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Quotes of the Day:
"The struggle itself towards the Heights is enough to fill a man's heart. One must imagine Sisyphus happy."
– AlbertCamus
When plagiarism becomes a way of life for a group in a society, they eventually create a legal system that justifies the act, and a moral system that embellishes it.
– Frederick Bastia
"Everything that needs to be said has already been said. But, since no one was listening, everything must be said again.
– Adre Gide
Note that I am traveling on the West Coast this week so my daily distro will be slightly erratic.
1. The Martial Law Crisis: How Military Disobedience Helped Save South Korea’s Democracy
2. The ‘Trump Doctrine’ and South Korea’s Geopolitical Balancing Act
3. Shipbuilding and theFuture of U.S. Sea Power: The Role of South Korea and Japan in the Rejuvenation of the American Fleet
4. South Korean crypto emerges from failed coup into crackdown season
5. S. Korea, U.S. to hold '2+2' trade consultation of finance, trade ministers this week
6. Industry minister says will put 'consultations before hasty deal' in U.S. tariff talks
7. N. Korea criticizes Trump's easing of U.S. weapons exports
8. Air Force grounds most aircraft after gun pods accidentally drop
9. Former DP leader Lee wins southeastern region's primary for presidential election
10. Incheon airport ranks 3rd in int'l passenger traffic last year
11. Exclusive: South Korea protests China's fixed offshore platform in Yellow Sea
1. The Martial Law Crisis: How Military Disobedience Helped Save South Korea’s Democracy
An important conclusion. We should reflect on this.
Excerpts:
In military training, officers should be exposed to real-world case studies of disciplined disobedience and trained to analyze situations where following an order may conflict with ethical principles or strategic success. Regular war-gaming exercises should include scenarios where soldiers must make difficult judgment calls under pressure.
After-action reviews should assess not only mission success but also the decision-making process. A feedback loop, where lessons from past conflicts inform future decisions, ensures continuous improvement and fosters a culture that values both decisive action and ethical responsibility.
By fostering a culture that values operational integrity and ethical decision-making, militaries can navigate the complexities of modern warfare while maintaining public trust and legitimacy. This approach reinforces the balance between authority and critical thinking, both essential for success.
The martial law incident in South Korea serves as a reminder that flawed orders can come from higher authorities, even in advanced nations. It underscores the critical role of ethical judgment in military operations, emphasizing that operational integrity depends not just on following orders like automatons but also on the moral discernment of individual soldiers.
The Martial Law Crisis: How Military Disobedience Helped Save South Korea’s Democracy
Lower-ranking soldiers, through acts of disobedience, played a crucial role in stopping an undemocratic power grab. That holds lessons that extend beyond South Korea.
https://thediplomat.com/2025/04/the-martial-law-crisis-how-military-disobedience-helped-save-south-koreas-democracy/?utm
By Chan Mo Ku
April 19, 2025
South Korean troops preparing to leave the National Assembly after the vote to end martial law.
Credit: Wikimedia Commons / mujjingun a
The impeachment of South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol was recently upheld by the country’s Constitutional Court. Yoon was impeached following a controversial move in December 2024, when he declared martial law, accusing opposition parties of anti-state activities. The National Assembly quickly overturned the order, pushing Yoon to retract it within hours. The abrupt decision triggered public outrage and a fierce backlash, with critics calling it an abuse of power and a step toward authoritarianism.
The public, along with the opposition parties and some members of the ruling party, criticized that, if successful, his actions would have dismantled South Korea’s democracy and set a dangerous precedent for executive overreach. Yoon allegedly ordered the arrest of key political figures, planning to detain them in a military bunker. Special Forces were deployed to the National Assembly – reportedly to obstruct its authority to revoke martial law – while other units targeted the National Election Commission, an independent institution outside martial law’s jurisdiction, raising further legal concerns.
Now that the impeachment of Yoon has been finally decided, it’s important to revisit the crisis through a military lens. While much has been written about the legality of this chain of events and its implications for East Asian geopolitics, this moment also offers a valuable lesson for the military. Specifically, it highlights why the operation to seize the National Assembly failed – and how lower-ranking soldiers, through acts of disobedience, played a crucial role in stopping an undemocratic power grab. This sheds light on the importance of ethical resistance within the armed forces, with lessons that resonate beyond South Korea.
Revisiting the Day of Operations: A Breakdown in Command
The military’s response to Yoon’s martial law implementation order faced internal dissent and disciplined disobedience, leading to a failure in command execution.
A key example was the failure to synchronize special forces movements. In the United States, official military doctrine emphasizes that simultaneity maintains mission momentum, requiring coordinated execution across domains. However, during the few hours martial law was in effect, poor communication with an air controller led to an act of justified disobedience in the delaying of the entry of special forces helicopters into Seoul’s airspace.
On the day of the martial law declaration, a colonel from the Capital Defense Command repeatedly denied the entry of helicopters carrying martial law troops to Seoul’s airspace, citing a lack of clear mission objectives. The entry was refused three times, delaying the helicopters’ arrival at the National Assembly by over 40 minutes and giving resistance time to organize. This disciplined disobedience from the colonel ultimately disrupted the flawed operation.
U.S. military doctrine also stresses that a commander’s intent must be clearly articulated to subordinates. However, in this operation, orders were vague and lacked specificity. A retired general noted that field commanders received only broad directives like “occupy the National Assembly” without detailed mission orders covering logistics, rules of engagement, or operational guidance. When orders are unclear, field commanders at lower echelons should be able to assess the situation and determine their course of action rather than blindly following commands.
One notable example was a commander of the 1st Airborne Brigade, who, after assessing the situation on the ground, withheld the distribution of live ammunition, keeping it in his possession. He ordered his troops to avoid contact with civilians to prevent potential clashes.
Lessons From the Failed Operation: Disciplined Disobedience
This highlights the necessity for military personnel to critically assess orders, ensuring they align with constitutional principles and ethical standards. While the military thrives on discipline, rigid adherence to orders may not always lead to success. Modern military doctrine, as emphasized by the concept of mission command, recognizes that field officers must exercise judgment in executing orders.
Military officers should swear allegiance to the constitution, not political leaders, ensuring their actions uphold democratic values over partisan political interests. Their duty goes beyond obedience – they must safeguard national interests with moral integrity.
The Nuremberg Trials further solidified this principle by rejecting the “just following orders” defense, holding Nazi officers accountable for war crimes and establishing that military personnel must resist unlawful or unethical commands.
Furthermore, U.S. General Mark Milley’s call for “disciplined disobedience” reflects the increasing need for officers to interpret higher strategic goals rather than blindly execute harmful orders in the future. Future warfare, where conflicts become more decentralized and technologically advanced, will demand leaders to assess situations and act in accordance with constitutional and strategic imperatives.
Building a Culture of Responsible Decision-Making for Future
To foster responsible decision-making within the military, a structured approach needs to be developed that balances obedience with critical thinking.
In military training, officers should be exposed to real-world case studies of disciplined disobedience and trained to analyze situations where following an order may conflict with ethical principles or strategic success. Regular war-gaming exercises should include scenarios where soldiers must make difficult judgment calls under pressure.
After-action reviews should assess not only mission success but also the decision-making process. A feedback loop, where lessons from past conflicts inform future decisions, ensures continuous improvement and fosters a culture that values both decisive action and ethical responsibility.
By fostering a culture that values operational integrity and ethical decision-making, militaries can navigate the complexities of modern warfare while maintaining public trust and legitimacy. This approach reinforces the balance between authority and critical thinking, both essential for success.
The martial law incident in South Korea serves as a reminder that flawed orders can come from higher authorities, even in advanced nations. It underscores the critical role of ethical judgment in military operations, emphasizing that operational integrity depends not just on following orders like automatons but also on the moral discernment of individual soldiers.
Authors
Guest Author
Chan Mo Ku
Chan Mo Ku is a former military officer at the Strategic Planning Directorate of the Republic of Korea–United States Combined Forces Command, and a graduate of Johns Hopkins SAIS. His previous works have been published in The Diplomat, East Asia Forum, and War on the Rocks.
2. The ‘Trump Doctrine’ and South Korea’s Geopolitical Balancing Act
I am sorry to say that Korea is going to have to choose a side (and it really has already done so with the Mutual Defense Treaty). It is folly to believe that China will respect any kind of South Korean "neutrality" during competition and. especially during conflict. South korea should not be hedging but instead should be strengthening all its relationships with free nations and its alliance with the US. It must be able to stand up to China and being part of the silk web of US alliances can give it the strength it needs.
That said, it is understandable that South Korea is cautious given the uncertainty of the new geopolitical relationships of the US.
However, being a geopolitical swing state will be dangerous for South Korea.
The ‘Trump Doctrine’ and South Korea’s Geopolitical Balancing Act
Can South Korea become a geopolitical swing state?
https://thediplomat.com/2025/04/the-trump-doctrine-and-south-koreas-geopolitical-balancing-act/
By Sangpil Jin
April 18, 2025
Credit: Depositphotos
With the return of Donald Trump as the president of the United States, South Korean diplomacy is facing unprecedented headwinds. Given Trump’s penchant for a transactional approach to diplomacy, it’s high time for Seoul to enact a new geopolitical balancing act.
Often criticized as too unconventional by many experts, Trump has adhered to a coherent, realist foreign policy upon close inspection. Take the Trump administration’s final national security strategy report in 2017. The document explicitly stated the U.S. president’s commitment to “principled realism,” casting doubt on the legitimacy of the postwar liberal rules-based order. Instead, according to Robert O’Brien, Trump’s former national security adviser, the U.S. president has championed “peace through strength.”
This leaves South Korea in a severe conundrum: can it become a geopolitical swing state?
At present, the ongoing Sino-U.S. rivalry is pertinent to the country’s well-being. Although there were some signs that South Korean exporters have begun to shift their focus to the United States as their top export market, the recent figures show that China has regained its previous status as the largest export destination for South Korea.
Can South Korea follow other middle powers by pursuing a craftier approach to its foreign policy? As a recent article from the Economist observed, many countries are refusing to take sides with one specific superpower. In other words, Seoul does not need to choose between the U.S. and China.
During the early 2010s, when the Sino-U.S. tensions were less pronounced, Seoul strived to maintain the dual-track approach, “economy with China, security with the United States,” assuming South Korea could maintain close economic ties with Beijing even if Washington remained Seoul’s treaty ally. This policy does not seem effective today, where economics and security are closely connected (witness the U.S. directives to limit foreign companies from selling highly sophisticated semiconductor chips to China). Given such reality, Seoul should adopt a new policy that embeds South Korea on multiple fronts, using China and Russia as strategic assets to reduce U.S. pressure on Seoul and potentially gain more autonomy in its foreign policy decisions.
Beijing has shown a willingness to maintain stable relations with Seoul as uncertainties are rising in the international landscape. South Korea could use China’s goodwill to encourage the Chinese government to play a more constructive role in maintaining a distance from the Russo-North Korean defense cooperation. In a related move, Seoul should be prepared to reinvigorate its previously active commercial ties with Russia. This could be mutually beneficial, as Moscow may crave South Korean capital and technology to revitalize its post-war economy. South Korean policymakers should consider how these revitalized economic ties with Russia could help to curb the growing defense cooperation between Pyongyang and Moscow.
Concurrently, as the South Korean economy seeks to emerge from the current doldrum after the failed martial law by President Yun Suk-yeol, Seoul should reset its ties with Beijing by convening ministerial-level talks to explore the avenues of cooperation in culture, finance, and trade.
Analysts have argued that Seoul is well-positioned to obtain more benefits from Beijing, as Chinese officials would not want South Korea to draw ever closer to the United States. We have already seen both countries trying to work together in e-commerce, the battery sector, semiconductors, and tourism. Simultaneously, South Korea should balance its diplomatic outreach to China with closer economic cooperation with the U.S. by committing to new, targeted investments in the United States’ automotive, energy, and semiconductor sectors.
However, it’s important to note that this economic statecraft strategy may come at a cost, potentially leading to job losses and reduced manufacturing investment within South Korea. As a remedy, Seoul should implement policies to promote domestic manufacturing (smart factories, R&D hubs, and integration of IT and software, to name a few), cultivate new markets in the Global South, cooperate with China and Japan to reinforce the multilateral trade regime and boost domestic consumption through expansion of the social safety net.
South Korea has some powerful tactical tools at its disposal. The country is a reliable defense supplier and a major player in memory chip making and 5G networks. It is also set to play a pivotal role in shipbuilding . South Korea can leverage its diplomatic options by utilizing its distinct economic and security assets (not to mention Seoul’s proven track record in robust commitment to defense spending) to fend off unwanted interventions from Washington.
A recent book by Brookings scholar Melanie Sisson aptly illustrated there is scant evidence that China aspires to be a revisionist power. Such sobering observation should incentivize South Korean policymakers to work with Beijing and Washington to convene a security forum involving all regional stakeholders (China, Japan, the two Koreas, Russia, and the United States). The active participation of South Korea in this forum is not just crucial, but also indispensable, as it will contribute significantly to internationalizing Seoul’s security issues, bringing the geopolitics of the Korean Peninsula to the center stage.
Authors
Guest Author
Sangpil Jin
Sangpil Jin is assistant professor in Korean Studies at the University of Copenhagen. He specializes in modern Korean history, diplomatic history, imperial history, and East Asian politics.
3. Shipbuilding and theFuture of U.S. Sea Power: The Role of South Korea and Japan in the Rejuvenation of the American Fleet
We need a JAROKUS shipbuilding consortium.
Excerpt:
The strategic importance of revitalizing the American shipbuilding industry is clear and urgent. By fostering key partnerships with South Korea and Japan—two of the world’s most advanced shipbuilding nations—the United States can strengthen its commercial and naval capabilities, further ensuring the security of strategic maritime interests. U.S. shipbuilding initiatives, including the establishment of the White House Maritime Industrial Base Office and the introduction of the SHIPS for America Act in both houses of Congress, present a unique opportunity to reinvigorate American shipbuilding while incentivizing essential foreign investment. By ensuring a robust, competitive, and strategically integrated shipbuilding sector, the United States can better position itself to maintain sea control by safeguarding SLOCs and maritime chokepoints, ensure the stability of U.S. trade, and reaffirm its status as a global maritime power. These efforts, with South Korea and Japan playing an essential role—whether through foreign direct investment or MRO contracts—will ultimately help the United States meet both its present and future strategic demands, ensuring a resilient and effective commercial and naval force capable of safeguarding U.S. global strategic interests and restoring American sea power.
Shipbuilding and the Future of U.S. Sea Power: The Role of South Korea and Japan in the Rejuvenation of the American Fleet
The MOC
https://centerformaritimestrategy.org/publications/shipbuilding-and-the-future-of-u-s-sea-power-the-role-of-south-korea-and-japan-in-the-rejuvenation-of-the-american-fleet/
By Julian Guevara
April 17, 2025
Whoever rules the waves rules the world — Alfred Thayer Mahan, The Influence of Sea Power Upon History, 1890
As global geopolitical instability intensifies, the United States’ ability to project sea power and safeguard critical maritime interests faces mounting pressure. The recent focus on revitalizing the American shipbuilding industry in Washington reflects a need to counter China’s dominance in the global maritime industry and the growing power of the People’s Liberation Army Navy. These developments raise significant concerns about the U.S.’s capacity to maintain sea control, especially as China continues to expand its naval capabilities and assert influence over vital global maritime routes.
Long-term capacity to secure sea lines of communication (SLOCs) and maritime chokepoints—alongside the ability to field both competitive commercial and naval fleets—holds significant strategic implications for United States interests in both peace and wartime. The shipbuilding sector plays a pivotal role, not only in projecting military power but also in ensuring economic stability and maintaining global competitiveness. Without a robust domestic shipbuilding industry, the U.S. risks undermining its ability to secure vital strategic objectives, such as securing freedom of navigation and maintaining credible strategic deterrence. Furthermore, reliance on foreign vessels to carry trade exposes the U.S. to the risks of economic exploitation and coercion, potentially compromising both national security and economic prosperity in an increasingly volatile environment.
Despite a significant decline in shipyard output following the end of World War II, the United States produced a robust 5 percent share of the world’s tonnage well into the 1970s. However, in 1981, a dramatic shift occurred in the commercial shipbuilding landscape with the termination of critical subsidies for the construction, operation, and financing of international-trade ships built in U.S. shipyards. These subsidies were part of Titles V, VI, and XI of the Merchant Marine Act of 1920 (also known as the Jones Act), which had long supported the industry. Once removed, the U.S. commercial shipbuilding sector collapsed, leaving a landscape dominated by a single customer: the U.S. government. This decline not only diminished the U.S. commercial shipbuilding capacity but also triggered a long-term erosion of industrial capability that has directly impacted the naval sector. The result is an ill-equipped shipbuilding industry that has struggled to meet both current and future strategic demands. With restrictions on foreign shipyards for the construction of U.S.-flagged vessels imposed by both the Jones Act and 10 U.S.C. § 8679, the United States today finds itself dependent on an inward-looking, globally uncompetitive industry.
To confront these challenges, the United States must leverage its industrial partnerships with key allies while operating under restrictive federal codes. That is, unless the Jones Act and or 10 U.S.C. § 8679 get waived or repealed, in which case subsequent measures must follow to ensure that the domestic shipbuilding industry, still reliant on their provisions, continues to exist. South Korea and Japan, with their advanced and highly competitive shipbuilding sectors, are critical partners in helping the U.S. reestablish a balanced shipbuilding industrial base. Both nations possess the technological expertise, production capacity, and industrial experience necessary to make a significant impact on the revitalization of this crucial industry. Together, South Korea and Japan account for 43.66%of the global shipbuilding market, with 28.28% for South Korea and 15.38% for Japan. By capitalizing on these partnerships, the U.S. can work towards strengthening its maritime industry, with the aim of creating a stable environment essential for revitalizing a competitive domestic sector that meets both current strategic needs and long-term national security objectives.
Former Secretary of the Navy Carlos Del Toro advocated for a new Maritime Statecraft that embraced a “whole-of-government” approach, complemented by foreign investment and strategic partnerships, to restore American maritime dominance. This strategy aimed to strengthen both the commercial and naval sectors of American shipbuilding, emphasizing the need for global partnerships to counter the rising power of the People’s Republic of China. In this context, integrating South Korean and Japanese shipbuilding firms into the American industrial base is crucial for the success of the nation’s maritime resurgence. Although current U.S. law prohibits the construction of naval vessels abroad, the two countries could play critical roles as key partners in the revitalization of U.S. shipbuilding. By boosting both capacity and global competitiveness, South Korea and Japan would not only enhance the U.S.’s ability to maintain sea control but also potentially draw closer to meeting their burden-sharing requirements.
As home to some of the most technologically-advanced and efficient shipyards in the world, the modern South Korean and Japanese shipbuilding industries were built on the principles of large-scale production, workforce integration, and innovation—originally introduced by American industrialist Henry J. Kaiser—and bolstered by government subsidies. The South Korean and Japanese industries adopted this high-efficiency, high-output model and then refined the established principles with remarkable success, allowing them to dominate the global market through industry giants like HD Hyundai Heavy Industries, Hanwha Ocean, Mitsubishi Heavy Industries, Kawasaki Heavy Industries, and Japan Marine United. While the United States may have forgotten the principles set by the Kaiser shipyards, through foreign investment, South Korean and Japanese expertise can help reintroduce large-scale efficiency and dual-use capacity.
This past December, Hanwha Systems and Hanwha Ocean finalized the joint acquisition of Philly Shipyard. Top executive Mike Smith has pledged to restore the shipyard to the level of prominence it had enjoyed in the 1940s. The joint acquisition of the domestic shipyard garnered widespread praise from government officials and defense experts alike. For an industry that has suffered a dramatic decline, reaching the brink of virtual non-existence over the past generation, this investment is a crucial step forward in the revitalization of the American maritime industry. Already operating one of the world’s largest shipyards on Goeje Island, Hanwha Ocean will be able to leverage sophisticated, cutting-edge technology to expand both commercial and naval shipbuilding capacity at Philly Shipyard. Additionally, with Hanwha Systems’ role as the leader in the production of Korean naval systems and proficiency in developing and implementing advanced technologies, there is great potential for the firm to create synergies between the naval and commercial sectors.
Further investment from South Korean and Japanese companies into U.S. shipbuilding depends on the success of Hanwha Philly Shipyard and the government’s ability to effectively incentivize the industry through appropriate measures, such as regulatory reform. HD Hyundai Heavy, which has been hesitant to directly invest in U.S. shipyards in hopes of potential revisions to U.S. shipbuilding codes, may view the success of Hanwha as a signal to proceed with investments in domestic shipyards. Huntington Ingalls and HD Hyundai Heavy have since signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) “to collaborate on accelerating ship production in support of defense and commercial shipbuilding projects” as it further positions itself to be a beneficiary of U.S. industrial revitalization. Since 2000, Philly Shipyard has delivered approximately 50% of all large oceangoing, commercial, Jones Act-compliant vessels. With its history of delivering naval systems and ships, Hanwha will seek to position itself to compete for both commercial and naval contracts. While Hanwha has proven its success in South Korea, cautionary tales regarding foreign investment in the United States shipbuilding industry, such as Singaporean ST Engineering’s experience, highlight the risks involved. It is essential for Washington to provide a robust framework for domestic shipyards that supports long-term foreign investment in the American shipbuilding sector. Strategic measures, such as the SHIPS for America Act, can help establish a healthy investment environment by offering the right incentives and ensuring the regulatory stability needed for sustained growth and cooperation between foreign investors and U.S. shipyards. , can help establish a healthy investment environment by offering the right incentives and ensuring the regulatory stability needed for sustained growth and cooperation between foreign investors and U.S. shipyards.
Outside of direct investments into the domestic shipbuilding industry, South Korea and Japan shipyards offer valuable maintenance, repair, and overhaul (MRO) alternatives that can alleviate the strain on U.S. shipyards, particularly in managing extensive maintenance backlogs impacting naval vessels and auxiliaries. In the past, Mitsubishi Heavy Industries has performed maintenance work on U.S. naval vessels at its Yokohama shipyard, and it could continue to do so through future agreements. Over the past year, Hanwha Ocean and HD Hyundai Heavy have secured Master Ship Repair Agreement (MSRA) certification with the U.S. Navy, with Hanwha Ocean successfully winning bids to provide MRO services for the USNS Wally Schirra and USNS Yukon. HD Hyundai Heavy, which has recently designated 4-5 dock spots for MRO contracts, is set to compete for additional work this year. Additionally, midsized shipbuilder HJ Shipbuilding & Construction has formed a task force, led by former Special Forces Korea Commander Chun In-Bum to secure MRSA licensing. With Arizona Senator Mark Kelly declaring South Korea to be the “strongest partner for the U.S.,” these partnerships would enable the U.S. Navy to maintain fleet readiness while alleviating pressure on domestic shipyards. This collaboration would ensure a more responsive and effective naval presence in the Indo-Pacific region, leading to immediate improvements in regional capacity and enhancing the overall operational strength of the U.S. Navy.
The strategic importance of revitalizing the American shipbuilding industry is clear and urgent. By fostering key partnerships with South Korea and Japan—two of the world’s most advanced shipbuilding nations—the United States can strengthen its commercial and naval capabilities, further ensuring the security of strategic maritime interests. U.S. shipbuilding initiatives, including the establishment of the White House Maritime Industrial Base Office and the introduction of the SHIPS for America Act in both houses of Congress, present a unique opportunity to reinvigorate American shipbuilding while incentivizing essential foreign investment. By ensuring a robust, competitive, and strategically integrated shipbuilding sector, the United States can better position itself to maintain sea control by safeguarding SLOCs and maritime chokepoints, ensure the stability of U.S. trade, and reaffirm its status as a global maritime power. These efforts, with South Korea and Japan playing an essential role—whether through foreign direct investment or MRO contracts—will ultimately help the United States meet both its present and future strategic demands, ensuring a resilient and effective commercial and naval force capable of safeguarding U.S. global strategic interests and restoring American sea power.
Julian Guevara is a student at the University of Washington, Seattle and a Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies IPI Cybersecurity Fellow.
The views expressed in this piece are the sole opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the Center for Maritime Strategy or other institutions listed.
4. South Korean crypto emerges from failed coup into crackdown season
Graphics at the link: https://cointelegraph.com/news/south-korea-crypto-2025-q1-crackdown-season
South Korean crypto emerges from failed coup into crackdown season
A surprise, botched coup kept South Korean regulators busy at the end of 2024, but when the dust settled, financial watchdogs awoke.
https://cointelegraph.com/news/south-korea-crypto-2025-q1-crackdown-season
South Korea kicked off 2025 with political chaos, regulatory heat and a crypto market finally brought to heel — or at least forced to grow up.
The nation closed 2024 in disarray following then-President Yoon Suk Yeol’s botched martial law stunt in December.
In the aftermath, authorities spent the first quarter drawing lines in the sand as financial watchdogs slapped cryptocurrency exchanges with probes and lifted the ban on corporate trading accounts. Meanwhile, crypto adoption hit record highs as trading volume cooled.
Here’s a breakdown of the key developments that shaped South Korea’s crypto sector in Q1 of 2025.
South Korea’s economy limped into 2025 as local currency tanked. Source: Ki Young Ju
South Korean crypto traders given yet another two-year tax exemption
Jan. 1 — Crypto tax postponed
A planned 20% capital gains tax on crypto did not take effect on Jan. 1 after lawmakers agreed to delay it until 2027. This was the third postponement: first from 2022 to 2023, then again to 2025.
Related: Crypto’s debanking problem persists despite new regulations
The latest delay, reached through bipartisan consensus in late 2024, came amid mounting economic uncertainty and political turmoil. Lawmakers cited fears of investor flight to offshore exchanges, challenges in tracking wallet-based profits, and shifting national priorities in the wake of Yoon’s failed martial law stunt and subsequent impeachment.
Jan. 14 — Warning against North Korean crypto hackers
The US, Japan and South Korea published a joint statement on North Korean crypto hacks. Crypto firms were warned to guard against malware and fake IT freelancers. Lazarus Group, the state-sponsored cyber threat group, was named as a prime suspect in some of the top hacks in 2024, such as the $230-million hack on India’s WazirX and the $50-million hack against Upbit, South Korea’s largest crypto exchange.
At least $1.34 billion of crypto stolen in 2024 has been attributed to North Korea. Source: Chainalysis
Jan. 15 — Companies wait on the sidelines for crypto greenlight
South Korea’s Virtual Asset Committee, a crypto policy coordination body under the Financial Services Commission (FSC), held its second meeting. The FSC was widely expected to approve corporate access to trading accounts on local exchanges. Despite popular demand, the FSC held off on making an official decision, citing the need for further review.
Instead, the FSC announced investor protections against price manipulation and stricter stablecoin oversight.
Jan. 16 — First enforcement of crypto market manipulation
South Korean authorities indicted a trader in the first pump-and-dump prosecution under the Virtual Asset User Protection Act, the new crypto law effective from July 2024.
Meanwhile, Upbit received a suspension notice for allegedly violating Know Your Customer (KYC) requirements in over 500,000 instances, prompting regulators to consider a ban on new user registrations.
Jan. 23 — Upbit, Bithumb compensate users after service outages during martial law
Upbit and rival exchange Bithumb announced plans to compensate users following service disruptions triggered by the surprise declaration of nationwide martial law on Dec. 3, 2024. The shocking move caused panic across financial and crypto markets, leading to a surge in traffic that overwhelmed local trading platforms.
Ex-President Yoon took his shot at martial law, which backfired and shaped South Korea’s 2025. Source: Kang Min Seok, Presidential Security Service
South Korean crypto world finally opened to corporations
Feb. 13 — Charities and universities get first dibs on corporate crypto access
The FSC unveiled its long-awaited plan to allow corporate entities to open crypto trading accounts in phases by late 2025. The rollout will require businesses to use “real-name” accounts and comply with KYC and Anti-Money Laundering (AML) regulations. Charities and universities are first in line and will be allowed to sell their crypto donations starting in the first half of the year.
South Korea’s real-name financial transaction system, introduced in 1993, was designed to combat tax evasion and money laundering by requiring all bank accounts to be opened under verified legal names using national IDs.
Related: Market maker deals are quietly killing crypto projects
Crypto trading exploded in 2017, driven in part by anonymous accounts from businesses, foreigners and minors. Financial authorities responded by requiring crypto exchanges to partner with domestic banks and offer fiat services only through verified real-name accounts. To date, only five exchanges have met the requirements.
Since there was no regulatory framework for real-name corporate accounts, this policy effectively shut out both overseas users and domestic companies from trading on South Korean exchanges. The new roadmap aims to fix that by creating a formal structure for institutional participation under tighter compliance standards.
Feb. 21 — Alleged serial fraudster busted again
Police rearrested “Jon Bur Kim,” identified by the surname Park, for allegedly profiting 68 billion won (approximately $48 million) in a crypto scam involving the token Artube (ATT). He allegedly employed false advertising, pump-and-dump tactics and wash trading to manipulate the market.
This wasn’t Park’s first brush with the law. He was previously indicted in a 14-billion-won (around $10 million) token fraud case and was out on bail when he launched ATT.
Park flashes supercars on social media. Source: Jon Bur Kim
Feb. 25 — Upbit operator Dunamu gets slapped
The nation’s Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU) formally notified Dunamu, operator of Upbit, of regulatory action. The sanctions were tied to KYC compliance failures and dealings with unregistered foreign exchanges. The FIU issued a partial business suspension, restricting Upbit from processing new customers’ deposits and withdrawals for three months.
Feb. 27 — Crypto crime force formalized
South Korean prosecutors formally launched the Virtual Asset Crime Joint Investigation Division, following a year and seven months as a temporary operation. As a non-permanent unit from July 2023, the task force indicted 74 individuals, secured 25 arrests, and recovered over 700 billion won (around $490 million) in illicit gains. The 30-person task force includes prosecutors, regulatory staff and specialists.
Feb. 28 — Upbit operator Dunamu files lawsuit to overturn business sanctions
Dunamu said it filed a lawsuit against the FIU to challenge the sanctions imposed on the exchange.
Bitcoin ETF next on checklist for South Korean crypto space
March 5 — Reconsidering Bitcoin ETF ban
The FSC started reviewing legal pathways to allow Bitcoin
BTC
$85,283
spot exchange-traded funds (ETFs), citing Japan’s evolving regulatory approach as a potential model. This marks a notable shift from South Korea’s previous opposition to crypto-based ETFs.The Capital Markets Act does not recognize cryptocurrencies as eligible underlying assets for ETFs. However, in 2024, lobbying efforts from major domestic brokerages intensified amid rising client demand, especially after spot Bitcoin ETFs were approved in the US.
While the review remains in its early stages, regulators are no longer dismissing the possibility outright.
March 21 — Crackdown on unregistered exchanges begins
The FIU compiled a list of illegal foreign exchanges and moved to block access via app stores and ISPs. Additionally, the agency warned of criminal penalties for trading platforms operating without a license.
March 26 — 17 exchange apps blocked (including KuCoin and MEXC)
Google Play removed 17 unlicensed crypto exchange apps in South Korea at the request of regulators. The FIU said it is also working with Apple to block unauthorized crypto platforms.
There are 22 unregistered overseas exchanges on the regulators’ radar, and 17 have been banned from the Google Play store. Source: FSC
March 27 — Upbit scores three-month break
A South Korean court temporarily lifted the Feb. 25 partial business suspension imposed on crypto exchange Upbit by the FIU. The court’s decision allows Upbit to resume serving new users while the case is under review.
South Korean crypto expected to go from crackdown in Q1 to campaign trail in Q2
As March ended, more than 16 million investors — roughly a third of South Korea’s population — held crypto accounts, surpassing the 14.1 million domestic stock traders. But that surge in adoption came as trading activity cooled. Upbit, the country’s dominant exchange, saw volumes fall by 34%, dropping from $561.9 billion in Q4 2024 to $371 billion in Q1 2025, according to CoinGecko.
By mid-April, the crackdown was still gaining steam. Apple followed Google’s lead in removing offshore exchange apps from its store, while prosecutors filed yet another round of market manipulation charges.
South Korea’s crypto industry is now contending with tighter rules, rising institutional expectations and a government no longer content to watch from the sidelines.
All this unfolds ahead of an early presidential election in June, following Yoon’s impeachment. Crypto played a visible role in Yoon’s successful 2022 presidential election campaign and is expected to remain a key issue with voters.
One candidate in the upcoming election, former prosecutor Hong Joon-pyo of the People Power Party, recently pledged to overhaul crypto regulations in line with the pro-industry stance of the Trump administration, local media reported. Despite the pledge, Hong’s understanding of the technology came into question as he admitted to not knowing what a central bank digital currency is.
Magazine: Uni students crypto ‘grooming’ scandal, 67K scammed by fake women: Asia Express
Early cypherpunk Adam Back, cited by Satoshi Nakamoto in the Bitcoin white paper, suggested that quantum computing pressure may reveal whether the blockchain’s pseudonymous creator is alive.
During an interview after a Q&A session at the “Satoshi Spritz” event in Turin on April 18, Back suggested that quantum computing may force Nakamoto to move their Bitcoin
BTC
$85,283
. That’s because, according to Back, Bitcoin holders will be forced to move their assets to newer, quantum-resistant signature-based addresses.Back said that current quantum computers do not pose a credible threat to Bitcoin’s cryptography but will likely threaten it in the future. Back estimated that quantum computers may evolve to that extent in “maybe 20 years.”
Related: Bitcoin’s quantum-resistant hard fork is inevitable — It’s the only chance to fix node incentives
When the threat becomes real, Back said the Bitcoin community will have to choose between deprecating old, vulnerable addresses or letting those funds be stolen:
“If the quantum computers are here, and people at universities and research labs have access, the network has a choice to either let people steal them or to freeze them — to deprecate the signature.“
Back expects the community to go with the former option, forcing Bitcoin’s pseudonymous creator to move their funds if they wish to avoid losing them.
Privacy upgrades could complicate proof
Still, Back said that whether such a situation will reveal if Satoshi Nakamoto is alive also depends on Bitcoin’s future privacy features.
“It depends a bit on the technology, there are some research ideas that could add privacy to Bitcoin,” Back said. “So, possibly there might be a way to fix quantum issues while keeping privacy.“
Related: Lawyer sues US Homeland Dept to probe supposed Satoshi Nakamoto meeting
Still, not everyone is convinced that — privacy enhancements or not — such a scenario would reveal whether Nakamoto was alive. An anonymous early Bitcoin miner and member of the Bitcoin community told Cointelegraph that he does not expect Nakamoto’s coins to be moved:
“Even if he is alive and holds the private keys, I do not think he’d move them. Based on how he acted so far I would rather expect him to let the community to decide.”
He added that, since this is a controversial choice, it makes sense to let the community decide. He said that he’d be surprised if Nakamoto came out of the woodwork to move the assets.
A quantum-resistant Bitcoin
Back explained that most quantum-resistant signature implementations are either unproven in terms of security or very expensive from a data perspective. He cited Lamport signatures as an old and proven design, but pointed out that they weigh tens of kilobytes.
Consequently, he suggested that Bitcoin should be prepared to switch to quantum-resistant signatures but only do so when necessary. He suggested a Bitcoin taproot-based implementation allowing addresses to switch to quantum-resistant signatures when needed.
Magazine: Bitcoin vs. the quantum computer threat: Timeline and solutions (2025–2035)
5. S. Korea, U.S. to hold '2+2' trade consultation of finance, trade ministers this week
(LEAD) S. Korea, U.S. to hold '2+2' trade consultation of finance, trade ministers this week | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Na-young · April 20, 2025
(ATTN: ADDS byline, more background info in last 6 paras, photo)
By Kim Na-young
SEOUL, April 20 (Yonhap) -- South Korea and the United States will hold "two plus two" tariff negotiations in Washington this week, involving the countries' finance and trade ministers, the Seoul government said Sunday.
From Seoul, Finance Minister Choi Sang-mok and Trade Minister Ahn Duk-geun will lead the negotiations, while U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer will be in charge of the U.S. side, according to the government.
The government said the upcoming tariff talks were proposed by Washington and the two sides are discussing details of the schedule and agenda of the meeting.
South Korean Trade Minister Ahn Duk-geun (L) and Finance Minister Choi Sang-mok (Yonhap)
The planned meeting comes after U.S. President Donald Trump imposed "reciprocal" tariffs on its trading partners, including a 25 percent duty for South Korea, earlier this month, and announced a 90-day pause of the new measures to allow negotiations.
Prior to the reciprocal tariffs, the Trump administration began imposing hefty tariffs on all steel, aluminum and automobile imports.
In recent months, South Korea and the U.S. have been holding discussions on a broad range of trade issues, including tariffs, non-tariff barriers and cooperation in energy and shipbuilding sectors.
The upcoming meeting was first planned between Choi and Bessent in line with Choi's visit to the U.S. for the Group of 20 (G20) meeting of finance ministers and central bank governors, but later evolved into a "two plus two" meeting also involving the two sides' trade ministers.
Washington is reportedly prioritizing South Korea, Britain, Australia, India and Japan as top targets for new trade deals.
Last week, the U.S. first held tariff talks with Japan at the White House, with Trump making a surprise attendance in the meeting.
This illustrated image depicts the Donald Trump administration's tariff policies. (Yonhap)
nyway@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Na-young · April 20, 2025
6. Industry minister says will put 'consultations before hasty deal' in U.S. tariff talks
Industry minister says will put 'consultations before hasty deal' in U.S. tariff talks | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Choi Kyong-ae · April 20, 2025
SEOUL, April 20 (Yonhap) -- South Korean Industry Minister Ahn Duk-geun said Sunday he will put priority on consultations instead of making a hasty deal in high-level tariff talks between Seoul and Washington.
In a TV program by Korea Broadcasting System, the minister added a Korean delegation, likely to visit the U.S. this week for tariff negotiations, will take a cautious approach in the upcoming talks.
"We will focus on resolving pending issues reciprocally for mutual benefits as there are things that need to be checked rather than hastily wrapping up a deal," he said.
The minister said the Korean delegation will make utmost efforts to secure an exemption from U.S. tariffs on automobiles and semiconductors, the country's two key export items to the United States.
U.S. President Donald Trump imposed country-specific reciprocal duties on around 60 countries, including 25 percent tariffs for South Korea.
The duties have been suspended for 90 days, allowing the subjected countries, except for China, to engage in negotiations with Washington.
South Korea is among the five preferred nations designated by the U.S. for tariff negotiations. The remaining four are Britain, Australia, Japan and India.
"The Trump government's tariff policies are not over yet. Tariffs are expected to remain major issues throughout his entire second term. Given this, the government needs to continue to have negotiations over tariffs," he said.
As for a possible inclusion of the cost of stationing the U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) in the talks, the minister said the U.S. government has made no such request.
Government agencies in charge of talks on defense cost sharing will respond should the U.S. side make such a request, Ahn added.
Asked about South Korea's potential participation in an envisioned liquefied natural gas (LNG) infrastructure project in Alaska, he said the government will consider participating in the project due to energy security reasons.
But a cautious approach is also needed as the U.S. has not released any detailed development plans, the minister said.
Industry Minister Ahn Duk-geun (Yonhap)
kyongae.choi@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Choi Kyong-ae · April 20, 2025
7. N. Korea criticizes Trump's easing of U.S. weapons exports
(LEAD) N. Korea criticizes Trump's easing of U.S. weapons exports | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Minji · April 20, 2025
(ATTN: UPDATES with English-language statement throughout)
SEOUL, April 20 (Yonhap) -- North Korea on Sunday denounced U.S. President Donald Trump's recent easing of domestic weapons export regulations, calling it a move aimed to "expand wars."
The state-run Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) issued the criticism, citing Trump's April 9 executive order that mandates a review of rules governing U.S. military equipment exports, aimed at facilitating easier overseas sales of defense products.
"For the United States, arms sale is not only merely a money-making space to meet monetary desire but also a major means of supporting the realization of aggressive foreign policy, the hegemony-seeking one," the KCNA claimed.
The North cited the outbreaks of war in Ukraine and the Gaza Strip, accusing Washington of supplying war equipment to its followers since the conflicts began.
It argued that U.S. arms sales have surged in recent years, with most exported military equipment flowing into the hands of "war maniacs" in Europe and the Middle East.
"The U.S. measure to ease arms export regulations precisely means the one to expand wars," the state media outlet said.
The KCNA accused the U.S. of further prolonging and expanding wars while pretending to broker talks and negotiations, adding that the consequences are evident when U.S. lethal means are transferred to "proxy" war forces.
This image from the U.S. Missile Defense Agency shows an interception test involving a U.S. intermediate range ballistic missile in 2023. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
pbr@yna.co.kr
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en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Minji · April 20, 2025
8. Air Force grounds most aircraft after gun pods accidentally drop
Air Force grounds most aircraft after gun pods accidentally drop | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Minji · April 20, 2025
By Lee Minji
SEOUL, April 20 (Yonhap) -- The Air Force has grounded nearly all of its aircraft after a KA-1 light attack aircraft accidentally released two gun pods and empty fuel tanks last week, an official said.
On Friday, the aircraft taking part in nighttime drills over Pyeongchang, about 125 kilometers east of Seoul, jettisoned the parts in a mountainous area. No casualties or property damage have been reported.
In response, the Air Force has decided to impose flight restrictions on all of its aircraft, excluding those that conduct reconnaissance operations or are on emergency standby, until Tuesday morning, according to the Air Force official.
The move is expected to affect the Freedom Flag air exercise, a large-scale combined exercise between South Korea and the United States, under way since Thursday.
This file photo, provided by the defense ministry, shows the KA-1 light attack aircraft. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
The exercise, which is set to run through May 2, involves some 1,100 troops and 90 aircraft from both sides, including South Korea's F-35A, F-15K and KF-16 fighter jets, and the United States' F-16 and F-35 B fighters and MQ-1 and MQ-9 drones.
The exercise is expected to resume Tuesday afternoon.
As part of response measures, Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. Lee Young-su will hold a meeting of commanders on Monday and urge tightened command and inspection to prevent similar accidents.
The Air Force has yet to retrieve the fuel tanks and several of the 500 rounds of 12.7 millimeter live ammunition that dropped Friday.
The accident occurred just about a month after two KF-16 fighter jets mistakenly dropped eight MK-82 bombs outside a training range in Pocheon, some 40 kilometers north of Seoul, during live-fire drills on March 6, injuring 52 people, including 38 civilians.
Both the defense ministry and the Air Force have pointed to pilot errors as the main cause of the accident in interim probes.
The Air Force has launched a committee to determine the exact cause of the latest accident.
mlee@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Minji · April 20, 2025
9. Former DP leader Lee wins southeastern region's primary for presidential election
(LEAD) Former DP leader Lee wins southeastern region's primary for presidential election | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Yi Wonju · April 20, 2025
(ATTN: RECASTS lead; ADDS more info in paras 4, 6, 8)
SEOUL, April 20 (Yonhap) -- Former Democratic Party (DP) leader Lee Jae-myung won the southeastern Gyeongsang region Sunday, cementing his dominant lead in the party's primary for the June 3 presidential election.
Lee, who declared his presidential bid earlier this month and is leading opinion polls for the presidential election, won a whopping 90.81 percent of the total vote in a presidential primary in North and South Gyeongsang provinces, and the cities of Busan, Daegu and Ulsan, according to party officials.
Lee defeated the DP's two other contenders by a large margin -- Kim Kyung-soo, a former South Gyeongsang Province governor, with 5.93 percent and Gyeonggi Province Gov. Kim Dong-yeon with 3.26 percent.
"I believe this means that the party members have high expectations of me," Lee told reporters after the primary's result came out. "I feel a great sense of responsibility."
Lee's landslide victory in the second round of the party primary, following his win in the central Chungcheong region on Saturday, likely sets the stage for him to be selected as the liberal party's presidential candidate.
The accumulated rate of votes from the two regional votes for Lee stands at 89.56 percent, far exceeding that of Kim Kyung-soo's 5.17 percent and Kim Dong-yeon's 5.27 percent.
The DP will hold two more similar regional primaries and pick its presidential candidate on April 27.
The upcoming election is triggered by former President Yoon Suk Yeol's ouster over his short-lived martial law declaration in December. Lee lost the presidential race to Yoon by a thin margin in 2022.
Former Democratic Party leader Lee Jae-myung speaks at a primary for the Gyeongsang region in the southeastern industrial city of Ulsan ahead of the June 3 presidential election on April 20, 2025. (Yonhap)
julesyi@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Yi Wonju · April 20, 2025
10. Incheon airport ranks 3rd in int'l passenger traffic last year
Incheon airport ranks 3rd in int'l passenger traffic last year | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Choi Kyong-ae · April 20, 2025
SEOUL, April 20 (Yonhap) – South Korea's Incheon International Airport ranked third in international passenger traffic last year, its highest ranking since opening in 2001, the airport's operator said Sunday.
The country's main airport, located about 45 kilometers west of Seoul in Incheon, previously ranked seventh in 2023 and fifth in both 2018 and 2019, the Incheon International Airport Corp. (IIAC) said in a press release.
In 2024, a total of 70.67 million passengers used international routes via Incheon Airport, up 26.7 percent from the previous year, the release said, citing data from Airports Council International (ACI).
"Outbound travelers sharply increased during the summer peak season, Thanksgiving, and year-end holidays. Passenger traffic also surged on short-haul routes to Japan and other Asian destinations due to the yen's weakness and the dollar's strength," the IIAC said.
Dubai International Airport and London Heathrow Airport ranked first and second, respectively, with 92.33 million and 79.19 million international passengers, according to ACI data.
The IIAC expects international passenger traffic at Incheon airport to reach between 73 million and 77 million this year, boosted by a record 98 air carriers now offering flights to the hub.
Incheon airport also maintained its third-place ranking in terms of international cargo volume last year.
Its international air cargo traffic rose 7.4 percent on-year to 2.9 million tons, following that of Hong Kong's international airport at 4.9 million tons and Shanghai at 3 million tons, the release added.
This file photo provided by Incheon International Airport Co shows Incheon International Airport in Incheon, about 45 kilometers west of Seoul. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
kyongae.choi@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Choi Kyong-ae · April 20, 2025
11. Exclusive: South Korea protests China's fixed offshore platform in Yellow Sea
Exclusive: South Korea protests China's fixed offshore platform in Yellow Sea
South Korea confirms additional Chinese rig-style structure in Yellow Sea PMZ, protests installation amid expansion
https://www.chosun.com/english/national-en/2025/04/20/7TIYCGXJOVGS3HC3G7Q3UBCTZU/
By Roh Suk-jo,
Kim Mi-geon
Published 2025.04.20. 09:02
China’s offshore structures in the Yellow Sea’s Provisional Measures Zone (PMZ), each over 70 meters wide and 71 meters tall. South Korean lawmakers have condemned the installations as a violation of maritime sovereignty. /Xinhua News Agency, Yonhap News
China is operating a fixed structure resembling an oil drilling platform in the Provisional Measures Zone (PMZ) of the Yellow Sea, South Korean authorities confirmed on Apr. 18. The revelation comes after China drew criticism last year for deploying two large mobile platforms in the same area by May. In addition to the floating facilities, it has now emerged that a fixed, rig-style installation, anchored to the seabed using metal legs, was also constructed.
China has come under scrutiny for operating a fixed structure resembling an oil drilling platform in the Provisional Measures Zone (PMZ) of the Yellow Sea. The photo shows a typical example of an oil drilling platform. /namuwiki
According to sources, China claims the two mobile structures in the PMZ are aquaculture facilities named “Shenlan,” and that the nearby fixed installation was built to manage them. However, the South Korean government is developing countermeasures amid growing concern that Beijing may be pursuing a broader push to expand its maritime footprint in the Yellow Sea—a strategy reminiscent of its actions in the South China Sea, where similar offshore structures were used to extend territorial claims and strengthen control. Foreign Minister Cho Tae-yul reportedly raised objections over the Shenlan facilities and the fixed platform during a bilateral meeting with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi at the end of last month.
Government officials said China installed the Shenlan No. 1 platform in the PMZ in 2018. The fixed structure was reportedly constructed in 2022, approximately 185 kilometers southeast of Qingdao. Believing the structure may be equipped with oil drilling equipment, the South Korean government lodged a protest, arguing that it violates the fisheries agreement between South Korea and China. China initially halted its activities but later resumed operations, reportedly expanding and modifying the facility. The Shenlan No. 2 platform is believed to have been added around May of last year.
The fixed structure is estimated to measure 100 meters in width, 80 meters in length, and 50 meters in height. One side is reportedly equipped with a helipad. A government intelligence source noted that the facility appears to use retractable steel legs similar to those found on jack-up rigs, allowing the barge-shaped platform to be raised above the water while anchoring the legs to the seabed. South Korea is expected to hold director-general-level talks with Chinese diplomatic officials as early as next week to address the issue.
China
De Oppresso Liber,
David Maxwell
Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy
Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation
Editor, Small Wars Journal
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
Phone: 202-573-8647
email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com
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