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The Future of Social Media Is a Lot Less Social
Quotes of the Day:
"Progress is impossible without change, and those who cannot change their minds cannot change anything."
- George Bernard Shaw
"To study is not to consume ideas, but to create and recreate them."
- Paulo Freire
“Most people are not even aware of their need to conform. They live under the illusion that they follow their own ideas and inclinations, that they are individualists, that they have arrived at their opinions as the result of their own thinking – and that it just happens that their ideas are the same as those of the majority.”
- Erich Fromm
1. About 56 pct of people support developing nuclear weapons to counter N. Korea's threats
2. About 60 pct of young people say unification with N. Korea unnecessary
3. North Korea wants to turn the Pacific into a firing range. The South is playing just as hard
4. Yoon to award highest military order to 3 Korean War veterans during U.S. visit
5. Upgraded veterans ministry to come into being in June
6. Yoon's diplomacy becomes test bed for ‘new Cold War’
7. Rules changing as Korea-U.S. alliance turns 70
8. S. Korean envoy stresses need for peace in Taiwan Strait in phone talks with Chinese vice FM
9. South Korea saved itself from Indo-Pacific isolation: Victor Cha
10. Strengthening deterrence against NK threats to top agenda at Yoon-Biden summit
11. Critical US visit (ROK)
12. South Korea: A pushover no more
13. Yoon joined by chaebol leaders on US trip amid concerns of protectionism
14. China continues to pounce on Yoon’s Taiwan remarks ahead of S.Korea-US summit
15. Edward Lee chosen as guest chef for White House state dinner
16. America and South Korea: Here’s to the Next Seventy Years
1. About 56 pct of people support developing nuclear weapons to counter N. Korea's threats
I would ask those 56 percent how they think South Korea's nuclear weapons will counter the north's?
But as I have written, I think we have to respect the fact that this is am indication that the Korean people want to defend themselves.
About 56 pct of people support developing nuclear weapons to counter N. Korea's threats | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by 김덕현 · April 23, 2023
SEOUL, April 23 (Yonhap) -- About 56 percent of South Koreans support developing nuclear weapons to counter North Korea's escalating nuclear threats, a survey showed Sunday.
The survey of 1,008 adults, conducted by pollster Realmeter last week, found that 56.5 percent of respondents say they support building own nuclear weapons and the issue needs to be discussed at an upcoming summit between President Yoon Suk Yeol and U.S. President Joe Biden.
In contrast, 40.8 percent said they oppose developing nuclear weapons.
When asked why they support developing nuclear weapons, 45.2 percent replied Seoul should "confront" North Korea's nuclear threats.
Asked for a reason for opposing nuclear armament, 44.2 percent said it would prompt South Korea to suffer from global sanctions if Seoul pursues homegrown nuclear weapons.
Yoon is set to depart for the U.S. on Monday for a six-day state visit marking the 70th anniversary of the two countries' alliance, with North Korea's nuclear and missile threats high on the agenda.
The survey has a margin of error of plus or minus 3.1 percentage points at a 95 percent confidence level.
kdh@yna.co.kr
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en.yna.co.kr · by 김덕현 · April 23, 2023aaaa
2. About 60 pct of young people say unification with N. Korea unnecessary
Unnecessary for what?
But this should not be a surprise nor should people panic and say we cannot pursue a free and unified Korea.
A question is do those 60 percent think that unification should be prevented? Unification is likely to occur in 3 out o4 conditions: peacefully with the abdication Kim Jong Un when he realizes his rule is untenable; following war, following regime collapse, or foloiwngthe forced ouster of KJU and the emergence of new leadership If any of those four conditions occur these 60 percent think that unification should be blocked?
We should not overreact to these surveys.
Bottom Line: The only way we are going to see an end to the nuclear program and military threats as well as the human rights abuses and crimes against humanity being committed against the Korean people living in the north by the mafia-like crime family cult known as the Kim family regime is through achievement of unification and the establishment of a free and unified Korea that is secure and stable, non-nuclear, economically vibrant, and unified under a liberal constitutional form of government based on individual liberty, rule of law, and human rights as determined by the Korean people. A free and unified Korea or in short, a United Republic of Korea (UROK).
About 60 pct of young people say unification with N. Korea unnecessary | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by 김덕현 · April 23, 2023
SEOUL, April 23 (Yonhap) -- About 60 percent of South Koreans in their 20s and 30s said unification with North Korea is not necessary, a survey showed Sunday, amid a prolonged impasse in inter-Korean relations and denuclearization talks.
The survey, commissioned by a civic media group called Barun Media Citizen Action, found that 61 percent of people in their 20s and 30s say Korean reunification is "not absolutely necessary."
In comparison, 24 percent of them say unification with North Korea is "absolutely necessary."
North Korea has ramped up tensions by carrying out a flurry of weapons tests, including a recent launch of what it claimed to be a solid-fuel Hwasong-18 intercontinental ballistic missile.
According to the survey of 1,001 people, 91 percent of them have unfavorable views of China and 88 percent have unfavorable views of North Korea.
In contrast, 67 percent have favorable views of the United States and 63 percent have favorable views of Japan.
The poll, conducted by pollster KOPRA from April 13-18, had a margin of error of plus or minus 3.1 percentage points.
This file photo, taken March 13, 2023, shows the Kaesong Industrial Complex, a joint industrial park in the North's border city of Kaesong. (Yonhap)
kdh@yna.co.kr
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en.yna.co.kr · by 김덕현 · April 23, 2023
3. North Korea wants to turn the Pacific into a firing range. The South is playing just as hard
Photos and graphics at the link: https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-04-23/south-korea-readies-itself-for-north-threat-or-china-escalation/102230880?utm_source=abc_news_web&utm_medium=content_shared&utm_campaign=abc_news_web
North Korea wants to turn the Pacific into a firing range. The South is playing just as hard
ABC.net.au · by North Asia correspondent James Oaten and Yumi Asada in Pohang, South Korea · April 22, 2023
As the amphibious assault vehicles storm towards the beach, smoke grenades are fired to provide cover.
In this scenario, the South Korean Marines are about to land in enemy territory. They need all the protection they can get.
After making landfall, the soldiers storm out of the 23-tonne assault vehicles and secure the area.
South Korean Marines run onto the beach to take their positions for the drill.(ABC News: Yumi Asada)
Their backup, the United States Marines, arrive soon after on a much larger hovercraft known as a landing craft air cushion, packed with additional vehicles, weapons, and supplies.
Just out of sight are some 30 warships and 70 aircraft, including fighter jets and Apache attack helicopters.
The US Marines hovercraft known as Landing Craft Air Cushion brought additional vehicles, weapons and supplies to shore.(ABC News: Yumi Asada)
US Marines played back-up for the South Koreans during the recent drill.(ABC News: Yumi Asada)
The US and South Korean Marines argue the joint exercise is simply business as usual.(ABC News: Yumi Asada)
March to April is the season of war games on the Korean peninsula and this drill, known as Exercise Ssang Yong or "Twin Dragons", is one of the largest.
It's also one of the more controversial, seen by North Korea as an invasion rehearsal.
It was, after all, a US-led amphibious assault in 1950 that turned the tide of the Korean War, saving South Korea from defeat and securing its very existence.
Joonhee's grandparents fled the Korean war but never really spoke of their tragic experiences. Decades later, she is playing a major role in helping recover the bodies of the men who died.
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But the US and South Korea argue their joint training is simply business as usual.
"This is a routine exercise," Captain Kevin Buss, from the US Marines, told reporters on the beach.
"It's defensive in nature. It's just contributing to the combined defence of the Korean peninsula."
Tensions on the Korean peninsula have been escalating over the past 18 months, with North Korea firing more than 100 missiles of varying capabilities — a record for the regime.
However, it's not the number of missiles that worries experts, but rather the regime's expanding capability.
In recent weeks, Pyongyang claimed to have successfully test-fired its first submarine-launched cruise missile, an underwater drone capable of carrying a nuclear warhead, and its "most powerful" intercontinental ballistic missile.
The Hwasong-18, launched last week, is a "solid-fuel" ICBM, which can be moved more easily and fired much quicker than liquid-fuel ones.
North Korea tested a new solid-fuel intercontinental ballistic missile, Hwasong-18, at an undisclosed location on April 14. (Reuters: KCNA)
North Korea has at least 30 nuclear warheads at the ready, according to the latest report from the Federation of American Scientists.
It's understood these can effectively hit targets within 500 kilometres, but North Korea is fine-tuning the technology to strike targets thousands of kilometres away, including the United States or Australia.
North Korea has threatened Australia with "disaster" —but could its missiles reach our shores?
Read more
"To the layman, it looks like, 'Oh, North Korea has fired another missile,'" retired South Korean Lieutenant General Chun In-bum said.
"Well, it's different. The type of missiles is different, the range is different.
"The only thing we can say for certain is it's improving day by day. And only God knows where these weapons systems will end up."
The beach landing drill marked a return of large-scale bilateral war games on the Korean peninsula, which had been pushed aside to allow diplomacy with the North in 2019, then later, because of the COVID-19 pandemic.
It is the first time these large-scale joint exercises have taken place since before the pandemic.(ABC News: Yumi Asada)
North Korean leader Kim Jong Un and then-US-president Donald Trump famously met at the demilitarised zone, but failed to produce an agreement after three meetings.
The suspension of field exercises that year meant some "basics" had to be relearned, but the commander of the 13th Marine Expeditionary Unit, Colonel Samuel Meyer, denied a loss of "readiness".
"I don't think we've lost some of our edge. We're just sharpening that again," he said.
The exercises also come as South Korea and the United States marked 70 years of their alliance, a pact that has helped deter North Korea.
"We're here to show how we are capable with our allies," Colonel Meyer said.
"We support stability in the region."
The exercises also mark 70 years of the United States-South Korea alliance. (ABC News: Yumi Asada)
For South Koreans, there are bigger threats on the horizon
Residents in South Korea's capital have had to endure North Korea's threatening behaviour for decades.
It's only a short drive from Seoul to the border, and the city has about 1,000 artillery systems pointed directly at it.
An attack on the capital would be catastrophic, with around two-thirds of the country's wealth contained in the greater Seoul metropolitan region.
But for many residents, the latest posturing from Pyongyang is not a big concern.
The capital city accounts for almost two-thirds of South Korea's wealth.(ABC News: Mitch Denman Woolnough)
"This is what North Korea has always done," one resident said.
"We don't worry much because we believe in our country and our friendship with the United States."
Kim Hyun-tak runs a small business selling outdoor equipment and emergency supplies.
When tensions have escalated in the past, he has noticed a spike in sales. But in recent months, sales are down.
"The economy isn't good at the moment," he said.
"Cost of living is the real problem, rather than the North Korean nuclear threat."
Kim Hyun-tak says most people in Seoul are not focused on the military threat.(ABC News: James Oaten)
But the North Korean threat is being taken seriously at the highest levels of government.
So much so, South Korea is trying to resolve historical disputes with its former coloniser, Japan, to unite against a common enemy.
North Korea's language has also become more threatening, with Kim Jong Un's sister Kim Yo Jong recently warning of "swift and overwhelming" military action against South Korea and the US.
But retired South Korean Lieutenant General Chun In-bum says a sudden attack from the North is unlikely, despite its threatening language.
"North Korea is smart enough to know if they use nuclear weapons, it'll be the end of them, for now," he said.
"They are not crazy. They have a goal … which is regime survival."
So, where is this all heading?
North Korea is desperate to be recognised as a global nuclear power, something the West is refusing to do.
In response to comments from G7 leaders this week condemning the recent tests, Foreign Minister Choe Son Hui described North Korea's status as a "world-class" nuclear power "final and irreversible".
Pyongyang wants sanctions against it to be lifted, and dreams of a "final victory" where it conquers South Korea and reunifies the peninsula.
And while that may be a pipe dream, Lieutenant General Chun says North Korea represents a destabilising force not just on the Korean peninsula, but for the entire world.
The country was already selling conventional weapons to other rogue regimes, such as Myanmar, Iran, and Russia, he said.
"It only goes to common sense they will probably proliferate their technologies and knowledge of nuclear systems," Lieutenant General Chun said.
A more powerful Pyongyang also amplifies tensions in the Indo-Pacific, which have been elevated due to Russia's invasion of Ukraine and China's assertive actions in the region.
During routine military exercises on the island of Hokkaido, Japanese and US forces brought out a very expensive missile with iconic status on the battlefields of Ukraine.
Read more
Chinese spy ships often tail the United States Navy in the region, but at the recent Ssang Yong exercises, a Russian "shadow" was also sailing about 15 nautical miles away.
"All interactions were routine and professional. We're sailing as normal," Navy Captain Tony Chavez said.
But China's military build-up in the East and South China Seas, along with threats to invade the self-ruled island of Taiwan, have fuelled concern a conflict is brewing.
China conducted huge military exercises around Taiwan this month after President Tsai Ing-wen met with US House Speaker Kevin McCarthy in Washington.
It followed similar exercises carried out last year after Ms Tsai hosted former speaker Nancy Pelosi.
If war did break out on the Taiwan Strait, there are growing expectations the United States and its allies would be drawn in to defend the island.
It's a war the two Koreas would unlikely be able to sit out on, Lieutenant General Chun said.
"I think regardless of North Korean or South Korean wishes to try to be neutral in that situation, I think yes, we would be drawn into such a conflict."
If war were to break out over Taiwan, many believe South Korea would have no choice but to get involved.(ABC News: Yumi Asada)
ABC.net.au · by North Asia correspondent James Oaten and Yumi Asada in Pohang, South Korea · April 22, 2023
4. Yoon to award highest military order to 3 Korean War veterans during U.S. visit
I am sorry to miss this event as I am in Korea this week for the Asan Plenum. Korea continues to honor our veterans and veterans from all countries who help to keep Korea free.
Excerpt:
During the visit, Yoon plans to hold a luncheon event with 300 key figures from South Korea and the U.S., and award the Taegeuk Order of Military Merit to three American servicemen who fought for South Korea in the 1950-53 Korean War, the presidential office said in a press release.
Yoon to award highest military order to 3 Korean War veterans during U.S. visit | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by 박보람 · April 23, 2023
SEOUL, April 23 (Yonhap) -- President Yoon Suk Yeol plans to award South Korea's highest military order to three Korean War veterans from the U.S. during his state visit next week, the presidential office here said Sunday.
Yoon is set to depart for Washington on Monday for a six-day state visit marking the 70th anniversary of the two countries' alliance.
During the visit, Yoon plans to hold a luncheon event with 300 key figures from South Korea and the U.S., and award the Taegeuk Order of Military Merit to three American servicemen who fought for South Korea in the 1950-53 Korean War, the presidential office said in a press release.
It will mark the first time a South Korean president bestows a military order outside of the country.
The three awardees are retired Army Col. Ralph Puckett, retired Navy Capt. Elmer Royce Williams and Baldomero Lopez, a late first lieutenant who served in the Marine Corps. A nephew will attend the awarding ceremony on behalf of the late Lopez.
Puckett led the Eighth Army Ranger Company through the battle for Hill 205 on November 25, 1950, while Williams is known for his solo dogfight with seven Soviet pilots in November 1952. Lopez heroically smothered a hand grenade with his own body during the Incheon Landing on Sept. 15, 1950, and saved his subordinates' lives.
Yoon plans to commemorate the sacrifices of Korean War veterans and underline the meaning of the Korea-U.S. alliance during the luncheon.
A grandson of Gen. James Alward Van Fleet, commander of the U.S. 8th Army from 1951-53, and the eldest daughter of Gen. Paik Sun-yup, commander of the Korean Army's 1st Division and a Korean War hero, will also join the event as invited guests.
In this file photo, President Yoon Suk Yeol gives a speech at the Daejeon National Cemetery on March 24, 2023. (Yonhap)
pbr@yna.co.kr
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en.yna.co.kr · by 박보람 · April 23, 2023
5. Upgraded veterans ministry to come into being in June
Upgraded veterans ministry to come into being in June | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by 박보람 · April 23, 2023
SEOUL, April 23 (Yonhap) -- The new veterans ministry, being upgraded from its current sub-ministry status, will formally come into being in June, officials said Sunday.
Last month, President Yoon Suk Yeol signed a bill promulgating a revision to the Government Organization Act under which the Ministry of Patriots and Veterans Affairs will be upgraded from the current sub-ministry level to full-fledged ministry status and a new sub-ministry-level agency will be created under the oversight of the foreign minister to support 7.5 million Koreans residing overseas.
The ministry put up a public notice Friday of the revised government organization act that will go into force June 5, the government officials said.
With the upgrade, the workforce of the ministry will be increased to 337 from the current 311, while its current five divisions will be expanded and diversified into 29 divisions, the officials said.
The Ministry of Patriots and Veterans Affairs (Yonhap)
pbr@yna.co.kr
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en.yna.co.kr · by 박보람 · April 23, 2023
6. Yoon's diplomacy becomes test bed for ‘new Cold War’
Yoon's diplomacy becomes test bed for ‘new Cold War’
donga.com
Posted April. 22, 2023 08:10,
Updated April. 22, 2023 08:10
Yoon's diplomacy becomes test bed for ‘new Cold War’. April. 22, 2023 08:10. by Jin-Woo Shin, Kyu-Jin Shin niceshin@donga.com,newjin@donga.com.
Ahead of the ROK-US summit on Wednesday (local time), relations between the Yoon Suk Yeol administration and North Korea-China-Russia are rapidly freezing. There are observations that North Korea, which announced the completion of military reconnaissance satellite No. 1, will increase the level of provocation before and after President Yoon's state visit to the United States. Targeting President Yoon's Taiwan-related remarks, China asserted, "Those who play with fire will surely burn to death." Russia is blatantly raising its threat level in the wake of President Yoon's remarks expressing possible arms support to Ukraine.
It is regarded that South Korea has also become involved in earnest in the new Cold War trend, which has become aggravated with the U.S.-China conflict and intensified due to the war in Ukraine. In the midst of this, Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida sent an offering on Friday to the Yasukuni Shrine, where Class A war criminals of the Pacific War are enshrined. This means that obstacles are lurking everywhere, even in South Korea-Japan relations, which President Yoon has worked hard on. “The Yoon Suk Yeol administration, which is about to mark its first year in office, is facing a real test of diplomacy,” a high-ranking government official said in a phone call with The Dong-A Ilbo.
North Korea is intensifying its provocations by taking advantage of the rhetoric of the new Cold War. On last Thursday, the “Hwasong-18” ICBM using solid fuel was launched, and a day later, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un threatened South Korea and the U.S. with “a lethal and offensive countermeasure, causing them to suffer from extreme anxiety and fear.” On Tuesday, he even asserted that the military reconnaissance satellite would be launched within the planned schedule.
Tensions are also ratcheting up over remarks on arms support for Ukraine. “It is true that the possibility of Russian retaliation has increased," a government source said. "We are keeping a close eye on major regions out of concern for damages to Koreans residing in Russia.”
한국어
donga.com
7. Rules changing as Korea-U.S. alliance turns 70
Key topics in this article:
Partnership as relevant as ever, but can’t be taken for granted
Hurdles faced by the alliance
The forging of an alliance
Transition to a global partnership
Future direction of the alliance
Sunday
April 23, 2023
dictionary + A - A
Rules changing as Korea-U.S. alliance turns 70
https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/2023/04/23/national/diplomacy/KoreaUS-alliance-70th-anniversary-United-States/20230423190135317.html
Korean and U.S. Air Force pilots conduct a joint drill at Osan Air Base in Pyeongtaek, Gyeonggi, last month. Seen in the backdrop is an A-10 subsonic attack aircraft. [KOREAN AIR FORCE]
Partnership as relevant as ever, but can’t be taken for granted
Alliance at year 70: First in a four-part series
In light of the shifting geopolitical situation and growing risk factors in the region, the alliance between South Korea and the United States has transformed and evolved over the past 70 years. The Korea-U.S. alliance now stands at a crossroads as it marks its 70th anniversary and the relationship advances into a more global and comprehensive partnership. In a four-part series, the Korea JoongAng Daily will examine the various challenges faced by the allies in terms of diplomatic, security, economic and people-to-people cooperation and discuss possible ways forward. – Ed.
The South Korea-U.S. alliance — often described as one of the most successful of its kind — has faced, and overcome, many trials and tribulations over the past seven decades.
Since coming into office, Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol placed relations with the United States as a top priority in a shift away from the previous administration, which sought a more balanced approach with China.
During their first summit in Seoul on May 21, Yoon and U.S. President Joe Biden agreed to upgrade bilateral relations to a "global comprehensive strategic alliance.”
The two sides agreed to further broaden the traditional security alliance, dating back to their 1953 Mutual Defense Treaty, to encompass economic and technological cooperation.
In the face of a growing geopolitical divide reminiscent of the Cold War era, Seoul and Washington celebrate the 70th anniversary of their alliance this year, highlighted by Yoon’s state visit to the United States this week.
But is the relationship really “ironclad” today, as both sides say it is?
“The alliance remains as relevant today as it was in the 1950s,” said Bruce Klingner, senior research fellow for Northeast Asia at The Heritage Foundation's Asian Studies Center and former CIA deputy division chief for Korea. “Since its inception, the alliance has both enjoyed smooth sailing and suffered through squalls brought on by the actions of one country or the other. But the alliance endured because it was in the strategic interests of both countries to maintain their ties.”
Experts point out that while the alliance isn’t going away anytime soon, gone are the days that it can be taken for granted.
Leading scholars on alliance affairs in Korea and the United States weighed in that while Seoul-Washington security ties are enduring on the surface, they can be more fragile than it appears, taking into consideration the evolving geopolitical situation, the intensifying U.S.-China strategic competition and growing North Korea threats, in addition to domestic political factors.
South Korea can no longer expect the United States to unconditionally step in — whether it comes to extended deterrence, maintaining the full force of U.S. troops on the peninsula or economic security matters.
Instead, the alliance is evolving into a more nuanced relationship, one where reciprocity is needed in order to become more balanced partners on the global stage.
“There is much to celebrate as the Republic of Korea (ROK) and U.S. governments transform their Cold War alliance into a future-oriented ‘global comprehensive strategic alliance,’” said Andrew Yeo, senior fellow and the SK-Korea Foundation Chair at the Brookings Institution’s Center for East Asia Policy Studies and professor of politics at The Catholic University of America, “but it also brings some challenges and likely some growing pains.”
President Yoon Suk Yeol, right, looks at U.S. President Joe Biden at a joint press conference after their first bilateral summit at the presidential office in Yongsan, central Seoul, on May 21, 2022. [JOINT PRESS CORPS]
Hurdles faced by the alliance
Despite the two allies’ “seamless” military alliance, Koreans face fears of abandonment by the United States amid the shifting geopolitical situation and the growing unpredictability of North Korea’s nuclear and missile threats.
Such persistent distrust and anxieties were further fueled by former U.S. President Donald Trump’s multiple threats to pull or reduce U.S. troops in allied countries and withdraw the American nuclear umbrella over the region, causing Koreans to become increasingly anxious that the alliance may not be as infallible as they once believed.
The Yoon administration, from its onset in May last year, stressed that the Korea-U.S. alliance is back and stronger than ever.
Biden also has emphasized that the United States will be prioritizing its allies again, in an apparent turnaround from the “America First” rhetoric of the Trump administration.
But Seoul’s woes continued with the Biden administration’s Inflation Reduction Act and CHIPS and Science Act, which are concerning to Korean automakers and chipmakers.
Recently, leaked classified Pentagon documents indicated that U.S. intelligence authorities may have been spying on allied countries, including Korean presidential aides’ internal deliberations on supplying military aid to Ukraine in the war with Russia.
Some of these issues are expected to be tackled in Yoon’s bilateral summit with Biden in Washington on April 26, the first such state visit in 12 years.
The state visit is primarily to mark the 70th anniversary of the alliance but could be an occasion to discuss aligning the two countries’ Indo-Pacific strategies, coordinating North Korea policy and addressing cooperation for economic security and supply chain stability.
It comes as the United States has been making it clear that it wants its allies to pick sides amid the intensifying strategic competition which seems to pit U.S.-led democracies against rising authoritarian rule. The division comes amid the growing U.S.-China rivalry, Russia’s war with Ukraine and North Korea’s escalated missile and nuclear pursuits.
Experts point out that Seoul could do more to stick up for the Indo-Pacific region out of its own volition, rather than only when Washington prods at its back.
“When the principles, values and sovereignty of Indo-Pacific nations are under attack, one would hope South Korea would, on its own, implement measures to defend them rather than depicting them as ‘U.S. demands for anti-China coalitions,’” said Klingner. “Other nations, such as Japan and Australia, have been far bolder than South Korea in calling out China for its transgressions against its neighbors and domestic human rights violations.”
Similarly, he noted South Korea “lagged behind other nations” in its initial response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine last year.
Victor Cha, senior vice president for Asia and Korea Chair at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, pointed out that South Korea has until recently shied away from U.S.-led groupings meant to strengthen solidarity in the Indo-Pacific region that might “offend” China.
“It was an appeasement policy to China in order to enable an engagement policy with North Korea that had the effect of isolating South Korea among the democracies in Asia,” said Cha.
“It has now become impossible to strike a balance between the United States and China,” said Prof. Kim Hyun-wook, director-general of the Department of American Studies at the Korea National Diplomatic Academy (KDNA). “The United States has now become a country busy taking care of its own interests, that has to promote ‘America first.’ In the past, even if Korea raised complaints against the United States, it was always steadfast as an ally, but we are not dealing with that United States anymore.”
He warned that Seoul has been relegated to a “second-tier ally” during its period of hesitance, positioning itself between Beijing and Washington over the past several Korean administrations.
Kim said now is the time for Korea to “make a choice” between the United States and China.
“When it comes to the Korea-U.S. alliance, we still have this image in our minds that the United States will protect us and provides us with security, and forever be our ally no matter what,” Kim said. “It’s now time to change that perception of being a patron ally.”
He said Koreans “need to slightly lower our expectations of the United States,” and stop reminiscing of the days of America’s enormous economic power during the past Cold War era, with its unlimited capacity to provide military and economic support to Europe and Asia.
“The United States has become such a country that we have to negotiate and compromise with,” Kim said. “We need to examine what our core and vital interests are, as well as the interests of the United States, and find a process in which we can compromise and share them, because a unilateral alliance where we do things just because the United States tells us to won’t last very long.”
With a similar message, Yoon in a Cabinet meeting on April 18 said that the Korea-U.S. alliance "is not a relationship swayed by interests, but one based on the universal values of a liberal democracy and market economy.”
He stressed that the two countries “are a resilient value-based alliance that can fully adjust even if there is a conflict of interest or a problem arises,” in reference to the U.S. wiretapping allegations.
Korean President Syngman Rhee, center, watches Foreign Minister Byun Young-tae, front row left, and U.S. Secretary of State John Dulles, front row right, sign a provisional mutual defense treaty on Aug. 8, 1953 in Seoul. [JOONGANG PHOTO]
The forging of an alliance
Last year, the two allies marked the 140th anniversary of diplomatic ties, dating back to the signing of the the 1882 Treaty of Peace, Amity, Commerce, and Navigation between the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910) and the United States.
But the alliance between Seoul and Washington took shape in the modern sense with the arrival of U.S. troops in Korea after World War II and the U.S. military's participation in the three-year Korean War, which ended with an armistice agreement on July 27, 1953.
The United States sent 1.79 million troops, the largest number among those nations participating in the war through the UN Command, and 37,000 American soldiers were killed.
On Oct. 1, 1953, the Korea-U.S. Mutual Defense Treaty was signed in Washington, establishing an official military alliance. Through the treaty, which entered into force on Nov. 18, 1954, the two countries could jointly defend against external armed attacks, and the United States stationed its troops in South Korea in its defense.
It was the fourth security pact negotiated by the United States with an Asia-Pacific nation — after Australia, New Zealand, the Philippines and Japan.
Seoul and Washington in the treaty recognized their “common determination to defend themselves against external armed attack so that no potential aggressor could be under the illusion that either of them stands alone in the Pacific area.”
They called to strengthen their efforts for “collective defense for the preservation of peace and security.
“South Korea, like any country reliant on another for a portion of its security, will be nervous about the commitment of its ally,” Klingner said. “But the allies have remained shoulder to shoulder for 70 years, not only out of tradition and honor, but out of necessity. The North Korean threat remains today, with even greater weapons of devastation.”
Korea has come a long way from its days as a war-torn country completely dependent on the United States for defense, through its rapid economic development and political transition from authoritarianism to democracy.
Despite hitting rough patches along the way, including a surge in anti-American sentiment after a U.S. Army vehicle hit and killed two Korean middle school girls in 2002 and massive protests over a bilateral free trade agreement (FTA) signed in 2007, the two countries have emerged as mutually beneficial partners sharing similar values and interests.
In 2009, the two countries upgraded their relations to a “comprehensive strategic alliance” of bilateral, regional and global scope.
The FTA took effect in 2012 and has served beyond a basic framework for economic cooperation and a symbol of expanding bilateral trade.
“No alliance of the United States has transformed more in the modern era than that with Korea,” Cha said. “Korea went from being one of the poorest countries in the world to an OECD Development Assistance Committee [DAC] country within one generation.”
“The establishment of United States Forces Korea [USFK], in its Combined Forces Command format, means that the integration of the U.S. and ROK military is extremely tight, arguably the tightest in the world, between two alliance partners,” said Mason Richey, associate professor of international politics at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies. “There are no two major militaries as closely interoperable as the U.S. and South Korean militaries. And that was not always the case.”
Today, South Korea is sixth strongest military and the 10th largest economy in the world.
And the alliance is just as important, if not more so, than it was 70 years ago, not only for the defense of South Korea but for international solidarity. Seoul has leveraged its global standing, with a series of invitations to multilateral forums such as the NATO summit in Spain in June last year and the upcoming G7 summit in Hiroshima next month.
Korea’s soft power has grown as well, especially with its cultural and social influence through K-pop and entertainment content.
“Korea, although still a junior partner in the alliance, is much more capable than before, and the gap to the power with the United States is smaller than in previous generations,” said Richey. “So the two alliance partners have become more equal […] and Korea has become a much more meaningful partner to the United States because of its soft power growth and economic growth.”
Transition to a global partnership
In a joint statement last May, Yoon and Biden announced the upgrading of Korea-U.S. relations to a global comprehensive strategic alliance “firmly rooted in the shared values of promoting democracy and the rules-based international order, fighting corruption, and advancing human rights.”
They broadened coordination in military and security affairs to shared values and economic and technological cooperation, especially in light of the transformation of the international trade order and the disruption of global supply chains.
“The U.S.-South Korea alliance was intended to deter North Korea and defend South Korea from another invasion,” said Brookings Institution’s Yeo. “Since then, the alliance has expanded in function and scope over the past 70 years,” covering a broad range of traditional and non-traditional security issues including extended deterrence, missile defense, supply chain resilience, artificial intelligence, space cooperation, health, climate change, development finance and economic security.
Yeo said that although bilateral alliances in Asia were “created as part of a U.S. ‘power play’ to keep in check smaller allies, the South Korean government today exercises a much greater role and responsibility in the alliance decision-making process.”
He noted that the scope of the alliance has “geographically expanded over time to cover issues outside the defense of the Korean Peninsula.”
“The new moniker for the alliance is both a recognition of South Korea’s already extensive global role, as well as a pledge for even greater commitments by Seoul,” said Klingner. “President Yoon declared that South Korea will become a global pivotal state. But South Korea has already long punched above its weight on the diplomatic, economic and societal stage, and its forces have fought alongside the United States far from the Korean Peninsula.”
Klingner said that the Yoon administration’s new Indo-Pacific strategy and Seoul’s pledge to uphold the rule of law and protect the principles shared by democracies is “commendable.”
The Yoon administration has distanced itself from the preceding Moon Jae-in administration’s peace initiative focused on diplomacy with North Korea.
Last December, the Yoon administration announced its strategy for a free, peaceful and prosperous Indo-Pacific region, its version of the U.S. Indo-Pacific Strategy, widely seen as one of Biden’s initiatives to contain China’s rising assertiveness in the region.
Other similar U.S. coalitions include those involving Seoul, such as the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) and the so-called Chip 4 alliance with South Korea, Taiwan and Japan, or the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, or Quad, among the United States, Japan, Australia and India — of which Korea is not a part.
Cha welcomed Yoon’s recent diplomatic overtures to Tokyo to resolve the issue of compensation of Japan’s wartime forced labor victims. He noted this move opened up opportunities for Seoul’s participation in Quad, G7, and other groupings “that make South Korea stronger vis-à-vis China, North Korea, Russia.”
On March 16, Yoon held a bilateral summit with Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida in Tokyo, attempting to improve frayed ties due to a historical dispute and a trade spat, which comes as Washington has pushed for stronger trilateral cooperation with its East Asian allies.
“At the core, I believe this is an ‘ironclad’ alliance that goes beyond just security threats and economic interests, but is also connected by personal ties and through common values and principles,” Yeo said.
“It would be difficult for the U.S. to pursue supply chain resilience or economic security without Korea’s cooperation,” he added. “However, the Yoon government recognizes that by not joining other like-minded allies and partners, it loses out on an opportunity to shape regional economic order and may find itself at a disadvantageous position in the long run.”
Such shifts in the alliance “mean that Korea has become a much more integral and valuable partner to the U.S. in supporting regional peace and stability and a rules-based liberal international order,” Yeo said.
American experts noted that there is generally bipartisan backing of the alliance within the Congress, while in Korea there is a stronger conservative-leaning support.
Nonetheless, “deeper polarization in U.S. politics has brought a greater element of uncertainty with U.S. foreign policy,” Yeo pointed out.
Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol, right, and U.S. President Joe Biden toast each other at an official dinner at the National Museum of Korea in central Seoul on May 21, 2022. [PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE]
Future direction of the alliance
“Think where man’s glory most begins and ends. And say my glory was I had such friends.”
Yoon quoted the passage from W.B. Yeats’ (1865-1939) poem, “The Municipal Gallery Revisited,” during the official dinner hosted for Biden at the National Museum of Korea on May 21.
The Irish poet is widely known as a favorite of the U.S. president, and Biden stressed, “Revitalizing this alliance was one of my key foreign policy priorities when I took office last year.”
Calling for the flourishing of the alliance for the decades to come, Biden said, “We go together,” the well-known motto of the Combined Forces Command that is symbolic of the long-standing Korea-U.S. alliance.
But seven decades since the signing of the mutual defense treaty, are the two allies as inseparable and unified in all aspects as their militaries appear to be?
“It is my view that the U.S. will never abandon Korea,” Cha said. “Japan will always be a U.S. ally. China will always be a competitor of sorts. That makes Korea the crucial piece. If the U.S. loses Korea, it loses Asia.”
He added just as Koreans may still fear U.S. abandonment, some Americans also worry that Koreans may bail out on the United States over issues such as a Taiwan contingency, noting that the two allies “need to reassure each other.”
But an eventual reduction of American troops stationed in Korea is not out of question.
“The complete abandonment of the alliance is unlikely anywhere in the near future,” Yeo said. “There may be a day when the U.S. and ROK decide that security on the Korean Peninsula and in the region may not require all 28,500 troops, and we may see some reductions if the security environment changes and peace and stability are achieved on the Korean Peninsula. But even in the scenario of Korean unification, I believe the alliance will still exist.”
Experts generally weighed in that Korea may have to step up its game both to make the bilateral alliance more enduring and for its own survival as it may increasingly need to play a vital role in the ongoing Sino-U.S. competition.
“The time has come for Korea to play a leadership role in the U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy,” said Kim. “Korea has to play a leading role in forming the norms, together with the United States. We can't just be a follower like we are now; we have to become the rule setters.”
Kim likewise pointed out that Koreans need to be “prepared for a scenario where U.S. hegemony declines” and the number of U.S. troops on the peninsula is “drastically reduced,” which is where arguments for Seoul’s nuclear armament come into play.
“The larger geopolitical geostrategic issues in East Asia today mean that the alliance is relevant for regional stability and security architecture in East Asia,” Richey said.
He noted that South Korea is “an important component of an overall U.S. balancing strategy,” referring to U.S. attempts to balance China's regional advantages in East Asia.
“Obviously, the U.S. will remain South Korea's security guarantor, there's no dispute — there's no possibility that that's going to change in the short- or medium-term future,” Richey said. But he advised Korea to “look more aggressively at diversifying its partners,” in order to lessen its dependence on one country economically.
“The U.S. abandoning its alliance with South Korea would be a reckless impertinent act that violates American commitments, values and bedrock principles,” Klingner said. Such action would have “severely dire consequences for America’s reputation” and its other allies and partnerships.
“One would hope that eventually the military necessity of the alliance would wither away once the North Korean threat disappears and the Korean Peninsula is peacefully reunited based on the principles of freedom, democracy and the rule of law,” Klingner added. “But, until that day, the alliance will remain crucial for the defense of South Korea and in the strategic interests of the United States.”
BY SARAH KIM [kim.sarah@joongang.co.kr]
8. S. Korean envoy stresses need for peace in Taiwan Strait in phone talks with Chinese vice FM
So do they think President Yoon should have said it is okay to change the status quo in the Taiwan Strait by force?
Excerpt:
According to the Chinese foreign ministry, Sun called Chung last week to lodge a complaint over Yoon's recent interview with Reuters, in which the president said South Korea opposes any attempt to change the status quo in the Taiwan Strait by force.
S. Korean envoy stresses need for peace in Taiwan Strait in phone talks with Chinese vice FM | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by 장동우 · April 23, 2023
SEOUL, April 23 (Yonhap) -- South Korea's top diplomat to China has stressed the need for peace over the Taiwan Strait in his recent phone talks with Beijing's vice foreign minister over President Yoon Suk Yeol's remarks on Taiwan, according to Seoul's foreign ministry Sunday.
In his phone talks with China's Vice Foreign Minister Sun Weidong on Thursday, Chung Jae-ho, South Korea's ambassador to China, said the international community, including South Korea, is closely monitoring the heightened tension in the Taiwan Strait as of late, according to a senior ministry official.
The ambassador also stressed Seoul's stance hoping for the peace and stability of cross-strait relations through dialogue and cooperation, and also reaffirmed South Korea's adherence to the "One China" policy.
According to the Chinese foreign ministry, Sun called Chung last week to lodge a complaint over Yoon's recent interview with Reuters, in which the president said South Korea opposes any attempt to change the status quo in the Taiwan Strait by force.
Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Wang Wenbin said last week Beijing would "not allow others to meddle by word," in reference to Yoon's media interview. The Seoul ministry summoned Beijing's ambassador to South Korea to protest what it called a "serious diplomatic discourtesy" by Wang.
In this file photo, South Korean Ambassador to China Chung Jae-ho speaks during a remote business forum between Seoul and Beijing marking the 30th anniversary of diplomatic relations between the two countries, on Aug. 24, 2022. (Yonhap)
odissy@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by 장동우 · April 23, 2023
9. South Korea saved itself from Indo-Pacific isolation: Victor Cha
Excerpts:
Q. The Yoon Suk Yeol government said it will prioritize the U.S. alliance and announced its version of the Indo-Pacific strategy last December. What does such messaging signal to the United States in regard to the evolving alliance?
A. I think the Yoon administration has basically saved Korea from self-isolation in the Indo-Pacific. From [Barack] Obama, through [Donald] Trump and [Joe] Biden, we have seen the growth of democratic coalitions on a range of issues including supply chains, mineral security, FOIP [Free and Open Indo-Pacific] and Quad. Until Yoon, Korea was not participating in any of these, while the U.S., Japan, India, Australia and others were. Korea did not participate because it had prized engagement with North Korea over all else. This then bleeds into China policy to be solicitous of Beijing's help with North Korea, which in turn meant not participating in any groupings that might offend China. In short, it was an appeasement policy to China in order to enable an engagement policy with North Korea that had the effect of isolating Korea among the democracies in Asia.
Yoon has sought to change all of that. Not just in terms of prioritizing the alliance, but also prioritizing repairing relations with Japan. This to me was what was most significant about the force labor compensation agreement. Yoon's solution was not "humiliating," it was demonstrating confidence and leadership. Korea was not going to continue to beg Japan for an apology. It dealt with the compensation with Korean companies and Korean money. If Japan wants to contribute to the fund, that's fine. And if it does not, that's fine too. Because Yoon's real goal is to reconnect Korea to these coalitions, and he knows he cannot do that without Japan. In that regard, the labor agreement opened up opportunities for the Quad, G7, among other things that make Korea stronger vis-à-vis China, North Korea, Russia.
Sunday
April 23, 2023
dictionary + A - A
South Korea saved itself from Indo-Pacific isolation: Victor Cha
https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/2023/04/23/national/diplomacy/KoreaUS-alliance-Victor-Cha-USChina/20230423175914518.html
Victor Cha, senior vice president for Asia and Korea Chair at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), speaks at the JoongAng-CSIS Forum in Seoul in December 2022. [WOO SANG-JO]
The Yoon Suk Yeol administration "saved Korea from self-isolation in the Indo-Pacific" through taking a clearer stance amid the intensifying U.S.-China competition, said former White House official Victor Cha.
"Even though the Korean War is known as the forgotten war, South Korea today demonstrates the victory of the United States and the UN in 1950, as well as the shining example of what the Cold War was fought over," Cha, senior vice president for Asia and Korea Chair at the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), told the Korea JoongAng Daily in a recent written interview. "Korea today is a model of what the United States fought for and stood for: economic development, democracy, security, stability and a pillar of the postwar liberal international order."
He added that Korea has until recently been reluctant to join U.S.-led groupings out of fear of alienating China.
Cha said that the Yoon administration's move toward announcing its own Indo-Pacific strategy last December, aligning itself closer to the United States on regional matters, and efforts toward mending diplomatic relations with Japan last month has "opened up opportunities" for South Korea to become a more relevant regional player.
Beijing implemented measures targeting Korean businesses, the country's entertainment industry and tourism against Seoul over its decision with Washington to deploy the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (Thaad) antimissile system to South Korea in 2016 and installation of the battery the following year.
South Koreans constantly worry about another recurrence of retaliatory measures, but Cha said that Seoul does not have to worry too much about another Thaad-type controversy, stressing that the "world has changed" since 2017.
"If China sanctioned Korea in the same way today, the U.S., Europe and other countries would respond to help Korea," he said.
Cha, also a professor at Georgetown University's School of Foreign Service and Department of Government, previously served as a White House National Security Council (NSC) official in the George W. Bush administration and as a former U.S. negotiator in the now defunct six-party talks for the denuclearization of North Korea.
He was appointed by the Joe Biden administration to serve in an advisory role to the secretary of defense on the Pentagon's Defense Policy Board.
"Korea should make choices between the U.S. and China based on values and not based on self-interest," Cha said. "Making self-interested decisions without values can lead a country in directions it may not want to go."
The following are excerpts from the interview.
Q. The Yoon Suk Yeol government said it will prioritize the U.S. alliance and announced its version of the Indo-Pacific strategy last December. What does such messaging signal to the United States in regard to the evolving alliance?
A. I think the Yoon administration has basically saved Korea from self-isolation in the Indo-Pacific. From [Barack] Obama, through [Donald] Trump and [Joe] Biden, we have seen the growth of democratic coalitions on a range of issues including supply chains, mineral security, FOIP [Free and Open Indo-Pacific] and Quad. Until Yoon, Korea was not participating in any of these, while the U.S., Japan, India, Australia and others were. Korea did not participate because it had prized engagement with North Korea over all else. This then bleeds into China policy to be solicitous of Beijing's help with North Korea, which in turn meant not participating in any groupings that might offend China. In short, it was an appeasement policy to China in order to enable an engagement policy with North Korea that had the effect of isolating Korea among the democracies in Asia.
Yoon has sought to change all of that. Not just in terms of prioritizing the alliance, but also prioritizing repairing relations with Japan. This to me was what was most significant about the force labor compensation agreement. Yoon's solution was not "humiliating," it was demonstrating confidence and leadership. Korea was not going to continue to beg Japan for an apology. It dealt with the compensation with Korean companies and Korean money. If Japan wants to contribute to the fund, that's fine. And if it does not, that's fine too. Because Yoon's real goal is to reconnect Korea to these coalitions, and he knows he cannot do that without Japan. In that regard, the labor agreement opened up opportunities for the Quad, G7, among other things that make Korea stronger vis-à-vis China, North Korea, Russia.
Is Seoul's continued indecisiveness amid the intensifying U.S.-China strategic competition an issue for Washington?
Even with regard to relations with China, the alliance remains strong. This is largely because China has done a lot to shoot itself in the foot with the Thaad (Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) sanctions, urea sanctions, among other things. Public opinion in Korea is strongly anti-Chinese. Yes, Korea will sometimes be frustrated about having to choose between its primary security patron and its primary economic patron. But this is the case for all countries and not just Korea in this new era of U.S.-China competition.
Two things are worth noting: first, Korea should make choices between the U.S. and China based on values and not based on self-interest. Making self-interested decisions without values can lead a country in directions it may not want to go. However, if these decisions are guided by values, the state will always know what course it is on and how to make decisions. Second, geography and regime-type matter. South Korea today, or a unified Korea tomorrow, can never change its geography. It will always have the largest country in the world on its border. Moreover, this country is of a different regime type, which is bound to create insecurity spirals. A united Korea-China border is not going to look like the U.S.-Canada border. It will be fortified, reflecting how insecurity spirals naturally arise between two proximate states of different regimes. In such a circumstance, the U.S. alliance will always be strategically valuable to Korea.
What does the Korea-U.S. alliance signify for the United States and why is it still relevant?
The alliance signifies many things for the United States. Even though the Korean War is known as the forgotten war, South Korea today demonstrates the victory of the United States and the UN in 1950, as well as the shining example of what the Cold War was fought over. Korea today is a model of what the United States fought for and stood for: economic development, democracy, security, stability and a pillar of the postwar liberal international order. Koreans may not see themselves this way, but without Korea's success, the Cold War could have turned out very differently in Asia, as well as America's position in Asia.
How has the alliance transformed over the decades?
No alliance of the United States has transformed more in the modern era than that with Korea. Japan was already a great power when the U.S. allied with it. Australia was and is a middle power. The Philippines remains a developing power. Same for Thailand. But Korea went from being one of the poorest countries in the world to an OECD DAC [Development Assistance Committee] country within one generation. And today it has the sixth strongest military in the world and the 10th largest economy. Korea is a major power in the world even though Koreans think of themselves still as a small power.
What are the biggest challenges facing the alliance?
Every alliance has its problems. The existence of these should not discourage folks or raise pessimistic concerns about the alliance's future. Yes, Korea and the U.S. sometimes have fierce trade disputes, but these disputes exist because the two countries have an FTA and vibrant trade.
While the alliance is somewhat politicized in Korea — it is not the case in the U.S. — that is the price to be paid for allying with a vibrant democracy like Korea.
Opcon transition represents a natural evolution of the alliance from a patron-client relationship, as was the case when Syngman Rhee handed over [wartime transfer of operational control] to [U.S. General] Douglas MacArthur to an equal partnership between two independent militaries. Opcon transition will happen over time and not according to any artificial politically-driven timelines.
Koreans are constantly anxious about abandonment by the United States. Should Seoul be worried?
It is my view that the U.S. will never abandon Korea. Japan will always be a U.S. ally. China will always be a competitor of sorts. That makes Korea the crucial piece. If the U.S. loses Korea, it loses Asia. Just as Koreans may still fear U.S. abandonment, some Americans also fear Korean abandonment over a Taiwan contingency. The two allies need to reassure each other.
I know that Koreans are always worried about another Thaad-type controversy with China, but I have to say that 2017 is not 2023. That is, if China sanctioned Korea in the same way today, the U.S., Europe and other countries would respond to help Korea. Moreover, Korea has its own leverage in trade to deal with China. The IRA [Inflation Reduction Act] was disadvantageous to one Korean automaker for a period of maybe 10 to 18 months. Much was made of this in the alliance. But in the long run, the IRA is very beneficial to Korea battery and EV makers and will put them in a stronger position in the U.S. and global market than China.
How does the United States view discussions in Korea about the need for its own nuclear armament? Can Seoul rely on Washington's continued extended deterrence in this region?
The popular polling on Korean views on nuclear weapons is not definitive of policy. First, it's really elite views that matter on national security, not the general public. For example, the polls say over 70 percent of Koreans want nukes, but these same polls say over 65 percent of Koreans are confident in the U.S. security commitment. That does not logically compute. Second, I believe South Korea has no desire to become the second country to leave the NPT [Non-Proliferation Treaty] to become a nuclear weapons state. This would jeopardize everything that Korea has worked so hard to build in terms of its position in the international community.
The most credible sign of U.S. commitment are the ground troops in Korea. This is what Joseph Nye [a professor emeritus at Harvard University] calls the "shared community of fate" between our two countries that ensures the U.S. will always be there if conflict breaks out. Having said this, the U.S. and ROK can still do more to enhance extended deterrence to supplement the traditional security commitment.
What does it mean to upgrade bilateral ties to a "global strategic comprehensive alliance," following the first summit between President Yoon Suk Yeol and U.S. President Joe Biden?
To me, this basically means turning the alliance into an institution that provides only exclusive private goods to one that provides public goods. By private goods, I mean that the alliance largely provided benefits bilaterally to the two members from security to trade issues. But the alliance has grown to encompass U.S. and South Korean cooperation on issues outside of bilateral alliance relations. These include clean and green growth, commanding heights technology protection, resilient supply chains, responsible development assistance, global health, among other things. This means that the U.S. and ROK are working together not just to provide good things to each other, but to provide good things to the world.
What do you envision for the next 70 years of the Korea-U.S. alliance?
The core of the alliance will always be security and trade. The future of the alliance will be in the new frontiers – chips, AI, quantum, outer space, global health. These issues are what make the alliance a global one.
BY SARAH KIM [kim.sarah@joongang.co.kr]
10. Strengthening deterrence against NK threats to top agenda at Yoon-Biden summit
Logical and from all reports this seems accurate.
Strengthening deterrence against NK threats to top agenda at Yoon-Biden summit
The Korea Times · by 2023-04-23 16:57 | Companies · April 23, 2023
South Korean and U.S. Air Force planes stage air drills, involving a B-52H strategic bomber, over the Korean Peninsula, March 6. Courtesy of Ministry of National Defense
Yoon to depart for Washington Monday afternoon
By Nam Hyun-woo
Strengthening the U.S.' extended deterrence for South Korea is expected to top the agenda of a summit between Presidents Yoon Suk Yeol and Joe Biden, as attention grows on whether Seoul can secure a presence in Washington's nuclear planning for the Korean Peninsula, according to officials and analysts, Sunday.
Yoon will depart for Washington D.C., Monday, for a seven-day state visit to the U.S. The main theme of the visit is celebrating the 70th anniversary of the alliance between Seoul and Washington, touting the accomplishments of the two nations' ironclad ties.
Separate from celebrating the anniversary, there will be debates and negotiations on how Seoul can secure stronger extended deterrence from Washington to counter North Korea's escalating nuclear and missile threats. Also, there are hopes that the U.S. may make conciliatory gestures for South Korean companies in regards to the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) and the CHIPS Act subsidy programs that have been viewed here as favoring American businesses.
Multiple diplomatic sources and experts said that Seoul has been "excessively focusing on" strengthening the U.S. extended deterrence for South Korea. Extended deterrence refers to a U.S. commitment to protect its allies by threatening to choose a nuclear response in the event of an attack on them.
In the wake of the progress in the North's nuclear programs, Yoon has been seeking the U.S. to strengthen the level of extended deterrence, as South Korea is not considering developing its own nuclear weapons or deploying U.S. nuclear weapons on its soil.
In a recent interview with Reuters, Yoon dropped hints at how the strengthened extended deterrence will look.
"In terms of responding to a powerful nuclear attack, I think stronger measures than what NATO has should be prepared," Yoon said.
A senior official at Seoul's presidential office also said, "Even though we don't deploy nuclear weapons on the Korean Peninsula, the consultation (on nuclear deterrence between South Korea and the U.S.) should be deeper and wider."
Washington also implied that additional steps will be made during the summit to underscore the extended deterrence. A senior U.S. official told Reuters Friday that Biden will be "talking substantial steps to underscore that, to update it, to make clear that everyone has little doubt of our commitment to standing with South Korea."
Given the comments that the extended deterrence supporting Seoul should be stronger than that of NATO, experts assume that South Korea will likely ask for its participation in the nuclear planning stage for counterattacks.
Next leap forward for US-Korea economic partnership
"NATO's nuclear sharing policy allows its members, such as Belgium and Italy, to host U.S. nuclear weapons, but this is not the case for South Korea, because both Seoul and Washington are against deploying nuclear weapons on the former's soil," a Seoul-based analyst said, asking not to be named.
"In that case, what can be 'deeper' than NATO's nuclear sharing policy is allowing South Korea to participate in the nuclear planning stage when Seoul is attacked and the U.S. is launching a counterattack."
Although NATO's nuclear sharing policy allows some member countries to host U.S. nuclear weapons, their use is a subject of consultation between members, thus making them share political responsibility and risks.
To enable stronger nuclear cooperation than that of NATO, Yoon is anticipated to persuade Biden to make a major update to the current OPLAN 5015, which lays out a series of procedures to handle an all-out war with the North, so that the two countries can jointly plan nuclear scenarios and select a nuclear attack target if the North strikes.
"Although NATO's nuclear sharing looks strong because U.S. nuclear weapons are deployed in multiple member countries, the depth off their consultation is shallower than it looks," said the senior official at Seoul's presidential office. "We believe the upcoming summit will be a chance to strengthen the joint defense posture and extended deterrence between the two countries."
Along with the countermeasures on North Korea's nuclear ambitions, the two leaders are anticipated to talk about the Ukraine war and tensions across the Taiwan Strait, which are sensitive issues affecting Seoul's relations with Russia and China, respectively.
The U.S. National Security Council Coordinator for Strategic Communications John Kirby said in a press briefing, Friday, (local time) that he has "no doubt" the two leaders will talk about the Ukraine War and challenges posed by China.
Yoon has drawn thorny responses from China and Russia, respectively, after expressing his view during a recent interview that South Korea may provide military aid to Ukraine, and Seoul absolutely opposes attempts to change the status quo in the Taiwan Strait by force.
This Nov. 13, 2022 file photo shows South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol and U.S. President Joe Biden holding a bilateral summit at a hotel in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, on the sidelines of an Association of Southeast Asian Nations summit.
Yonhap
Further exemptions on IRA, CHIPS Act
On the economic front, South Korea and the U.S. are anticipated to sign many memoranda of understanding (MOUs) to strengthen their partnerships in advanced technologies during Yoon's stay in the U.S.
However, granting greater exemptions for South Korean companies in regards to the IRA and the CHIPS Act subsidy programs are not likely to be the main agenda of the Yoon-Biden summit. The IRA is affecting South Korean carmakers' sales in the U.S., while the CHIPS Act subsidy programs require South Korean chipmakers to share sensitive information and excess profits with the U.S. in return for subsidies.
"It doesn't seem like there will be a specific discussion about the IRA or the CHIPS Act subsidies at this summit," senior presidential secretary for economic affairs Choi Sang-mok told reporters. "However, if the leaders deem it necessary, there may be some discussions on comprehensive cooperation plans in a broader sense."
Choi's comments are in line with the Yoon government's perspective that most uncertainties that South Korean companies may face due to the IRA and the CHIPS Act were addressed following the provisions and guidelines of the two Acts.
During a press briefing last week, Choi said the damage to South Korean carmakers' U.S. sales is "not as serious as feared" following the recent provisions of the IRA.
Although chances are low for breakthrough measures related to the two acts, hopes remain that the U.S. may make a conciliatory gesture during the Yoon-Biden summit.
"The leaders' firm determination toward the alliance has always worked in the direction of reducing uncertainties for Korean companies," Choi said.
The Korea Times · by 2023-04-23 16:57 | Companies · April 23, 2023
11. Critical US visit (ROK)
Will thissummit be an inflection point for the ROK/US alliance? Will it chart the way ahead for the next 70 years? (that might be a little too long of a time frame for the new vision)
Critical US visit
The Korea Times · April 23, 2023
Maximize national interest with confident, balanced diplomacy
President Yoon Suk Yeol heads to Washington today to hold a summit with U.S. President Joe Biden.
Yoon's state visit to America comes at a critical moment politically and economically and as the two countries mark the 70th anniversary of their alliance.
Few Koreans deny that the U.S. was their greatest benefactor over the past 78 years. America liberated Korea from Japan's colonial rule, defended South Korea from North Korea's invasion and helped it grow into the world's 10th-largest economy and sixth-largest military power.
Will the amicable relationship continue? And, if so, how? Ex-President Park Chung-hee's U.S. visit in 1961 forged ties that have lasted until now. Likewise, how the Yoon government fares can set the tone for South Korea-U.S. ties in the next few decades. Alternatively, Yoon's successor might have to reshuffle the relationship after he leaves office ― four years from now.
Unfortunately, the latter is a likelier scenario. Yoon and his key diplomatic advisors seem to be living with a 1950s mentally. Back then, America was the world's liberator and sole superpower, while South Korea was an impoverished, newborn country. However, the world has since changed from a unipolar situation to a multipolar one. South Korea seeks to become a hub country and even a member of the G8.
New situations require new mindsets and approaches. South Koreans, notably younger generations, want their country treated equally on the global stage. Free from historical prejudices and full of pride due to their country's competitive economy and thriving culture, young Koreans prefer the polite and sophisticated Japanese to arrogant and rustic Chinese, for example. However, that preference is based on confidence and independence, not subservience or blindly following others.
However, Korea's right-wing groups, including the Yoon administration, are going in the opposite direction. In Tokyo last month, Yoon gave almost everything to Japan regarding pending historical and economic issues and got nothing in return. The chief executive said that was all done to strengthen the trilateral alliance with the U.S. to deal with the increasingly menacing threats from North Korea. Yoon and his aides did so unilaterally, without creating a consensus with the public or seeking cooperation from their political opponents, before and after the summit. The only hint was an interview with a Japanese newspaper.
A similar thing happened just before Yoon's departure to Washington. Meeting with a Western media outlet, Yoon hinted that South Korea could provide weapons to Ukraine if Russia commits acts that the international community cannot condone, like large-scale attacks on civilians. In an ensuing tit-for-tat with Moscow, Seoul did not budge an inch. Yoon's similar "principle-based comment" on China and Taiwan invited a rude response from Beijing. The foreign ministry called in the Chinese ambassador and protested. Whatever the reason, Yoon managed to estrange two superpowers in a single media interview.
It's as if Seoul had set its sights on becoming a non-regional NATO member. But key members of NATO, like Germany and France, and even Japan, separate business and politics and maintain close economic ties with China. About 160 Korean businesses are operating in Russia and China is Korea's largest trading partner. In gambling, one can bet everything on one side and hit the jackpot. Will the same strategy work in diplomacy?
After overlooking the U.S.' surveillance of Seoul and speaking on behalf of Washington on sensitive international issues, Yoon will reportedly ask little regarding economic matters, like the preferential treatment of Korean electric vehicle and semiconductor makers.
We can't help but wonder what's on the minds of Yoon and his aides.
Former President Kim Dae-jung, whom Biden reportedly respected for his diplomatic acumen, compared South Korea to a cow that can, and should, walk in the middle of the road and graze the grass on both sides of the hill, rather than an animal confined to a pen and eating only what it is fed.
Biden will give Yoon a warm welcome and promise better nuclear protection. However, the U.S. leader should also know that Yoon may end up making many South Koreans become anti-American and anti-Japanese and the two countries will have to start all over again four years from now.
The Korea Times · April 23, 2023
12. South Korea: A pushover no more
I think if you look at President Yoon's recent statements and action you can see the South Korean input to the Joint Statement that will result from the Yoon/Biden Summitt. I think we will read some strong joint statements on the major global issues.
Excerpt:
In the case of President Yoon, however, no major policy shift can be noted. He simply seems to have stated some uncomfortable truths; truths that needed voicing to raise South Korea's stature on the global stage.
South Korea: A pushover no more
The Korea Times · April 23, 2023
By Sean O'Malley
President Yoon Suk Yeol made headlines recently for his remarks regarding the situations of Ukraine and Taiwan in an interview with Reuters that led to his upbraiding by the governments of Russia and China as well as the Democratic Party of Korea's (DPK) leader, Lee Jae-myung. Distortions of the president's remarks aside, it seemed a fairly deft bit of diplomacy from the world's tenth largest economy, and contrary to some views, does not seem to further damage inter-Korean relations.
Government leaders often use media interviews to signal intentions or float the possibility of policy changes to come. This can be dangerous if the leader strays too far from traditional policy. In 2001 for example, former U.S. President George W. Bush stated that the United States would do "whatever it took to help Taiwan defend herself." Many around the world felt the former president had ended U.S. adherence to the One-China policy, a step too far, and the White House had to walk back his remarks.
In the case of President Yoon, however, no major policy shift can be noted. He simply seems to have stated some uncomfortable truths; truths that needed voicing to raise South Korea's stature on the global stage.
On the war in Ukraine, President Yoon stated that South Korean lethal aid is conditioned on the occurrence of "large-scale attacks on civilians, massacre or serious violations of the laws of war." Even if such conditions are met, he did not guarantee lethal support, instead opting for an admission that it "might be difficult for us [South Korea] to insist only on humanitarian or financial support." This is far from any commitment to intervention in Ukraine.
In fact, the International Criminal Court has already issued an arrest warrant for Russia's President Vladimir Putin on suspicion of unlawful deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia. Mass graves attributed to Russian atrocities against civilians and admissions by former Wagner Group soldiers of their participation in numerous instances of mass murder in Ukraine, are all in the public sphere. So far, none of these atrocities rise to the level of South Korean participation in providing lethal military aid to Ukraine.
Nonetheless, the Russian response was swift and slightly unhinged with former President Dmitry Medvedev threatening to send Russia's latest weapons to North Korea. The Russian state has repeatedly stated it is not targeting civilians in Ukraine, so unless the Russian state is planning large-scale civilian atrocities, something it claims it is not, then President Yoon can be seen by the Russian state as pledging not to provide lethal aid to Ukraine, as the conditions would never likely be met.
Nevertheless, the president's statement sent an important signal to Washington before President Yoon's summit with U.S. President Joe Biden. It signals that South Korea clearly hears the calls for greater participation in Ukraine, and it signals that South Korea will provide support in the most egregious violations of international norms. However, it also clearly implies that Seoul will determine the severity of any violations itself and will not just follow the U.S.' lead.
President Yoon's statements on Taiwan are similar. To paraphrase the president: "we together with the international community absolutely oppose" any "attempts to change the status quo by force." This is hardly revelatory and is in line with China's own preference for peaceful unification. The president's further statement that the Taiwan issue "is a global issue" is also simply factual. The world's great powers have an interest in keeping the Taiwan Strait open, so it is not simply a Chinese domestic issue, something the Chinese Communist Party knows well.
As for damaging inter-Korean relations, the accusation seems nonsensical. North Korea has staged nearly 80 missile tests since the beginning of 2022, cut off the cross-border hotline, is apparently trying to sell off Kaesong Industrial Complex assets to Chinese investors, and of course blew up the inter-Korean liaison office in 2020. The Kim Jong-un regime has not responded to any outreach of aid by the Yoon administration since it came to office.
One could weakly make the case that this will drive Russia to further support the North. It just might, but that hardly garners a change in current relations. Chairman Kim's military-first policy has had numerous successes lately, far too many to make denuclearization or any other grand negotiating schemes workable. He was already using the war in Ukraine to get closer to Russia, and the Russians have shown few qualms in supporting the North. May Russia eventually break U.N. sanctions to further support the North? Perhaps, but North Korea's continuous breakthroughs in military technologies indicate it is doing just fine with or without Russia's largesse.
The complaint by DPK leader Lee that "offering military support to a region in conflict is an act that harms the national interest and we should never do it" would seem laughable if not so hypocritically dangerous. South Korea is still at war with North Korea, a country that has not denounced unification by force. To say that the illegal war of aggression via invasion is not in South Korea's national interest seems ignorant or delusional. South Koreans would be the first to call for lethal aid if North Korea invades again, and they would likely cite a global interest in upholding the international norm of territorial integrity. The fact that the leader of the so-called Democratic Party sees the invasion of another democracy by an authoritarian neighbor as of no interest to South Korea is dumbfounding.
President Yoon's remarks were undoubtedly a step out from the back row of diplomacy. He was able to signal to the United States that if the need arises due to egregious behavior by Russia that he would consider lethal aid to Ukraine, while at the same time signaling to both Russia and China that South Korea would stay on the sidelines if they maintain the status quo. Far from the major shift in policy that distortions have claimed, this seems a solid bit of diplomacy through the media that signals South Korea will not remain a pushover forever when it comes to these major global issues.
Sean O'Malley (seanmo@dongseo.ac.kr) is a professor of international studies at Dongseo University, where he teaches classes on international relations, U.S.-Korea Relations and the European Union.
The Korea Times · April 23, 2023
13. Yoon joined by chaebol leaders on US trip amid concerns of protectionism
There are likely to be some tough economic discussions.
Yoon joined by chaebol leaders on US trip amid concerns of protectionism
koreaherald.com · by Jo He-rim · April 23, 2023
From left: Lotte Group Chairman Shin Dong-bin, LG Group Chairman Koo Kwang-mo, Hyundai Motor Group Executive Chair Chung Euisun, SK Group Chairman Chey Tae-won and Samsung Electronics Executive Chairman Lee Jae-yong attend a Korea-Japan business roundtable held in Tokyo on March 17 upon President Yoon Suk Yeol's summit there with his Japanese counterpart Fumio Kishida. (Yonhap)
South Korea’s top conglomerate chiefs are heading to the US this week to accompany President Yoon Suk Yeol on his state visit, hoping to find a breakthrough in business uncertainties surrounding increasingly protectionist policies in the all-important market.
Taking his biggest economic delegation to date in his weeklong state visit to the US from Monday, Yoon is expected to relay the difficulties Korean companies face with the US' introduction of the CHIPS and Science Act and Inflation Reduction Act, while also stressing the need to cooperate in advanced technology.
“The economic delegation plans to make tangible results in summit diplomacy centered on the economy, together with South Korea’s No. 1 salesperson, the president,” said Choi Sang-mok, senior presidential aide for economic affairs.
The economic delegation is the biggest in size for Yoon, involving the chiefs of 122 Korean companies, according to the Federation of Korean Industries.
It is also the first time for the chiefs of the country’s top five conglomerate groups -- Samsung Electronics Chairman Lee Jae-yong, SK Group Chairman Chey Tae-won, Hyundai Motor Group Chairman Chung Eui-sun, LG Group Chairman Koo Kwang-mo and Lotte Group Chairman Shin Dong-bin -- and all six economic organizations to accompany a presidential trip.
One of the main agenda items of the state visit is expected to focus on the uncertainties the US protectionist policies have created for Korean companies.
“Korean conglomerate chiefs are expected to address various pending issues that come in the way of their business operations in the US,” an industry official said under the condition of anonymity, explaining that Samsung and SK would likely focus on the US’ CHIPS Act and Hyundai on the IRA.
In summits and other bilateral meetings from encounters with the US President Joe Biden in international events, Yoon has relayed the industrial concerns to the US government to create favorable exceptions for Korean companies, a presidential official said under condition of anonymity.
But Korean businesses feel the US government should be able to make more adjustments, since they are making some tens of billions of dollars investments to the US, industry officials here say. This week's US trip, therefore, would provide the business leaders the opportunity to directly consult with the US on their concerns.
South Korea's chip industry, led by the world's top memory chip makers, Samsung Electronics and SK hynix, has been feeling the pressure caused by the US' CHIPS Act, which was initially intended to attract foreign investment to boost the US’ semiconductor industry.
Introducing a chips support program, the US has required global chipmakers to share with them sensitive business information and excess profit in order to receive the subsidies deemed critical for operation on US soil.
With the intention to foster competitive edge in the chips industry, especially against its strategic rival China, the support program also limits the subsidy recipients from expanding production volume and investment in any "country of concern" – among which China is included -- for a decade, posing burdens for chipmakers that have production facilities in China.
Samsung, the world's top memory chip maker, has reportedly submitted an application for the US chips subsidy program. It is currently building a foundry plant in Taylor, Texas. SK hynix is also currently searching for a site for its planned $15 billion advanced chip packaging plant in the US, the company’s first production facility there.
US President Joe Biden (left) and President Yoon Suk Yeol (center) take a look around Samsung Electronics' semiconductor factory in Pyeongtaek, Gyeonggi Province, under the guidance of Samsung Vice Chairman Lee Jae-yong on May 20, 2022. (Yonhap)
Hyundai Motor Group will likely address its stance over the IRA, which excludes its automotive brands, Hyundai and Kia, from the tax credits available for electric vehicles sold in the US due to its protectionist production requirements.
The Korean EV maker, which produces its vehicles in Korea, was left out of the list of the total 16 EV models the US announced as eligible for consumer tax credits of up to $7,500 per unit sold.
Hyundai is speeding up the construction of its EV manufacturing plant in Georgia -- slated to be operational by the end of 2024.
While worries mounted that the Korean automaker would likely see a drastic drop in US sales following the IRA legislation, the presidential office asserted that its diplomatic efforts have led for the US government to offer subsidies for EVs on lease and rentals, securing a meaningful number of sales for Hyundai.
"As the result (of the diplomatic efforts), Hyundai's US sales has been increasing since August last year. For instance, the number of EVs exported to the US in the August was 5,500 units, and the figure increased to 14,400 units in March this year," Choi, the senior presidential secretary told reporters.
In the summit with the US president slated on Wednesday, Yoon is expected to address the overall direction of the two countries’ bilateral cooperation in advanced technology, as well as sensitive issues related to the US' policies, the official added.
Eyes are also on whether Korean companies will announce additional investment plans in the US.
Hyundai Motor is joining hands with two Korean battery makers, LG Energy Solution and SK On, to build EV battery plants in the US, with investments totaling 7 trillion won ($5.3 billion).
Samsung had also announced the investment plan of $17 billion to build the Taylor foundry when Biden visited Seoul in May last year.
Meanwhile, heads of the top Korean conglomerates are also expected to meet with their industry counterparts during their US trip.
Samsung's Lee Jae-yong, making his first business trip to the US since he became the chairman in November last year, may stay longer in the US after the official conclusion of the delegation’s trip on Sunday. His next trial date in Korea over the 2015 merger of two Samsung affiliates is set on May 26.
Lee is reportedly planning to meet with Apple CEO Tim Cook and Google CEO Sundar Pichai, traveling to Silicon Valley in California in the later part of his US trip.
By Jo He-rim (herim@heraldcorp.com)
koreaherald.com · by Jo He-rim · April 23, 2023
14. China continues to pounce on Yoon’s Taiwan remarks ahead of S.Korea-US summit
China's wolf warrior diplomacy has not gone away. China is likely trying to influence the Summit but its words and actions will only stiffen ROK/US resolve.
China continues to pounce on Yoon’s Taiwan remarks ahead of S.Korea-US summit
koreaherald.com · by Ji Da-gyum · April 23, 2023
China has continued to pounce on South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol’s remarks on the Taiwan issue, raising tensions between the two countries, especially in the run-up to the South Korea-US summit where the leaders will discuss the alliance’s role in maintaining peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region as one of the key agenda topics.
China’s Foreign Ministry on Sunday belatedly unveiled that Vice Foreign Minister Sun Weidong lodged a formal diplomatic protest about the Taiwan issue in his meeting with on South Korean Ambassador to China Chung Jae-ho on Thursday.
China has denounced Yoon for stating that rising cross-strait tensions between Taipei and Beijing were due to “attempts to change the status quo by force” and expressing South Korea’s stance of absolutely opposing such a change in his interview with Reuters on Wednesday.
Yoon went on to say that the “Taiwan issue is not simply an issue between China and Taiwan but, like the issue of North Korea, it is a global issue.”
Yoon’s remarks are “totally unacceptable, and the Chinese side expresses serious concern and strong dissatisfaction,” Sun was quoted as saying in a statement issued by the ministry.
Sun also criticized Yoon for equating the Taiwan issue with the two Koreas on the Korean Peninsula without mentioning the "One China" principle. China’s vice foreign minister claimed that Korean Peninsula affairs and the Taiwan issue are different in nature and are not comparable at all, saying that the two Koreas are sovereign countries that have joined the United Nations. Taiwan is not a UN member.
Despite South Korea’s repeated calls for China to refrain from “diplomatic discourtesy,” China has continued blistering criticism of Yoon’s remarks on the Taiwan issue.
Chinese Foreign Minister Qin Gang on Friday warned that “those who play with fire on Taiwan will eventually get themselves burned” during his public speech. Qin did not specify the target of the warning, but many saw the fiery rhetoric as targeting Yoon.
In response, South Korea’s Foreign Ministry later in the day underscored that the Yoon government will “consistently adhere to the position of pursuing reciprocal cooperation based on mutual respect, reciprocity and common interest” while treating China with dignity and respect.
“We hope that the Chinese side will respond accordingly and exercise caution in their actions and remarks,” a ministry official said on condition of anonymity.
South Korea’s Foreign Ministry on Thursday also immediately reacted after Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Wang Wenbin said Beijing would not allow others to meddle in the Taiwan issue verbally and called on South Korea to “prudently handle matters” when asked about Yoon’s remarks during a regular press briefing.
“The spokesperson’s remarks must be pointed out as a serious diplomatic discourtesy that calls into question China’s national integrity,” South Korea’s Foreign Ministry said, dismissing Wang’s remarks as “unmentionable.”
On the same day, Seoul also summoned Chinese Ambassador to South Korea Xing Haiming to make a strong protest.
The US State Department on Friday said Washington will continue to support a peaceful resolution of cross-strait issues in coordination with its important allies and partners, of course including South Korea, when asked about China’s harsh backlash against Yoon’s statement.
“We will keep coordinating with friends and allies across the Indo-Pacific to advance what we believe is our shared prosperity and security values, including preserving peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait,” Vedant Patel, principal deputy spokesperson for the US State Department, said.
China’s vehement response came just before Yoon is set to embark on his state visit to the US on Monday for his summit with US President Joe Biden, where the Taiwan issue is widely expected to be one of topics on the agenda for discussion.
The two leaders will “discuss a shared vision of a strong and deeply integrated US-ROK Alliance that maintains peace, stability and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific and beyond,” the White House last week said, referring to South Korea by the acronym of its official name, the Republic of Korea.
Yoon and Biden recognized the “importance of preserving peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait as an essential element in security and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region” in a joint statement issued following the summit in May last year.
But the upcoming Biden-Yoon summit will be held for the first time since South Korea unveiled its new Indo-Pacific strategy last December. As part of the strategy, the Yoon government reaffirms the “importance of peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait for the peace and stability of the Korean Peninsula.”
By Ji Da-gyum (dagyumji@heraldcorp.com)
koreaherald.com · by Ji Da-gyum · April 23, 2023
15. Edward Lee chosen as guest chef for White House state dinner
And just to round things out, a view of some of the other Summitt activities. This is only the second state dinner for the Biden administration and the first for Korea in over a decade.
Excerpt:
A state visit is the highest diplomatic honor the U.S. reserves for its closest allies, and Biden so far has extended just two such invitations. The first went to France last December.
Edward Lee chosen as guest chef for White House state dinner
PBS · by Darlene Superville, Associated Press · April 21, 2023
WASHINGTON (AP) — Chef Edward Lee says food, at its best, tells a story. And the story he wants told with the meal he’s whipping up for next week’s White House state dinner is of the deep connection between the United States and its ally South Korea.
President Joe Biden is hosting South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol on Wednesday for a state visit, including a glitzy state dinner, and the White House invited Lee, a Korean American chef and restaurateur, to help prepare the meal.
The White House gave The Associated Press an exclusive preview of its plans to use Lee as a “guest chef” for the meal and of its high-wattage lineup for the after-dinner entertainment: Broadway stars Norm Lewis, Lea Salonga and Jessica Vosk.
In an interview with the AP, Lee said “Korean food and American food can merge together and create this beautiful hybrid that is unique and delicious.”
He said any iconic American food, if spiked with a “little Korean flavor or Korean spice,” will still be familiar, but it will just be different and unique. Real food for thought, he said.
“Your mind becomes curious about more than just the flavors,” Lee said. “When food is at its best, it tells a story.”
A state visit is the highest diplomatic honor the U.S. reserves for its closest allies, and Biden so far has extended just two such invitations. The first went to France last December.
Every component of a state visit, from the booming 21-gun salute for the leader’s arrival, to the glitz and glamour on display at the black-tie state dinner, is designed to highlight ties between the U.S. and its ally. Yoon’s visit will mark 70 years of U.S.-South Korea relations.
White House social secretary Carlos Elizondo reached out to the New York City-born chef about two months ago to seek his help with the dinner. Lee’s cooking style is one that meshes two cuisines: Korean food and food from the Southern U.S.
Lee recently spent two days at the White House testing recipes and plating meals, offering tastes to first lady Jill Biden and her staff, who are responsible for the dinner and who helped develop the menu. He worked with White House executive chef Cristeta Comerford and her staff.
The experience was nerve-wracking.
“I’ve been on ‘Top Chef,’ where I’ve had to cook for some very high-powered chefs who were critiquing my food, and this was probably more pressure than the TV show,” Lee said of having the first lady be the judge of his kitchen creations.
The 50-year-old husband and father couldn’t say what’s on the menu. The White House will be releasing those details on Monday. But the menu has been finalized, Lee said, practically breathing a sigh of relief during Thursday’s telephone interview.
Lee started working in restaurants when he was 14 years old. He attended culinary school after graduation from New York University but dropped out after a week. A restaurant he opened in lower Manhattan folded after the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001.
He took a break to travel around the United States and visit places he’d only wondered about while growing up in New York. He was able to scratch the Kentucky Derby from his bucket list — and while there he fell in love with Louisville and its Southern culture.
It’s where, Lee said, “I found my culinary voice.”
He has one restaurant, 610 Magnolia, in Louisville, and is weeks away from opening another. He lives part time in Washington, D.C., where he is culinary director for a third restaurant, Succotash. He won a James Beard Award for his book “Buttermilk Graffiti.”
Lee says Southerners and Koreans are alike in how they eat — big tables, plenty of food, side dishes, grazing and barbecue. Different spices, flavors and techniques, he said, “but the philosophy is the same, the sensation is the same.”
The decision to recruit Lee to be the guest chef revives a practice that Michelle Obama often used when she arranged state dinners as first lady. Marcus Samuelsson, Mario Batali and Anita Lo were among the celebrity chefs she enlisted to add a splash of pizazz.
Jill Biden chose Lee because of his Korean-influenced American cuisine, her office said.
After dinner, Broadway stars Lewis, Salonga and Vosk will entertain guests with a mix of solo, duet and trio performances.
Lewis’ career spans film, television and theater. He made history in 2014 as Broadway’s first Black phantom in “The Phantom of the Opera,” which recently closed after a record 35-year run. He currently stars in the national tour of the Tony Award-winning production of “A Soldier’s Play.”
Salonga is known for her award-winning role of Kim in “Miss Saigon.” In Disney films, she was the singing voice of Princess Jasmine in “Aladdin” and Fa Mulan for “Mulan” and “Mulan II.” She also had roles in “Les Miserables” on Broadway.
Vosk is a singer and actor who has appeared in “Wicked” and in the most recent revival of “Fiddler on the Roof,” both on Broadway.
PBS · by Darlene Superville, Associated Press · April 21, 2023
16. America and South Korea: Here’s to the Next Seventy Years
Excerpts:
As the Indo-Pacific now contributes the largest share of the global population and the global economy, it is arguably the most important region of the world for U.S. national security and prosperity. However, the rules-based international order in the Indo-Pacific faces grave threats from Beijing’s expansionism and Pyongyang’s nuclear proliferation.
...
Seoul’s importance to Washington has increased even more in recent years, as South Korea has become one of the largest advanced industrialized democracies in the world with a global leadership in key strategic industries such as semiconductors and electric vehicle batteries. With a military rated as the sixth most powerful in the world, South Korea today has become a major arms exporter, with its military hardware supplying nations including Poland and Australia. Seoul now has troops stationed in nations including the United Arab Emirates and is a regular contributor to international peacekeeping activities.
All this has resulted in a major upgrade of the U.S.-ROK alliance, with the partnership now expanding from the military sphere into economics and technology. Last year, South Korean firms invested billions of dollars in the United States, seeking to build factories in states ranging from Georgia to Ohio to Texas.
Given all these developments, South Korea today is undoubtedly among the most pivotal key allies of the United States, and Seoul has arguably become as important to Washington as Tokyo. Considering this seminal importance, what can be done to protect and further enhance the alliance?
America and South Korea: Here’s to the Next Seventy Years
The seventy-year-old U.S.-ROK alliance is critical to the national interests of both nations and is among the cornerstones of the rules-based international order.
The National Interest · by Jongsoo Lee · April 19, 2023
The alliance between the United States and South Korea (Republic of Korea) is a cornerstone of the U.S. security architecture in the Indo-Pacific and, increasingly, in the world. Both the United States and South Korea must do all they can to strengthen this vital alliance.
As this year marks the seventieth anniversary of the alliance, with an upcoming state visit of President Yoon Suk-yeol to Washington later this month, it is important to appreciate the historical significance of the alliance.
For South Korea, the alliance has been the guarantor of its security and the bedrock of its economic development and prosperity since the Korean War. For centuries, Korea had been under the suzerainty of China and its fate had been tied to that of its Chinese overlords. As the Chinese empire declined in the late nineteenth century and collapsed in the early twentieth century, so did the old dynastic rule in Korea.
As Korea fell under Japanese colonial rule for thirty-six years, it was the United States that played the greatest role in liberating Korea from Tokyo’s grip at the end of World War II. And when communist forces overran South Korea in 1950 in the Korean War after Korea’s division, the United States spearheaded the United Nations forces dispatched to repel the invasion. Though the UN forces failed to reunify Korea, they preserved the territorial integrity of South Korea in large measure.
The U.S.-ROK alliance, cemented in 1953 at the end of the Korean War, marked a historic shift in Korea’s fate. For the first time in Korea’s history, a Western democratic great power came to be the principal ally and security guarantor of a Korean state. With its fate tied to the United States, South Korea came to experience miraculous economic development and an impressive transformation into a mature industrialized democracy.
For the United States, the U.S.-ROK alliance has been indispensable in preserving and defending the rules-based international order in the Indo-Pacific since the Korean War.
As the Indo-Pacific now contributes the largest share of the global population and the global economy, it is arguably the most important region of the world for U.S. national security and prosperity. However, the rules-based international order in the Indo-Pacific faces grave threats from Beijing’s expansionism and Pyongyang’s nuclear proliferation.
Although defending the rules-based international order in the Indo-Pacific is crucial for U.S. national security and prosperity, there is no NATO-like collective security mechanism in the Indo-Pacific to stem forces of autocracy. In the absence of a collective security mechanism, what Washington has put together is an uneven patchwork of bilateral alliances and cooperative arrangements with individual countries. In this less-than-optimal security architecture, the linchpin is the U.S.-ROK alliance, along with the U.S.-Japan alliance.
Other than the U.S. alliances with Japan and Australia, the U.S.-ROK alliance has been the only enduring bilateral alliance for Washington in the Indo-Pacific. Other U.S. alliances in the Indo-Pacific such as the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization did not endure, and the United States has only a few reliable allies in the Indo-Pacific, as numerous Indo-Pacific nations have been neutral or leaning toward Beijing in the standoff between Washington and Beijing.
The geopolitical and geostrategic importance of the Korean Peninsula cannot be overstated. Located within close proximity between Beijing, Tokyo, and Vladivostok and with substantial U.S. forces stationed in Japan and South Korea, it is the only place in the world where the national security and interests of China, Japan, Russia, and the United States—four of the world’s greatest powers—directly intersect in a visceral way.
South Korea’s importance as a key ally of the United States has been demonstrated over the decades since 1953. In the Vietnam War, for example, Seoul sent massive numbers of troops to fight in Vietnam alongside U.S. troops.
Today, South Korea is increasingly a key U.S. partner in defending the rules-based international order. As a leading trading nation with an export-based economy that is heavily dependent on the import of energy and raw materials from abroad, South Korea’s security and prosperity depend on the integrity of the rules-based international order, including the freedom of navigation in the high seas where its exports and imports are in transit.
Seoul’s importance to Washington has increased even more in recent years, as South Korea has become one of the largest advanced industrialized democracies in the world with a global leadership in key strategic industries such as semiconductors and electric vehicle batteries. With a military rated as the sixth most powerful in the world, South Korea today has become a major arms exporter, with its military hardware supplying nations including Poland and Australia. Seoul now has troops stationed in nations including the United Arab Emirates and is a regular contributor to international peacekeeping activities.
All this has resulted in a major upgrade of the U.S.-ROK alliance, with the partnership now expanding from the military sphere into economics and technology. Last year, South Korean firms invested billions of dollars in the United States, seeking to build factories in states ranging from Georgia to Ohio to Texas.
Given all these developments, South Korea today is undoubtedly among the most pivotal key allies of the United States, and Seoul has arguably become as important to Washington as Tokyo. Considering this seminal importance, what can be done to protect and further enhance the alliance?
For its part, Washington must refrain from taking measures that damage the national image of the United States and turn South Korean public opinion against it. The U.S. Inflation Reduction Act recently is an example of such measures, as it contains provisions favoring electric vehicles made in the United States over those made overseas. Such discriminatory measures that are seen as promoting U.S. economic interests at the expense of the interests of U.S. allies including South Korea do much more harm than good to the U.S. national interest. Such measures must be avoided if the United States were to protect its crucial alliances with key partners such as South Korea.
Washington must bear in mind that China is keen to capitalize on tensions between the United States and its key allies such as South Korea. Washington must realize that damage to its alliance with Seoul can push the latter closer to Beijing. Washington must understand that Seoul moving into Beijing’s orbit would devastate U.S. credibility and leadership in the Indo-Pacific and indeed around the world.
For its part, Seoul must recognize that its future survival and prosperity hinge on the alliance with the United States and therefore strengthen its ties with Washington. While South Korea needs to maintain good relations with China, its biggest trading partner and a key stakeholder in addressing challenges posed by North Korea, Seoul must guard against Beijing’s attempts to drive a wedge between it and Washington. Seoul must realize that, if it allows its relationship with Washington to deteriorate excessively, it could fall back under Beijing’s suzerainty as it used to be for centuries.
Clearly, the seventy-year-old U.S.-ROK alliance is critical to the national interests of both nations and is among the cornerstones of the rules-based international order. Both Washington and Seoul would be wise to refrain from taking steps that damage this alliance, and they would be wise to guard against attempts by third parties such as Beijing to undermine this alliance. Under careful stewardship, this key alliance will help guarantee continued security and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific and around the world for many years to come.
Jongsoo Lee is Senior Managing Director at Brock Securities and Center Associate at Harvard University’s Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies. He is also Adjunct Fellow at the Hawaii-based Pacific Forum and Contributing Editor at The Diplomat. He can be followed on Twitter at @jameslee004.
Image: Shutterstock.
The National Interest · by Jongsoo Lee · April 19, 2023
De Oppresso Liber,
David Maxwell
Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy
Senior Fellow, Foundation for Defense of Democracies
Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation
Editor, Small Wars Journal
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
Phone: 202-573-8647
email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com
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