General Secretary Kim to the ICC.
Attorney Ukabiala: If it is impossible to prosecute legally at the moment, the Special Rapporteur on North Korean Human Rights, NGOs, etc. must gather evidence. This is because in the future, there must be evidence in order to prosecute. You have to keep doing research, writing reports and writing books. It's important to keep up these efforts, keep these voices from dying.
Song Sang-hyun, former head of the International Criminal Court, also attended the event as a Keynote Speaker and said, “It has been 10 years since the COI report came out, but we are still struggling with the issue of identifying the perpetrators and accountability.” He also stressed “ensuring that investigations and prosecutions (of the North Korean leadership) take place should be a priority.”
Jeong Kwang-il, CEO of Nochain, who was previously imprisoned in a North Korean political prison camp, mentioned the case of Russian President Vladimir Putin, who had an ICC arrest warrant issued. In the same vein, he emphasized that the ICC prosecution of Kim Jong-un should happen as soon as possible.
Jeong Kwang-il: North Korea is worse (than Russia). I don't know why an arrest warrant is not issued for Kim Jong-un, who captures, beats to death, and tortures his citizens.
After the COI report came out, it seems likely that Kim Jong-un could have been issued a warrant, but that has not happened.
During the discussion, it was also suggested that the North Korean authorities are severely oppressing religious freedom, and that continued attention is needed towards this issue.
Michael Maya, Director of the IBA North America, said the North Korean authorities' oppression of Christians is close to genocide, and emphasized that more investigations and studies into the North Korean authorities' crimes against Christians were needed. Director Maya emphasized, "North Korea is the worst country in which Christians can live, and although we cannot give a definitive answer as to whether the persecution of Christians by the North Korean authorities can be defined as genocide, it is close to reaching the levels of genocide.”
Former UN COI Chair Michael Kirby also said in a recorded video, "Considering technical conditions and problems, the COI report did not define the actions of the North Korean authorities as genocide, but as a crime against humanity." "The COI report is appropriate and important." “We need to rekindle the interest of the international community by continuing to publicize this.”
In the midst of this, South Korean Unification Minister Kwon Young-se also attended the forum, emphasizing that while the responsibility for human rights in North Korea lies with the North Korean authorities, the South Korean government cannot be totally free from this responsibility.
Minister Kwon Young-se: Over the past few years, the South Korean government has not even participated as a co-sponsor of the UN Resolution on North Korean human rights. To be honest, I'm ashamed of what I've seen so far. The Yoon Seok-yeol government has set human rights in North Korea as an important task that is no less important than resolving the North Korean nuclear issue, and is seeking and implementing all possible measures, such as appointing an Ambassador for North Korean human rights and participating in a joint proposal for a UN resolution on North Korean human rights.
Continuing, Minister Kwon said, “The South Korean government has established the Committee for the Promotion of Human Rights in North Korea to take over this role until the North Korean Human Rights Foundation is established. “In addition, the government will soon publish an annual report on North Korean human rights, the first public report on human rights in North Korea, to properly publicize the reality of human rights in North Korea,” he emphasized.
Reporter Mok Yong-jae, editor Oh Joong-seok, web team Kim Sang-il
Translated by Haeun Moon, HRNK Research Intern
7. [Translation] [Q&A] 10th Anniversary of COI... Seoul actively participates in discussion on North Korean Human Rights
Again, human rights upfront.
[Translation] [Q&A] 10th Anniversary of COI... Seoul actively participates in discussion on North Korean Human Rights
https://www.rfa.org/korean/in_focus/human_rights-03222023151145.html
Anchor: Celebrating the 10th anniversary of the UNCOI establishment, various discussions on North Korean human rights have recently been held by UN, governments, and organizations. With reporter Soyoung Kim, we will look at what kind of meetings were held and what messages they tried to deliver.
Anchor: First, please briefly explain what is COI, and its implication.
Reporter: In March 2013, a resolution on the COI establishment was unanimously passed by all UNHRC members at the UNHRC in Geneva, Switzerland, and it has acted for a year. It is meaningful that it conducted an intensive investigation into North Korean human rights for the first time in the history of UN committees. Based on the results of their one-year investigation, they released their final report in February 2014, the year after their establishment. The report states that the North Korean regime is committing a widespread and serious human right abuses, and makes recommendations to the North Korean regime to improve human rights.
Anchor: I see. Then, what kind of discussions have conducted regarding North Korean human rights issue?
The 52nd session of the UNHRC is being held in Geneva, from February 27th to April. First of all, the Committee for Human Rights in North Korea(HRNK), the US North Korean human rights organization, and North Korean defectors were witness in France on the 14th to discuss the operation of political prison camps and serious human rights abuses in political prison camp. They also attended a side event of the UNHRC on the 17th to denounce the political prison camp, arguing that the Kim Jong-un regime and main figures who operate the system should be accountable. On the 20th, there was a discussion on North Korean human rights as the 52nd regular meeting of the UNHRC, and Elizabeth Salmon, the UN Special Rapporteur on North Korean Human Rights attended and released a report. On the 21st, on the side event of the Human Rights Council, there was a discussion hosted by human rights organizations such as “PSCORE”, and on the same day, UN representatives from South Korea, the United States, and Japan checked the North Korean human rights situation.
As far as I know, the special rapporteur Salmon is the first time to attend the UNHRC since she began her term in August last year. What message did she deliver?
Reporter: The Special Rapporteur, Salmon, presented the North Korean human rights report to UN member states on the same day, informed them of the seriousness of human rights abuses suffered by North Koreans, especially women and girls. During her term, she said she would prioritize the human rights violations of North Korean women and make efforts to improve this situation. Salmon also pointed out that domestic violence, such as forced labor, torture, and sexual assault in North Korea's political prison camps, as well as human trafficking and forced marriage in China aftr defecting from North Korea are serious problems. Salmon called on the international community to take practical measures to improve human rights in North Korea, including prosecution of human rights violators in international criminal court, while teeling the North Korean authorities that we are ready to talk at anytime.
During the discussion on North Korean huaman rights, some organizations also released various reports and materials, right?
On the 21st, North Korean human rights organizations attending a side event of the UNHRC discussed the so-called “Reactionary Ideology and Culture Rejection Act' which prohibits North Korean people from external information. At the meeting, 'PSCORE' announced the full text of the ' Reactionary Ideology and Culture Rejection Act'. Daily NK, the media that specialized in North Korea joined us and released videos of South Korean film's effect on North Korea and education from high-ranked officials to crack down on them. On the 24th, the Korean organization “Korea Future” will release a 3D model, that realistically reproduces the torture scene in North Korean detention facilities, along with a report on torture in those facilities. The 3D model is based on information from in-depth interviews with victims and is known to cover more than 200 human rights violations, more than 1,100 torture victims, more than 7,200 human rights violation cases, and more than 900 perpetrators.
In addition to the UN Human Rights Council, the UNSC also hosted the human rights conference during the same period. Please tell them what it was about.
The UN Security Council held an informal discussion on the human rights situation in North Korea at the UN headquarter in New York on the 17th. It was hosted by the United States and Albania, which are permanent members of the Security Council, and sponsored by South Korea and Japan. US Ambassador Linda Thomas Greenfield emphasized that the development of illegal weapons programs, including North Korea’s continued ballistic missile launches, is directly related to North Korean human rights. Earlier on the 15th, China tried to stop the live broadcast of the meeting through the UN website, but the UN Albanian representative released it to the world through Facebook. At the Human Rights Council held in Geneva on the 20th, the Chinese government maintained its previous position that “North Korean defectors are illegal immigrants” on the issue of detention of North Korean defectors by the authorities and refuted Elizabeth Salmon’s criticism.
In particular, the Korean government’s active participation in the UNHRC was noticeable. Yoon government has been changed the position on North Korean human rights, didn’t he?
Yes. As I mentioned before, during the 52nd UNHRC meeting, the Korean representative to the UN held a number of meetings as host countries or co-operators. Lee Shin-hwa, the ambassador for international cooperation on North Korean human rights, who spoke on behalf of the South Korean government during the meeting, stressed that North Korean human rights issues should be dealt with as an important agenda regardless of geopolitical situations such as North Korea’s provocations. This is in contrast to the former Moon government’s passive position to North Korean human rights issues, such as leaving the UN draft resolution on North Korean human rights until 2022, until the last year of its term.
What position did the North Korean authorities take in response to the criticism of North Korean human rights from the United Nations?
First of all, ambassadors from South Korea, the United States, and China took a stand at the 52nd regular meeting of the HRC on the 20th, but North Korea was in silence. On the 13th, North Korea’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced that they will response strongly against the United States. Also, they announced a conversation two days after, which condemning the United States.
So far, we have looked over some North Korean human rights discussions held during the UNHRC meeting to mark the 10th anniversary of the COI establishment, with reporter So-young Kim.
Translated by Yubin Jun, HRNK Research Intern
8. Opposition leader planned solo trip to North Korea: prosecutors
north Korea subversion. We must understand the nature, objectives, and strategy of the Kim family regime.
Opposition leader planned solo trip to North Korea: prosecutors
koreaherald.com · by Kim Arin · March 31, 2023
Seoul prosecutors believe onetime presidential hopeful and Democratic Party of Korea head Rep. Lee Jae-myung planned a solo trip to North Korea while he was still the governor of Gyeonggi Province, which neighbors Seoul.
According to the indictment the Seoul Central District Prosecutors’ Office submitted to the National Assembly on Thursday, after then-Gyeonggi Gov. Lee was excluded from the 2018 inter-Korea summit, the provincial office planned for him to travel to North Korea separately.
The prosecutors found that Lee’s chief aide at the time, who was in charge of the province’s “peace initiatives,” paid a broker some 300 million won ($231,000) in subsidies from the Gyeonggi provincial office and 200 million won more in the form of donation.
Lee’s ex-chief aide also offered North Korean authorities at least $500 million in exchange for pursuing exchange projects with Gyeonggi. One of the proposed projects included the province providing farming technologies to North Korea.
But as a result of the United Nations-imposed sanctions, Gyeonggi was unable to offer the money, and the chief aide sought to deliver the promised money through illicit routes between November-December 2018.
From 2019 to 2020, the ex-chief met with high-level North Korean officials including Kim Sung Hye, a senior official at the North’s Committee for the Peaceful Reunification of Korea, in China and the Philippines and paid them a total of $800 million.
Prosecutors saw that this would amount to a violation of the laws on foreign exchange sanctions and the Finance Ministry provisions, which dictate that any South Korean money provided to North Korean authorities must obtain prior authorization of the Bank of Korea.
Commenting on Lee’s suspected interaction with North Korea at the National Assembly last month, Minister of Justice Han Dong-hoon had said “any unauthorized contact with North Korea is a clear violation of the law.”
Separately, the Democratic Party head is currently facing trials for violating election laws in the 2022 presidential election race and for other corruption charges dating back to his time as the mayor of Seongnam, a city in Gyeonggi Province.
By Kim Arin (arin@heraldcorp.com)
koreaherald.com · by Kim Arin · March 31, 2023
9. ‘Momentum for change’: Ji Seong-ho highlights North Korea human rights during US trip
Excerpts:
“Now we have a momentum for more change and cooperation with the new administration in office (in South Korea), which is turning the focus again on North Korea’s human rights problems.”
He said that at the meeting, he talked about South Korea’s fresh approach to address North Korea human rights under the Yoon Suk Yeol administration, including the appointment of an ambassador-at-large on the human rights situation in North Korea and the disclosure of a previously classified report on North Korea’s human rights record.
He added that he urged more US and international efforts in stopping forced repatriation of North Korean defectors in China and elsewhere.
‘Momentum for change’: Ji Seong-ho highlights North Korea human rights during US trip
koreaherald.com · by Kim Arin · March 31, 2023
Rights activist-turned-lawmaker Rep. Ji Seong-ho of South Korea’s ruling People Power Party met with US Department of State officials on Thursday to discuss possible joint efforts in protecting the rights of North Korean defectors.
“I think US officials showed deep interest in South Korea’s actions to improve the rights of North Korean residents and defectors, and the possible steps that the US can take,” Ji, who defected to South Korea in 2006, told The Korea Herald.
“Now we have a momentum for more change and cooperation with the new administration in office (in South Korea), which is turning the focus again on North Korea’s human rights problems.”
He said that at the meeting, he talked about South Korea’s fresh approach to address North Korea human rights under the Yoon Suk Yeol administration, including the appointment of an ambassador-at-large on the human rights situation in North Korea and the disclosure of a previously classified report on North Korea’s human rights record.
He added that he urged more US and international efforts in stopping forced repatriation of North Korean defectors in China and elsewhere.
Ji, who is on the South Korean National Assembly’s labor committee, said the meeting was attended by officials at the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor as well as officials working on North Korea sanctions policy.
The meeting, held behind closed doors, lasted for about an hour, he said.
Before returning to Seoul next week, Ji plans to meet with human rights activists in New York.
Ji is in Washington to attend the legislative track of the Summit for Democracy 2023 hosted by the House Democracy Partnership, as the sole representative of the South Korean National Assembly.
By Kim Arin (arin@heraldcorp.com)
koreaherald.com · by Kim Arin · March 31, 2023
10. Is NK's recent nuclear warhead display prelude to nuclear test?
Excerpts;
However, opinions are divided over whether the latest display will lead to the regime's seventh nuclear weapons test. Since last year, intelligence authorities and officials of South Korea and the United States have been predicting that the North may conduct another nuclear test anytime soon. But, the Kim regime has not yet dared to test international patience.
Cheong Seong-chang, director of the Department of Reunification Strategy Studies at the Sejong Institute, predicted that the North may conduct the nuclear test no later than Sept. 9, which will be the regime's 75th anniversary of its founding.
"In its fifth nuclear test in September 2016 and sixth in September 2017, the North revealed nuclear warheads that would be used in the tests through reports on Kim's 'inspection on the weaponizing nuclear arms,'" Cheong said.
Is NK's recent nuclear warhead display prelude to nuclear test?
The Korea Times · March 31, 2023
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, center, gestures as he inspects nuclear warheads at an unidentified location in this photo carried by the North's Korean Central News Agency, Tuesday. The chart behind Kim shows that the warhead is named Hwasan-31 and is compatible with multiple delivery systems. Yonhap
By Nam Hyun-woo
Opinions are divided over North Korea's new Hwasan-31 nuclear warheads. Analysts are debating whether the regime's most recent revelation of the arms is a prelude to Pyongyang's seventh nuclear weapons test.
The Hwasan-31 nuclear warheads were revealed in a series of photos carried by the North's official Korean Central News Agency on Tuesday, in which its leader Kim Jong-un inspected weapons that appear to be roughly 1 meter long and 40 to 50 centimeters in diameter.
Around 10 warheads were noticed in the photos, each printed with serial numbers. On a chart seen in the photos, there are eight types of delivery systems and an explanation stating: "nuclear warheads compatible with Hwasan-31."
This indicates that they could be operational. The mass production of warheads that can be fitted onto short- or long-range ballistic missiles and other types of delivery vehicles, is on track.
Many experts agree that the North appears to have achieved significant progress in producing miniaturized, lightweight and modular warheads that can be mounted on various missiles and other delivery systems. This comes just seven years after the North disclosed what it claimed was a nuclear warhead detonator, which drew international skepticism over its operability.
However, opinions are divided over whether the latest display will lead to the regime's seventh nuclear weapons test. Since last year, intelligence authorities and officials of South Korea and the United States have been predicting that the North may conduct another nuclear test anytime soon. But, the Kim regime has not yet dared to test international patience.
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un observes a purported nuclear detonator during a meeting with scientists and technicians at an undisclosed location in this photo carried by the North's Rodong Sinmun on March 9, 2016. Yonhap
North Korea's time loop
Cheong Seong-chang, director of the Department of Reunification Strategy Studies at the Sejong Institute, predicted that the North may conduct the nuclear test no later than Sept. 9, which will be the regime's 75th anniversary of its founding.
"In its fifth nuclear test in September 2016 and sixth in September 2017, the North revealed nuclear warheads that would be used in the tests through reports on Kim's 'inspection on the weaponizing nuclear arms,'" Cheong said.
"Given this, the North may conduct a nuclear test with the warheads revealed this time before its 75th founding anniversary."
The North's Rodong Sinmun on March 9, 2016, reported that Kim inspected the nuclear weapons program, claiming that its nuclear warheads were "standardized to be fit for ballistic missiles by miniaturizing them." Then, the North revealed a photo of Kim touching a silver orb, which experts said was at a premature stage.
Exactly six months later, the North on Sept. 9 conducted its fifth nuclear test. At the time, the South Korean military said the explosive yield was about 10 kilotons, while other experts suggested 20 kilotons or more. The nuclear bombs dropped on Japan's Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945 each had a yield of 16 kilotons and 21 kilotons, respectively.
On Sept. 3, 2017, the Rodong Sinmun reported that Kim had inspected the regime's nuclear weapons program. It carried a photo of Kim observing a silver, peanut-shaped device, which was purported to be a detonator for a thermonuclear weapon.
Hours after the report, the North conducted its sixth nuclear test and claimed that it had detonated a hydrogen bomb. South Korea estimated that the explosive yield was between 50 and 60 kilotons, but overseas analysts assumed that the bomb could have reached up to 270 kilotons.
"After conducting its seventh test, the North will likely release a statement from its nuclear weapon institute that it succeeded in testing miniaturized nuclear warheads that will be fitted on tactical nuclear weapons," Cheong said.
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un observes what the regime claims is a hydrogen bomb during an inspection at its Nuclear Weapon Institute in this captured image from the North's Korea Central TV broadcast on Sept. 3, 2017. Yonhap
Conversely, Kim Dong-yup, a professor at the University of North Korean Studies, said the North is unlikely to conduct another nuclear test soon, given the assumed details of the Hwasan-31 and the regime's rationale.
"I assume that the Hwasan-31 is a module unit that can be mounted on various types of nuclear warheads, so the North can assemble it directly into missile payloads or other types of delivery systems," Kim said.
Kim noted that the explanation on the chart in the disclosed photo says "nuclear warheads compatible with Hwasan-31." If this explanation is correct, the Hwasan-31 is not a nuclear warhead, but a cartridge or module that can arm a missile with nuclear weapons.
"The Hwasan-31 is not the nuclear detonator which triggers the explosion, but a shell which contains the nuclear detonator, trigger and other devices," Kim said. "This means we cannot confirm what type of detonator is contained in the shell. It can be the orb type, the peanut type or even empty."
Given that, Kim said, the Hwasan-31 may contain detonators that were created in the fifth and sixth nuclear tests. Since the size of the Hwasan-31 is relatively small, there can be assumptions that the North may need additional tests for miniaturized detonators, but Kim said the North does not necessarily have to conduct an additional test if the regime's previous claims of successful nuclear tests are true.
"North Korea is already claiming that its military unit for tactical nuclear weapons are training," he said. "If it conducts the seventh nuclear test for tactical nukes, all of the successes it has been propagating would be lies."
The Korea Times · March 31, 2023
11. Yoon gov't disputes Japanese media's claims about summit
Excerpts:
Earlier this month, Sankei Shimbun and NHK reported that Kishida requested that Yoon faithfully implement Korea's 2015 agreement regarding sex slavery victims and renewed sovereignty claims over Korea's easternmost Dokdo islets.
The Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs flatly denied the reports, saying that such issues were not on the summit agenda. The ruling People Power Party (PPP) has also been defending the president, calling the reports "groundless fake news."
However, lawmakers of the main opposition Democratic Party of Korea (DPK) are demanding the government disclose the full details of what was discussed at the summit, suspecting that Yoon may have made concessions on sensitive issues.
Yoon gov't disputes Japanese media's claims about summit
The Korea Times · March 31, 2023
Members of environmental groups hold a rally in Gwanghwamun Square in central Seoul, March 22, against the Japanese government's decision to release radioactive water from the Fukushima nuclear power plant. Korea Times photo by Wang Tae-seog
Mentions of Fukushima radioactive water, wartime sex slavery, Dokdo denied
By Lee Hyo-jin
Recent reports by Japanese media claim that Fukushima's radioactive wastewater, wartime sex slavery and Dokdo were discussed during President Yoon Suk Yeol's recent visit to Tokyo, putting the president in an uncomfortable position.
The Korean government has denied Japanese news reports of Yoon's supposed discomfort during the summit. This is placing extra pressure on the president, who has been struggling to persuade the skeptical public to accept his efforts to mend ties with Tokyo.
On Friday, Yoon's office refuted a report by Japan's Kyodo News that claimed that the Korean president promised to seek public consent from South Koreans over Japan's planned release of contaminated radioactive water into the ocean.
Citing a diplomatic source, the Japanese news agency wrote on Wednesday that Yoon "vowed all-out efforts to remove concerns over the water discharge in his country, even if it takes time," during his meeting with former Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga on March 17.
"Fukushima seafood will never be imported to Korea," the presidential office said in a statement, Friday. "The president believes that there is no room for negotiations on issues concerning the health and safety of the people."
It also elaborated that during the meeting with Suga, Yoon stressed that the dumping of the irradiated water should undergo safety reviews in a science-based and objective manner in accordance with international standards, and that Korean experts should take part in the process.
A Wednesday report by Japan's Kyodo News claims that President Yoon Suk Yeol vowed to Japanese lawmakers that he would seek public consent from his country regarding Japan's plan to dump irradiated wastewater from Fukushima Nuclear Power Plant into the ocean. Screenshot from Kyodo News websiteAlthough Korea and Japan have recently agreed to renew bilateral ties, the Fukushima wastewater issue remains a source of conflict between the two nations. The Japanese government is seeking to discharge the irradiated water stored at the tsunami-hit nuclear power plant in the northeastern region of Japan into the Pacific Ocean starting as early as this summer.
Tokyo claims that the filtered water has been tested for concentration levels of radioactive nuclides. But Korea ― along with China and other Pacific Rim countries ― has been demanding Tokyo cancel its plan.
Since 2013, Seoul has banned imports of all seafood products from Fukushima due to concerns over radioactivity. Tokyo has been calling on Korea to lift the ban, claiming that its seafood products have been scientifically proven to be safe.
This is the latest denial of the Korean government concerning Japanese media coverage of the March 16 summit between Yoon and Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, which touched on some sensitive issues.
Earlier this month, Sankei Shimbun and NHK reported that Kishida requested that Yoon faithfully implement Korea's 2015 agreement regarding sex slavery victims and renewed sovereignty claims over Korea's easternmost Dokdo islets.
The Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs flatly denied the reports, saying that such issues were not on the summit agenda. The ruling People Power Party (PPP) has also been defending the president, calling the reports "groundless fake news."
However, lawmakers of the main opposition Democratic Party of Korea (DPK) are demanding the government disclose the full details of what was discussed at the summit, suspecting that Yoon may have made concessions on sensitive issues.
The Korea Times · March 31, 2023
12. How China let a ship banned for ferrying North Korean coal go rogue
Map/graphics at the link: https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/2023/03/31/china-north-korea-sanctions-ship/
How China let a ship banned for ferrying North Korean coal go rogue
The case of the Petrel 8, a zombie ship that came back to life, shows that the sanction regime on Pyongyang is full of holes
By Ellen Nakashima, Cate Cadell and Dera Menra Sijabat
March 31, 2023 at 6:00 a.m. EDT
The Washington Post · by Ellen Nakashima · March 31, 2023
When the United Nations in 2017 placed a port ban on a Chinese-owned ship that had been ferrying North Korean coal to China, that should have been a death sentence, dooming the vessel to the scrapheap or to the limbo of a “flying Dutchman” — sailing the seas forever without docking.
The dark blue cargo ship, a little longer than a football field, sat paralyzed in frigid Chinese waters for months, its small crew abandoned in unsanitary living quarters and running short of supplies. As sheets of ice slowly enveloped the vessel in late 2018, its fate seemed sealed.
But the Petrel 8 would get a reprieve.
With the help of Chinese courts, the Petrel 8 would not only survive its near-shipwreck, but be resold, repaired and returned to open waters in breach of sanctions. United Nations reports show that China has increasingly turned a blind eye to illicit North Korean activity, but the Petrel 8 is a rare, detailed example of exactly how that happens. Ships like these provide a vital lifeline for Pyongyang’s isolated regime, illicitly ferrying coal to foreign ports and often returning with goods and supplies the regime seeks.
Official court documents reviewed by The Washington Post and information from independent researchers show that not only did Chinese authorities know the Petrel 8 was under sanction, but allowed it to be auctioned off and dock illicitly in multiple ports — at times using fraudulent identities.
China was among the 15 U.N. Security Council members that voted unanimously in 2016 and 2017 to impose a comprehensive set of sanctions aimed at curtailing North Korea’s nuclear program. The resolutions included a global port ban on ships that have been caught transporting North Korean coal, a major source of revenue for Pyongyang’s nuclear activities. Once a ship is sanctioned, the only way to get it off the banned list is by consensus of the U.N. 1718 Committee, which oversees North Korean sanctions.
For a brief period during President Donald Trump’s maximum pressure campaign on Pyongyang, China and Russia were willing to enforce the sanctions. But that cooperation ended by 2018. Today, both countries, but particularly China — which is by far North Korea’s largest trading partner and has enormous influence over its neighbor — are ignoring the sanctions, experts say.
“When you don’t have any pressure, there is zero reason for North Korea to stop what they are doing,” said Sue Mi Terry, director of the Asia Program at the Wilson Center.
Last year, North Korea launched a record number of missiles, including several into the Sea of Japan. In November, it tested the Hwasong-17, the world’s largest liquid-fueled intercontinental ballistic missile — capable of carrying multiple warheads and hitting the east coast of the United States. In December, it tested a solid fuel rocket engine, a crucial new capability that is harder to detect and preempt.
“China has provided multiple points of relief for North Korea to escape the pressure of sanctions,” said Andrew Boling, an analyst with C4ADS, a nonprofit research group focused on transnational criminal activity that has tracked the Petrel 8 and provided location data to The Post. “The sanctions regime can’t work until China fully enforces the rules it agreed to.”
A United Nations Panel of Experts is probing the case. “The panel is well aware of the Petrel 8, and our investigations into its activity and the changing ownership networks behind it continue,” the panel’s coordinator, Eric Penton-Voak, said in a statement. The investigation is confidential until its findings are published in the panel’s next report, due out in April.
Queries to the Chinese courts, maritime authority and mission to the United Nations went unanswered.
Coal running in the dark
For the first few years of its life, the Petrel 8 appeared to operate as a normal cargo vessel. Then, in January 2017, its Indian owners sold it to Li Quan Shipping Co., a Hong Kong-based firm that according to the United Nations has been involved in other illicit activity in violation of North Korea sanctions.
The ship was registered under a new flag by the small Indian Ocean state of Comoros, which is so lax in its standards for shipping safety it has been blacklisted by the port authorities of the European Union.
That year, the ship made three illicit coal runs to North Korea, according to researchers. In July, on its third run, a U.N. member state tipped the Panel of Experts that the vessel had been spotted loading coal at Taean, North Korea, some 160 miles south of Pyongyang.
The panel’s then-maritime expert, Neil Watts, began gathering evidence, reconstructing all three voyages, using specialized databases that tracked ship movements and using satellite imagery. All three followed the same general pattern, he said.
The ship would sail from China to North Korea, make a stop in Russia, and return to China. The Russia port call was to make it appear the coal was loaded there.
Along the way, the Petrel 8 made moves typical of sanction-skirting ships. As it entered North Korean waters, it would go “dark,” turning off its automated identification system or AIS, a box that transmits signals indicating the ship’s position, identification number and other information. It would turn it on again when it was in the Yellow Sea on its way to Russia, said Watts.
AIS signals, which are mandated by the International Maritime Organization for ships larger than 300 tons, are used by vessels to avoid collisions and by ports to manage maritime traffic. They are also useful for tracking changes in the ship’s weight.
On one voyage in late May 2017, after the ship’s signals went dark and then reappeared in the Yellow Sea near the Korean Peninsula, something curious happened. The ship transmitted an increase in the “draft” — the distance between the keel and the water line — of 2.5 meters, or just over eight feet, indicating it was sitting lower in the water.
“I immediately knew that they’d taken on a cargo,” recalled Watts.
A few days later it entered Nakhodka harbor in Russia. There it sat for a day, on a “decoy port visit,” as Watts put it. Then it sailed back to China, entering Tangshan port on June 14. A day later it left again, reporting a draft decrease of 2.7 meters or almost nine feet. The ship had discharged its cargo in China.
Watts, a former South African Navy captain, wrote up his findings on the Petrel 8 in a larger 2018 U.N. report on North Korean sanctions violations. Satellite images confirmed the cargo: It was “all black,” he said. “It was coal.”
On Oct. 3, 2017, the United Nations Security Council voted unanimously to sanction the Petrel 8, barring it from entering any port. That month, Comoros deflagged the ship, according to the IMO, which registers all ships in the world, assigning each a unique number, and keeps a public database of the registry.
“It’s like being without a passport,” Watts said, adding that no state may reflag the ship without violating the sanctions regime.
Back on the high seas
Shortly after the ban was imposed, the Petrel 8 sailed out of northeastern China, now unable to legally make port again. It headed south on a brief trip through the Chinese portion of the Yellow Sea, before settling in open waters near Yingkou Port, not far from where it had set sail. According to satellite imagery, it sat idle in the bay as winter drew near and the waters around it froze into vast ice floes.
The crew were stranded on the ship for almost three months, its owners having abandoned the vessel, according to Chinese court records. Chinese authorities ashore grew concerned that the ship would capsize or collide with other ships. In dire need of fuel and food, the crew finally sent up a distress signal.
“The crew’s safety was in danger,” said a report from the Maritime Affairs Court of Dalian, one of Liaoning province’s largest cities, which has jurisdiction over maritime civil and criminal disputes in the region.
On Jan. 13, 2018, a search and rescue team retrieved the crew. Nine days later, it sent out an icebreaker to cut through the blocks of ice and tow the ship back to Yingkou port.
The U.N. allows an exception to the port entry ban for ships in distress. But the U.N. has no record of such a waiver being requested. As such the ship should have been seized at the port, said a U.N. official. Instead, the Petrel 8 sat in Yingkou port under court custody for more than two years, according to China’s maritime court records.
Then in mid-2021, the Petrel 8 was listed for auction on a Chinese court auction website, advertised under a Chinese translation of its name, Haiyan 8. The government listing acknowledged the ship’s sanctioned status, even including a warning to prospective bidders.
“The Haiyan 8 is included in the list of vessels prohibited from entering the port designated by the United Nations Security Council,” said the court notice. “The buyer should fully understand the consequences of Haiyan 8 being sanctioned by the United Nations. Participating in the auction is deemed to accept the Haiyan 8 being sanctioned. The relevant adverse consequences arising from the sanction of the ship shall be borne by the buyer.”
During the June 25, 2021, court auction, just one buyer bid on Petrel 8, taking the vessel for a mere $950,000 — a bargain basement price which reflected that the ship’s sanctioned status and expired safety certificates made it essentially uninsurable. The auction site listed the buyer only as an individual with a Chinese name, Ge Baohong.
In December that year, according to satellite imagery, the ship left Yingkou and put in at Caofeidian port some 230 miles south. That entry violated the U.N. ban.
“The People’s Republic of China allowed the ship to violate the ban,” said Hugh Griffiths, a former coordinator of the U.N. Panel of Experts, who also worked on the Petrel 8 designation. “They are failing to uphold resolutions that they themselves co-authored.”
Three months later, in March 2022, the Petrel 8 sailed again, this time 1,000 miles down the coastline to Fuan Matou shipyard in China’s southeastern Fujian Province. That entry, too, breached the ban. Satellite imagery shows the Petrel 8 was moved onto a dry dock where it likely underwent repairs.
According to 2022 and 2021 reports from the U.N. panel, shipyards in the Baima River where the Petrel 8 entered have a documented history of servicing suspect vessels linked to North Korean trade. Just a few months ago, a large bulk carrier sold to North Korea was retrofitted at Fuan Matou, and has since started moving sanctioned coal, according to the Royal United Services Institute, a defense-focused think tank. Next door to Fuan Matou is another shipyard, Fujian Yihe, which is notorious for housing ships known to violate U.N. sanctions, said James Byrne, RUSI’s director of open source intelligence and analysis.
“Shipyards such as these appear to play a key role in servicing vessels engaged in U.N. sanctions busting and appear to do so with little concern about the possible consequences of violating sanctions,” he said.
In May 2022, a Japanese ship broker named Hiroyuki Takahashi, working on behalf of Ge Baohong, and operating as president of Uyo Co. Ltd., sold the Petrel 8 for some $3.8 million, netting Ge more than $2.8 million, according to a western diplomat, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the matter’s sensitivity. The buyer, an Indonesian freight shipping firm named P.T. Lintas Bahari Nusantara, did not know the ship was under sanction, according to claims it later made to western diplomats.
Takahashi is also president of Toei Shipping, according to corporate records. Its address, in an industrial zone of Tokyo, is the same as that of Uyo, according to information provided by an Indonesian port authority. A Washington Post reporter visited the address listed on the bill of sale, and did not find the company there. Business registry records for the ward found no company by that name listed.
Takahashi did not respond to a request for comment.
Three years earlier, in January 2019, Toei purchased a ship — the Rui Hong 916 — that was refurbished in Fujian Yihe and then went on to conduct a ship-to-ship transfer of North Korean petroleum. The Panel of Experts recommended the Rui Hong 916 be sanctioned, but the proposal was blocked by China.
After P.T. Lintas bought the Petrel 8, it reflagged it with the small South Pacific island country of Niue — like Comoros, a state known for lax flagging standards. This, too, was a violation of sanctions.
And soon enough, AIS signals showed the ship was once again on the move.
Voyage to Indonesia
Last June, the Petrel 8 slipped out of Fujian province and sailed through the South China Sea. Along the way it transmitted signals under a false ship name — Dong Hong Hang 1 — alternated flag countries of origin and made a strange loop-de-loop, where it switched up its identification number, eventually docking in a shipyard in western Java on July 3.
On July 8, the port authority conducted an inspection and found that the ship had again changed its name — from Dong Hong Hang 1 to LBN 10, according to Doni Rinaldi, a spokesman for the Banten Port Authority. It was now registered under the flag of Mongolia, he said.
“To me that looks like ship laundering,” said Watts, now a sanctions consultant at Compliance and Capacity Skills International.
According to a State Department official, the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta learned that the ship entered Indonesia in July 2022 and informed the government that the ship was on the U.N. sanctions list. The official said that shortly thereafter the ship was “impounded.”
A diplomat familiar with the matter said the Indonesian government has asked the U.N. 1718 Committee to remove the ship from the sanctions list, though no action has yet been taken. The Indonesian Mission to the United Nations would say only that the mission has been in touch with the committee.
The ship is currently at the shipyard in western Java, “under close supervision of the government,” the mission said in a statement. “Rest assured of Indonesia’s continued support to assist the work of the Security Council in this regard.”
Aiding and abetting the sanctions busters
The Petrel 8 is one of about 60 vessels designated between 2016 and 2018 for violating the North Korean sanctions regime that barred the transport or transfer to another ship of coal, petroleum or weapons.
The last vessels were designated in March 2018, after which China and Russia, both permanent members of the Security Council, stopped agreeing to new designations, effectively blocking every attempt to ban ships doing illicit business on behalf of North Korea.
Instead the two countries began to work purposefully to lift the sanctions regime. In 2019 and in 2021, Russia and China proposed lifting of sanctions on North Korea related to, for instance, export of seafood and textiles. Facing opposition, they withdrew the proposals. Last May, following a spate of North Korean missile launches, 13 of the 15 members of the Security Council voted to impose additional sanctions. Russia and China vetoed the resolution, arguing that additional sanctions were not justified and would prevent a resolution of Korean Peninsula issues.
Meanwhile, the Chinese government has allowed illicit shipping networks to flourish.
Annual reports from the U.N. Panel of Experts describe a thriving network of vessels engaging in illicit ship-to-ship transfers of sanctioned North Korea commodities in Chinese waters. One popular zone for such trade is the Ningbo-Zhoushan area off China’s east coast. A report released in March last year provided evidence that at least 16 vessels conducted trades in the area in 2021, including a vessel called Northern Luck, which is linked to the same shipping network that oversaw Petrel 8’s illicit trades in 2017.
Li Quan, the company that owned Petrel 8, and Dalian Longgang Shipping Co., which managed the vessel’s operation while it was illicitly transporting North Korean coal, also owned and managed the Northern Luck between 2013 and 2016, according to IHS Markit, a shipping data firm. In that period, the ship made some 30 trips to North Korea, according to C4ADS.
The two companies, which have a history of trade with North Korea and links to Pyongyang-based shipping firms, transferred ownership of Northern Luck to a North Korean company in 2016 after the U.N. Security Council limited export of North Korean coal — a sanction expanded the following year to a full ban. The ship then continued the trades illicitly, as shown in the 2022 U.N. report.
“This is a good example of how North Korea is able to outwit the sanctions regime using overseas facilitators,” said Boling. “Ultimately, how vulnerable Chinese companies are to U.N. sanctions comes down to the Chinese government’s willingness to enforce them.”
China and Russia’s obstruction of sanctions enforcement has made it difficult to say whether the measures would have had impact, The Wilson Center’s Sue Mi Terry said. “It can only possibly work if they’re implemented,” she said.
The Biden administration has said it’s willing to engage in talks with North Korea, but its leader, Kim Jong Un, has shown no inclination to do so. Any hopes that Beijing might nudge Kim in that direction have faded as relations between Washington and Beijing remain frosty.
As for the Chinese, “they increasingly see North Korea as an ally,” said a senior administration official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the matter’s sensitivity. “They’re less interested in trying to get them to disarm than in thinking about North Korea as part of an alliance of the aggrieved: Russia, Iran, North Korea, Pakistan.”
Julia Mio Inuma and Cate Brown contributed to this report.
The Washington Post · by Ellen Nakashima · March 31, 2023
13. How to make S Korea-Japan rapprochement endure
Excerpts:
A time when bilateral relations are improving is as good a time as any to take such a step. Now would also be a good time to take steps toward a unified plan of action making countries, such as South Korea, less vulnerable to Beijing’s economic coercion.
Any deal between South Korea and Japan is likelier to endure the more Koreans see it as benefitting them. Yoon, whatever else one thinks of him, is taking a bold step in defiance of precedent and public opinion. He should not be the only one taking such steps.
How to make S Korea-Japan rapprochement endure
S Korea President Yoon taking bold step in defiance of precedent and opinion and thus needs all the help he can get
asiatimes.com · by Rob York · March 31, 2023
It is newsworthy on its own that conservative South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol flew to Tokyo to meet with Prime Minister Kishida Fumio last week.
Yoon’s predecessor, the progressive Moon Jae-in, demonstrated little interest in official meetings with his Japanese counterparts across his five years as president, one of the few things he had in common with his conservative forebear Park Geun-hye.
Park, whose political opponents were quick to dismiss her as the daughter of a Japanese-trained military strongman, also avoided meetings with Shinzo Abe without an American mediator present. Instead, she focused her efforts on Chinese leader Xi Jinping, in the vain hope that he would play a proactive role in inter-Korean reconciliation.
As the PRC’s bilateral trade with South Korea has come to dwarf exchanges between South Korea and Japan, so have its diplomatic interactions with Seoul’s leadership compared with Japan’s.
For those concerned about regional security, especially North Korea’s growing nuclear and missile arsenals and, increasingly, the PRC’s revisionist aims for the Indo-Pacific, the tensions between Japan and South Korea have long been a source of frustration.
Their lack of cooperation hinders intelligence sharing and prevents a united front against malign North Korean and PRC actions, as Pyongyang and Beijing know they can use historical issues to drive a wedge between Washington’s two Northeast Asian allies.
Yet bad security policy has proven to be good politics in both countries. It’s only with recent developments — Beijing’s sanctions against South Korea over missile defense, its lack of transparency over Covid, its acts of cultural chauvinism at Korea’s expense — that South Koreans’ assessments of the PRC began to sink even lower than their views of Japan.
Even that shift is a phenomenon largely attributable to the younger generations in Korea, particularly 20- and 30-somethings who do not remember their country’s period of military dictatorship, spearheaded as it was by individuals who drew inspiration from Japan’s Meiji Restoration and who took aid from Japan in exchange for normalization.
The earlier generation that resisted the military dictatorship, however, has generally been skeptical of deals with Japan — going all the way back to the 1965 normalization treaty— and its members remain disproportionately influential in Korean politics.
Protestors against military dictatorship charge despite teargas in 1987. Photo: Imgur
Add to that the fact even the younger, more anti-PRC generation isn’t particularly pro-Japan (as reactions to Yoon’s recent moves have revealed) – and the additional fact that Japanese politicians aren’t above downplaying their country’s historical record and pressing claims to territory South Korea administers – and it becomes clear why closer security ties between the two have remained a fantasy confined to the imaginations of American diplomats and generals.
At least, that’s what we thought. In recent weeks, Yoon’s government has announced a deal with Japan over the contentious issue of wartime forced labor. This resulted in enthusiastic — perhaps excessively so — reactions from partners of the two countries, including the United States.
Then Yoon traveled to Tokyo — the first summit between Korean and Japanese heads of state in 12 years — and toasted with Kishida. Then Japan announced that it would lift its export restrictions on South Korea, a major step (albeit one confirming that the restrictions, announced in 2019 as tensions over the historical issue of wartime labor began rising, were always politically motivated).
That these are serious steps toward rapprochement is beyond question. What is more debatable is how long-lasting they will be. Yoon’s steps have already been denounced by the Japan skeptics in the opposition party, who still have an overwhelming majority in the National Assembly.
As noted above, even the younger generation that distrusts the PRC does not support Yoon’s forced-labor deal. Comparisons are already being made to the 2015 US-brokered deal in which Tokyo compensated the “comfort women” — wartime victims of Imperial Japanese sexual slavery — as a deal conservatives have struck without the majority support of the public, a deal that a progressive successor administration could undo easily.
After all, the tensions with Japan that defined Moon’s administration did not begin with the forced-labor issue or with Japan’s export whitelist but escalated before that when Moon annulled the comfort women deal.
Yoon has taken a radically different approach to foreign policy than his predecessor Moon Jae-in. Credit: Handout.
The maverick Yoon, however, has some advantages that Park Geun-hye did not. He is not beholden to the legacy of the Park family — as head of the Seoul Central District Prosecutors’ Office, his most famous case was probably Park herself — nor to the legacy of Japanese colonization. His popularity, while never particularly high, may have already reached its nadir in late 2022.
Yoon is also, unlike Park in 2015, less than a year into his presidency, with much time left for this supposed “betrayal” to fade from voters’ minds. Yoon, although less confrontational toward Beijing than some in the Anglosphere had hoped, is still far less accommodating of the PRC than Moon (or Park) and might yet cause a sharp shift in Northeast Asian security dynamics by moving closer to Tokyo.
The results, however, are not entirely up to him.
If Seoul’s partners and allies, concerned about the PRC’s and North Korea’s intentions for the region, want to see a South Korea that’s more active in the region, they need to encourage more activity following this development. The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue should, if it’s not going to make the country a fifth member, deepen and normalize its cooperation with Seoul, either by itself or in a Quad-plus format with other partners.
Japan, which has not always encouraged South Korean participation in international forums such as the G7, should support Seoul as it seeks to embrace its “middle power” status – including increased engagement with ASEAN and the Pacific Islands, places where America’s partners are essential to US efforts to counter PRC influence.
Not to encourage Japan’s leadership to resort to censorship, but it ill behooves Tokyo’s efforts to strengthen bilateral ties for domestic politicians and political movements to fan anti-Korean sentiment and receive little pushback.
The United States can also play a role that extends beyond words of affirmation — and can do so by taking some long-overdue steps.
Joe Biden, shown here in July 2020 during his ultimately successful campaign for the US presidency, speaks at a ‘Build Back Better’ clean energy event in Wilmington, Delaware. Photo: AFP / Olivier Douliery
Both Korean and Japanese manufacturers have cried foul over 2022 US Congressional legislation that seeks to reshore American manufacturing but has had the side effect of nullifying tax credits and subsidies for foreign manufacturers – even those that, like Korean and Japanese companies, seek to build on the US mainland. Such manufacturers should have been rewarded regardless of Korea-Japan ties.
A time when bilateral relations are improving is as good a time as any to take such a step. Now would also be a good time to take steps toward a unified plan of action making countries, such as South Korea, less vulnerable to Beijing’s economic coercion.
Any deal between South Korea and Japan is likelier to endure the more Koreans see it as benefitting them. Yoon, whatever else one thinks of him, is taking a bold step in defiance of precedent and public opinion. He should not be the only one taking such steps.
Rob York (rob@pacforum.org) is the director for regional affairs at Pacific Forum and editor of Comparative Connections: A Triannual E-journal of Bilateral Relations in the Indo-Pacific.
This article was first published by Pacific Forum and is republished with permission.
asiatimes.com · by Rob York · March 31, 2023
14. PLANA Opens Two California Locations While Seeking FAA Certification
PLANA Opens Two California Locations While Seeking FAA Certification - FLYING Magazine
flyingmag.com · by Jonathan Welsh · March 29, 2023
The Korean eVTOL developer says the new offices are part of its plan to expand into new markets.
March 29, 2023
PLANA is developing a hybrid eVTOL that it wants to certify in the U.S. and other countries. [Courtesy: PLANA]
PLANA, a developer of hybrid-electric aircraft based in South Korea, said it opened branch offices in Silicon Valley and Irvine, California as part of a plan to aid with FAA certification of its aircraft and expand into multiple markets.
The company said it will also continue to develop partnerships with companies in the U.S. as it moves through the certification process..
“FAA certification is one of the most important processes for companies in the aerospace industry,” said Braden J. Kim, PLANA’s CEO. “With the establishment of the U.S. subsidiary, we plan to increase our interactions in the newly created [advanced air mobility] AAM market as well as FAA certification.”
PLANA said it is developing an eVTOL aircraft that uses sustainable aviation fuel in its hybrid powertrain to reduce carbon dioxide emissions by 80 percent compared with existing helicopters. The aircraft is meant to have a range of 500 kilometers, or about 310 miles, while carrying a pilot and four passengers.
The company said it is conducting test flights with a one-fifth-scale model of its eVTOL. Later this year, the company plans to take part in the K-UAM Grand Challenge, a demonstration event organized by the country’s Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport.
The PLANA aircraft is part of a large field of battery-electric and hybrid-electric eVTOLs that are moving through development and certification processes with plans to enter passenger service within two to three years.
Jonathan Welsh
Jonathan Welsh is a private pilot who worked as a reporter, editor and columnist with the Wall Street Journal for 21 years, mostly covering the auto industry. His passion for aviation began in childhood with balsa-wood gliders his aunt would buy for him at the corner store. Follow Jonathan on Twitter @JonathanWelsh4
flyingmag.com · by Jonathan Welsh · March 29, 2023
15. Korea-Japan Rapprochement: Challenges, Implications and Expectations
LTG Chun is doing his part to improve ROK-Japan relations.
Conclusion:
Yoon has taken a huge risk in setting Korean-Japanese relations on a new footing. Constitutionally limited to a single five-year term, which ends in 2027, if he is to maintain the cooperative stance towards Japan, he will need to demonstrate to his people as quickly as possible the concrete benefits of his strategy. The leaders in Tokyo and Washington should be sensitive to the political risks that Yoon has taken.
Korea-Japan Rapprochement: Challenges, Implications and Expectations
In-bum Chun
Republic of Korea Army (retired)
asiaglobalonline.hku.hk
Geopolitics
Wednesday, March 29, 2023
Prompted by moves by the government of South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol to address persistent irritants in his country’s relations with Japan, ties between Seoul and Tokyo have quickly warmed, leading to the first bilateral summit since 2011. Retired South Korean army lieutenant-general In-bum Chun assesses the political risks of Yoon’s initiative and the challenges and opportunities for both countries as they set a new direction in their relationship.
South Korean President Yoon and Japanese Prime Minister Kishida at a Tokyo restaurant, March 16: Relations have warmed quickly since Seoul moved to address persistent bilateral irritants (Credit: Prime Minister’s Office of Japan)
President Yoon Suk-yeol of the Republic of Korea and Japanese Prime Minister Kishida Fumio met for two days from March 16-17. The last time the heads of the neighboring nations for a bilateral summit was in 2011.
Since the ruling in 2018 by the South Korean Supreme Court that Japanese companies had to pay damages to forced laborers during the Japanese colonial occupation, relations between Tokyo and Seoul deteriorated. Japan reacted with restrictions on exports of semiconductor raw materials and excluding South Korea from its “white list” of preferred trading partners making trade between the two countries harder. South Korea in turn lodged a complaint against Japan at the World Trade Organization (WTO) and took Japan off its own white list. The real damage: the bitterness and ill will generated by these tit-for-tat actions.
Another critical fallout was the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) for intelligence sharing between South Korea and Japan. Although not totally nullified, the trust that is absolutely necessary for such a framework to work had been damaged.
The South Koreans were able to find a short-term workaround on the export restrictions but the real winner in the fight was North Korea, which benefited from the lack of strategic cooperation between Seoul and Tokyo. During the administration of Moon Jae-in, Yoon’s predecessor, who was in office until 2022, administration, rapprochement was mooted but with conditions that neither side could accept politically.
The US aircraft carrier Nimitz arrived in Busan on March 28: The immediate benefit of the warming of Seoul-Tokyo ties will be better sharing of information, especially relating to North Korea (Credit: Yonhap)
Then, on March 6, 2023, there was a breakthrough. In office for 10 months, President Yoon announced that a Korean-Japanese fund would be created to resolve the forced labor compensation issue. This decision was based on the 1965 agreement between Japan and Korea that, in accordance with the normalization of relations, all individual claims would be paid by the Korean government. In 1974, 83,519 people were paid 9.2 billion won, which was approximately 9.7 percent of the US$300 million that Japan had paid Korea as war reparations. In 2007, 650 billion won was paid to 6,500 people under a special provision at that time. So, there was precedence for setting up such a fund.
The Japanese welcomed this announcement and the United States applauded the Korean initiative. Japan invited Yoon to Tokyo from March 16-17, during which he and Kishida discussed the normalization of GSOMIA as well as the retraction of Japanese trade sanctions that would follow South Korea pausing its WTO case. Kishida invited Yoon to the G7 Summit the prime minister is hosting in Hiroshima in May.
For his part, Yoon attributed the decision to address the irritants in the Seoul-Tokyo bilateral relations to the geopolitical vortex polarizing the world: Russia’s invasion of Ukraine over a year ago, the continuing strains in US-China relations, and the ever-increasing nuclear threat from North Korea. All this requires that South Korea reconcile with Japan, he reckoned. This was, he explained, a difficult choice made for the future of the Korean people but one with which many voters might not be happy. Yoon was right: A survey found that 60 percent of those polled were against the decision, with 47 percent of that group absolutely against the deal. Among the 40 percent who answered that they supported the policy shift, only 22 percent said that they strongly supported it.
The immediate benefit of the warming of Korea-Japan ties will be better sharing of information, especially relating to North Korea. More exchange of strategic intelligence would help both countries prepare for and possibly country North Korean missiles launches. Pyongyang has been ramping up missile tests as the US and South Korean militaries engage in their largest joint exercises since 2017. On March 27, North Korea fired two short-range ballistic missiles into the waters off the east coast of the Korean Peninsula. The next day, the US aircraft carrier Nimitz and its accompanying strike group of vessels arrived in South Korea.
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un inspects what is reported to be a new tactical nuclear warhead, March 27: Pyongyang has been ramping up missile tests as the US and South Korean militaries engage in their largest joint exercises since 2017 (Credit: KCNA)
But Yoon needs to gain more than strengthened missile defense readiness if he is to convince skeptical citizens of the wisdom of his entreaties towards Tokyo, especially with the swirling of misinformation and disinformation about the deal coming from both Korean and Japanese elements. Japan and the US, which welcomed the warming of relations but appeared not to have been much involved if at all in prompting it, will need to “reward” Yoon as soon as possible with tangible economic benefits that would bring more Koreans to support him. In February, Yoon’s popularity rating crept up above 40 percent (and his disapproval rating dropped below 58 percent) for the first time in six weeks, following his government’s focus on economic and livelihood policies.
One way to support Yoon’s rapprochement efforts would be for Japan to step up cooperation on core technology and global supply chain issues that would benefit both countries. A stable supply of materials, spare parts and equipment will strengthen the ties and have significant economic benefits. With a closer relationship, Korea and Japan could collaborate on energy security and on taking joint action on tackling climate change. The opportunities for working together are limitless but still initiatives must materialize quickly to underscore the benefits of closer ties.
Between 1997 to 2021, Korea and Japan have cooperated on 121 projects in 46 countries that have resulted in a profit of 270 trillion won or roughly US$270 billion. The two countries complement each other with their sophisticated design skills and construction prowess. The two economies are likely to find more ways to work together in cutting-edge fields such as medicine, space, biotechnology and fintech.
But where they share the most common ground on which to build a fresh productive relationship is arguably in values – their shared commitment to the universal concepts of freedom, human rights and the rule of law. This aligns with the American geopolitical narrative that casts Russia and China as autocracies threatening the liberal rules-based international order. In the grand scheme of the Indo-Pacific, a more cooperative Seoul-Tokyo relationship would contribute to better security, greater prosperity and increased stability in the region and globally.
Yoon has taken a huge risk in setting Korean-Japanese relations on a new footing. Constitutionally limited to a single five-year term, which ends in 2027, if he is to maintain the cooperative stance towards Japan, he will need to demonstrate to his people as quickly as possible the concrete benefits of his strategy. The leaders in Tokyo and Washington should be sensitive to the political risks that Yoon has taken.
Opinions expressed in articles published by AsiaGlobal Online reflect only those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of AsiaGlobal Online or the Asia Global Institute
Author
In-bum Chun
Republic of Korea Army (retired)
In-bum Chun is a graduate of the Korea Military Academy and served in the South Korean armed forces for 38 years until 2016, retiring as a lieutenant general. He is a former infantry divisional commander and head of South Korea’s special forces. He has been a fellow of the Brookings Institution, the Paul H Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) at Johns Hopkins University, and the Sam Nunn School of International Affairs at the Georgia Institute of Technology, all in the US.
Recent Articles
asiaglobalonline.hku.hk
16. How Civil Society can Contribute to a Free and Unified Korea
A video of my presentation to the Global Peace Foundation in Japan is at the link:
https://globalpeace.org/how-civil-society-can-contribute-to-a-free-and-unified-korea/
How Civil Society can Contribute to a Free and Unified Korea
March 28, 2023
Kazuhiro Handa
Col. David Maxwell is a Senior Fellow of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies and a Senior Fellow of the Global Peace Foundation (GPF). He was invited by GPF Japan to present a webinar on the importance of a free and unified Korea to the international community on February 26, 2023.
Global Peace Foundation supports the peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsula as vital to the safety, security, and prosperity of the surrounding region.
Col. Maxwell stated that although there is fear of the economic strains unification will bring to the South, unification is inevitable. He listed the possible scenarios leading up to unification, with the foremost being war, which would first bring another wave of human devastation to the peninsula. He described other paths, including regime collapse—which could also lead to war as a last-ditch effort to stay in power—and the emergence of new leadership within the North, both of which would lead to one Korea. He concluded with the most desirable scenario: peaceful unification.
In his presentation, Col. Maxwell determined that it is therefore essential to plan for unification, no matter the scenario. This process would need to consider the integration of Korea’s two economies, two militaries, two cultures, and two political systems.
Understanding the possible paths to unification and the security threats they pose, the logical question is what average citizens can do to support peaceful unification. Firstly, it is important that citizens and the international community advocates for a free and unified Korea and the benefits it would bring, such as peace and prosperity. People are already getting involved in groups like the One Korea Global Campaign and Action for Korea United, which are supported by thousands of organizations and civil society.
Col. Maxwell advocates that an effective influence campaign can help change the regime’s behavior and decision making, or even cause the North Korean people to effect change on their own through the information transmitted to them. He shared how Voice of America and Radio Free Asia are doing their part in disseminating information to North Korea, and that defectors use balloons to send information. He also explained how South Korean dramas are often passed on flash drives and played on video players, where the Koreans in the North can have their eyes opened to the different cultures of not only the South, but of other countries.
Whatever method ordinary citizens choose to support a free and unified Korea, Maxwell believes the support for unification from outside Korea will increase the confidence of the South Korean people to work towards unification.
De Oppresso Liber,
David Maxwell
Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy
Senior Fellow, Foundation for Defense of Democracies
Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation
Editor, Small Wars Journal
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
Phone: 202-573-8647
email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com
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