Quotes of the Day:

“It is always the herd men who win battles and the free men who win wars.”

- John Steinbeck, The Moon Is Down 

“Society tames the wolf into a dog. And man is the most domesticated animal of all.” 

- Friedrich Nietzsche

"I am losing precious days. I am degenerating into a machine for making money. I am learning nothing in this trivial world of men O must break away and get out into the mountains to learn the news." 

- John Muir

1. Watch: President of South Korea sings 'American Pie' while attending state dinner

2. Leaders’ Joint Statement in Commemoration of the 70th Anniversary of the Alliance between the United States of America and the Republic of Korea

3. FACT SHEET: Republic of Korea State Visit to the United States

4. Remarks by President Biden and President Yoon Suk Yeol of the Republic of Korea in Joint Press Conference

5. Why send a US stealth submarine to South Korea -- and tell the world about it?

6.  Yoon, Biden pledge 'overwhelming' nuclear response in case of N.K. nuclear attack

7. S. Korea releases English version of report on N. Korea's human rights

8. Biden to reassure South Korea’s security amid rising threat from North

9. Hawks Disappointed by U.S.-S.Korea Nuclear Agreement

10. [ANALYSIS] Nuclear-armed submarines will not stop North Korea's provocations

11. Summit fails to bear fruitful results for Korean chipmakers: experts

12. Generational opinion embodies alliance's travails

13. First lady meets mother of Otto Warmbier

14. China warns US, S. Korea against 'provoking confrontation' with N. Korea

15. [News Focus] Why does Washington Declaration matter?

16. The U.S. Needs to Talk to North Korea Any Way It Can

17. In South Korea, a TV show airing North Korean defectors’ stories is riling Kim Jong Un’s regime

1. Watch: President of South Korea sings 'American Pie' while attending state dinner

I think President Yoon just became America's favorite Korean President with his rendition of American Pie.

So far, from everything I can tell from reports this state visit has been very successful on every level from national security, to economic engagement to cultural and people to people contact.

Watch: President of South Korea sings 'American Pie' while attending state dinner

https://www.nbcnews.com/video/president-of-south-korea-sings-american-pie-at-state-dinner-171432517594

President of South Korea Yoon Suk Yeol performed his favorite song, “American Pie,” while attending the state dinner at the White House. Yoon also received an autographed guitar from Don McLean, who sang and wrote the chart-topping hit.

April 27, 2023

2. Leaders’ Joint Statement in Commemoration of the 70th Anniversary of the Alliance between the United States of America and the Republic of Korea

I think this is a very comprehensive and substantive statement. A lot of hard work and negotiations among the action officers to make this happen over the past couple of months.

As a planner this provides a lot of important guidance that should feed alliance policy and strategy development for months/years.

But the buried lede that will not be reported anywhere in the press this statement:

The two Presidents are committed to build a better future for all Korean people and support a unified Korean Peninsula that is free and at peace.

This is the key strategic guidance that must not be overlooked. This is the second most important statement:

Guided by our shared commitment to defend universal human rights, freedom, and the rule of law, the United States and the ROK are constructing an Alliance that will provide future generations with a firm foundation upon which to build prosperity and security.

Leaders’ Joint Statement in Commemoration of the 70th Anniversary of the Alliance between the United States of America and the Republic of Korea | The White House

whitehouse.gov · by The White House · April 26, 2023

Today President Joseph R. Biden Jr. of the United States (U.S.) and President Yoon Suk Yeol of the Republic of Korea (ROK) met in Washington to commemorate the 70th anniversary of the U.S.-ROK Alliance. This is the second State Visit of the Biden-Harris Administration. While our two nations are inseparably tied by our deep and unwavering security cooperation—reinforced today by the Presidents’ commitments in the Washington Declaration to develop ever-stronger mutual defense and deterrence—the greatest success of the Alliance is its clear and expanding focus on achieving a secure and brighter future for the American and Korean people. Together, we will increase our comprehensive global cooperation, deepen our robust regional engagement, and broaden our ironclad bilateral ties during the next 70 years of our Alliance to face the 21st century’s most difficult challenges head-on. Guided by our shared commitment to defend universal human rights, freedom, and the rule of law, the United States and the ROK are constructing an Alliance that will provide future generations with a firm foundation upon which to build prosperity and security.

Global Comprehensive Strategic Alliance

As the linchpin for peace and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific, our Alliance has grown far beyond the Korean Peninsula, reflecting the vital role of our two countries as global leaders in advancing democracy, economic prosperity, security, and technological innovation. The two Presidents reiterated their commitment to the principles enshrined in the UN Charter. President Biden applauded the ROK’s initiative to embrace greater global responsibilities, including by hosting the next Summit for Democracy, further developing the partnership with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the G7 on the basis of shared values, and continuing to expand contributions to UN peacekeeping activities. For his part, President Yoon expressed support for the United States’ cooperative efforts to ensure peace and security in the region, including through the launch of AUKUS. President Biden and President Yoon see global development cooperation as a key way to advance global stability and welcomed the signing of new institutional frameworks that strengthen U.S.-ROK development cooperation and beyond.

President Yoon and President Biden join the international community in condemning Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine. The United States and the ROK stand with Ukraine as it defends its sovereignty and territorial integrity, and the two Presidents condemned in the strongest possible terms Russia’s actions against civilians and critical infrastructure. Both countries have responded resolutely to Russia’s clear violations of international law by promoting accountability through sanctions and export control measures, and we are continuing to support Ukraine through the vital provision of political, security, humanitarian, and economic assistance, including to increase power generation and transmission and rebuild critical infrastructure.

President Biden and President Yoon reiterate their commitment to diplomacy with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) as the only viable means of achieving lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula and call on the DPRK to return to negotiations. The two Presidents are committed to build a better future for all Korean people and support a unified Korean Peninsula that is free and at peace. The United States and the ROK stand ready to provide humanitarian aid to the most vulnerable North Koreans and will strengthen cooperation to promote human rights in the DPRK as well as to resolve the issues of abductions, detainees, and unrepatriated prisoners of war. President Biden reaffirmed his support for the goals of the ROK’s Audacious Initiative. The United States and the ROK condemn the DPRK’s blatant violation of human rights and the dignity of its own people and its decision to distribute its scarce resources to weapons of mass destruction development, which presents a crucial security challenge for the Alliance. In this vein, the two Presidents condemn the DPRK’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs and call on the DPRK to halt their development. The United States and the ROK are committed to working with the UN Security Council and the international community to address actions by the DPRK and individuals and entities that violate UN Security Council resolutions. President Biden and President Yoon reiterate their commitment to the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula and reaffirm that a DPRK nuclear test would be met with a strong and resolute response from the international community.

The Presidents expressed their deep concern regarding the growing impact of climate change and biodiversity loss, and they committed to galvanize global action to address the climate crisis. President Yoon and President Biden reaffirmed their Nationally Determined Contributions under the Paris Agreement and 2050 net-zero targets. Recognizing the need for ambitious power sector decarbonization to meet these goals, the Presidents agreed to significantly enhance the clean electricity share, including renewables and nuclear energy. The Presidents committed to cooperate in the development and deployment of carbon reduction, renewable, and hydrogen technologies and enhance energy efficiency in industry, construction, and transportation. The Presidents seek to strengthen bilateral cooperation in clean hydrogen, methane abatement in the fossil fuel sector, green shipping, and accelerating the deployment of light-duty, zero-emissions vehicles (ZEVs).

Our two nations are committed to the peaceful use of nuclear energy. The two leaders affirmed the importance of nuclear energy as a key means for overcoming the energy security crisis and achieving their goal of net zero emissions. The Presidents reaffirmed that both countries are committed to engaging in global civil nuclear cooperation consistent with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Additional Protocol, while mutually respecting each other’s export control regulations and intellectual property rights. They committed to promoting the responsible development and deployment of civil nuclear energy globally by leveraging financing tools, building capacity in recipient countries, and establishing a more resilient nuclear supply chain.

President Yoon and President Biden commit to strengthen the U.S.-ROK collaboration on research and development leading to increased investment that promotes the growth of digital content and cloud computing. The United States and the ROK acknowledge the importance of the free flow of data with trust across borders through an open, global, interoperable, reliable, and secure Internet. The Presidents view high-standard digital trade rules as a path toward an open and fair digital economy. Recognizing the importance of telecommunications security and vendor diversity, the Presidents also commit to work together to develop open, transparent, and secure 5G and 6G network devices and architectures using Open RAN approaches, both at home and abroad.

Expanding Cooperation Throughout the Indo-Pacific

The two Presidents recognized the importance of maintaining a free and open Indo-Pacific that is connected, prosperous, secure, and resilient and committed to strengthening mutual cooperation across the region. In this regard, President Biden welcomed the ROK’s first Indo-Pacific Strategy as a reflection of our shared regional commitment. The two Presidents affirmed that the two countries will cooperate in implementing their respective Indo-Pacific strategies and acknowledged the importance of Indo-Pacific voices in multilateral forums, especially in addressing climate change, sustainable energy access, and food insecurity.

The United States and the ROK are committed to an inclusive, free, and fair trading system and to working with likeminded partners against threats to ensure a prosperous future for the Alliance and the Indo-Pacific region. We share deep concerns about and express opposition to harmful uses of economic influence, including economic coercion as well as use of opaque tools with respect to foreign firms, and will cooperate with like-minded partners to counter economic coercion. The two nations are committed to building regional partnerships and coordinating measures to detect and address potential supply chain disruptions and strengthen resiliency. The United States and the ROK intend to provide resources for technical assistance, capacity building, and other cooperative initiatives to support high-standard outcomes in the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework and will make efforts to secure related financial resources for these purposes. President Biden welcomed President Yoon’s announcement that the ROK will host the fourth IPEF negotiating round in Busan later this year. The two nations also committed to further strengthen bilateral cooperation at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum.

The two Presidents emphasized the importance of U.S.-ROK-Japan trilateral cooperation, guided by shared values, driven by innovation, and committed to shared prosperity and security. President Biden welcomed President Yoon’s bold steps toward improving ROK-Japan relations and extended strong support for expanding ROK-Japan collaboration, which opens the door to deeper trilateral cooperation on regional and economic security. The Presidents welcomed the progress made in sharing DPRK missile warning data in real-time and affirmed the regularization of anti-submarine and missile defense exercises to deter and respond to the DPRK’s advancing nuclear and missile threats more effectively. They also discussed plans for restoring maritime interdiction and anti-piracy exercises and identifying additional forms of trilateral training for disaster relief and humanitarian assistance.

The Presidents reiterated the importance of preserving peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait as an indispensable element of security and prosperity in the region. They strongly opposed any unilateral attempts to change the status quo in the Indo-Pacific, including through unlawful maritime claims, the militarization of reclaimed features, and coercive activities. President Yoon and President Biden also reaffirmed their commitment to preserve unimpeded commerce, freedom of navigation and overflight, and other lawful use of the sea, including in the South China Sea and beyond, as reflected in the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea.

The two Presidents committed to increase cooperation with Southeast Asia and the Pacific Island Countries to promote resilient health systems, sustainable development, climate resilience and adaptation, energy security, and digital connectivity. They shared a commitment to ASEAN centrality as well as to enhancing cooperation on the provision of regional development assistance—including through new staff exchanges and peer-to-peer learning—and direct collaboration on programs, particularly in the Mekong sub-region. Both Presidents reaffirmed their commitment to contributing to the Pacific including through the Partners in the Blue Pacific initiative as well as the ROK’s decision to host the first ROK-Pacific Islands Summit in May.

Strengthening Ironclad Bilateral Collaboration

The U.S.-ROK relationship is marked by our longstanding investment, trade, technological, and people-to-people ties, which have led to significant economic opportunity and prosperity for both countries and will continue to do so for the next 70 years. The United States and the ROK committed to address trade concerns through the committees of the U.S.-Korea Free Trade Agreement and other relevant channels, including for semiconductors, steel, and other critical goods. The United States and the ROK will continue to consult closely on foreign exchange market developments to promote sustainable growth and financial stability, reaffirming their recognition of foreign exchange market cooperation.

President Biden and President Yoon affirmed the need to make bold investments to build clean energy economies and to build and strengthen mutually beneficial supply chain ecosystems for our critical technologies. In that regard, the two leaders appreciated the recent efforts made by the ROK and the United States to alleviate concerns of Korean businesses over the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) and the CHIPS and Science Act. The two Presidents committed to continue close consultations with a view to ensuring those Acts encourage mutually beneficial corporate investment in the United States by creating predictable conditions for business activities. They also committed to identifying opportunities for research and development collaboration in the fields of leading-edge semiconductors, advanced packaging, and advanced materials.

The two Presidents pledged to further improve our economic security by deepening and broadening cooperation on critical and emerging technologies, including through the establishment of a Next Generation Critical and Emerging Technologies Dialogue led by their National Security Advisors. They committed to more closely aligning on the spirit of digital technology standards and regulations to enhance public and private cooperation on leading-edge semiconductors, batteries, and quantum. They also noted cooperation on artificial intelligence (AI), biotechnology, medical products using AI, and biomanufacturing. They reaffirmed the importance of deepening cooperation between our foreign investment screening and export control authorities, recognizing the necessity to take appropriate measures to ensure national security, while maintaining resilient global semiconductor supply chains and keeping up with rapid technological advancement. The two Presidents welcomed the signing of a joint statement on U.S.-ROK cooperation in quantum information science and technology, and they called for efforts to conclude a U.S.-ROK Reciprocal Defense Procurement Agreement to strengthen cooperation in the global defense industry.

President Yoon and President Biden recognized that the Alliance applies to cyberspace and committed to establish a U.S.-ROK Strategic Cybersecurity Cooperation Framework. The United States and the ROK commit to using this framework to expand cooperation on deterring cyber adversaries, increase the cybersecurity of critical infrastructure, combat cybercrime, and secure cryptocurrency and blockchain applications. The Presidents expressed concern regarding the DPRK’s illicit cyber activities that fund its unlawful WMD and ballistic missile programs and committed to expanding information sharing and enhancing international awareness to combat DPRK cyber threats and block its cyber-enabled revenue generation.

Our Alliance also applies to space, and President Yoon and President Biden committed to further strengthening the U.S.-ROK Alliance across all sectors and through multiple channels of space cooperation. The two Presidents welcomed the ROK’s intention to expand its investments in space exploration and announced plans to study concepts for cooperation on the exploration of the Moon and Mars. The United States welcomed the ROK’s new Korea Aero Space Administration, anticipating collaborative projects. Both sides called for strengthening U.S.-ROK commercial space cooperation and welcomed the United States’ recent clarification of its export control policies on satellites and satellite components, which provides a foundation for expanded bilateral commercial and governmental space cooperation. Both sides welcomed the potential for industrial collaboration on future commercial space stations. The two Presidents also welcomed deepening space security cooperation, including the ROK’s commitment not to conduct destructive, direct-ascent anti-satellite missile testing. Both sides will work towards advancing bilateral space situational awareness cooperation in response to growing space risks and threats, and ensuring a safe, secure, and sustainable space environment through further development of norms of responsible behaviors.

The United States and the ROK are committed to deepening their people-to-people ties and educational cooperation for future generations in the fields of humanities and social sciences, as well as science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) with the shared objective of fostering greater and deeper understanding through excellence in education. The Presidents announced a new educational exchange initiative amounting to $60 million, funded jointly, that aims to serve 2,023 Koreans and 2,023 Americans, symbolic of the year 2023 and in commemoration of the 70th anniversary of the Alliance. The initiative will include 200 grantees under the Fulbright scholarship program, making it the largest number of grantees selected for STEM in Fulbright’s history. President Biden and President Yoon noted that our mutual prosperity and global competitiveness depends on our ability to empower all our people, particularly women, to participate in and contribute to our economy, in all sectors and at all levels.

From developing resilient supply chains and investing in critical technologies and strategic sectors, such as semiconductors and critical minerals, to combating the climate crisis and accelerating the clean energy transition—our two nations are deepening and broadening all aspects of our relationship at a breakneck speed. These next 70 years of the U.S.-ROK Alliance will be the brightest yet. President Biden and President Yoon reaffirmed their joint commitments to working tirelessly to broaden and deepen our ties as an Alliance in action toward the future.

President Yoon expressed his gratitude for President Biden’s warm hospitality and extended an invitation for President Biden to visit the ROK again at a time of mutual convenience.

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whitehouse.gov · by The White House · April 26, 2023

3. FACT SHEET: Republic of Korea State Visit to the United States

More details and strategic guidance.

FACT SHEET: Republic of Korea State Visit to the United States | The White House

whitehouse.gov · by The White House · April 26, 2023

President Biden of the United States welcomed President Yoon of the Republic of Korea (ROK) on April 26, 2023, for a State Visit to commemorate the 70th anniversary of the U.S.-ROK Alliance. The two presidents reaffirmed their ironclad commitment to what has become a global alliance focused on deepening defense and security ties, expanding economic, commercial, and environmental cooperation, increasing digital and technology collaboration—including in the space sector—and broadening development assistance, educational exchanges, and people-to-people ties. This fact sheet provides an overview of political understandings that were affirmed or reaffirmed during the State Visit, as well as plans for further cooperative activities between the United States and the ROK.

DEFENSE AND GLOBAL SECURITY COOPERATION

President Biden and President Yoon affirmed their strong, shared commitment to the defense of the people and territories of the United States and the ROK, including through deepening extended deterrence.

• Nuclear Consultative Group (NCG): The United States and the ROK launched an NCG to discuss how to plan for nuclear contingencies and cooperate on the Alliance’s approach to nuclear deterrence, given the growing threat posed by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). The NCG will convene at the assistant secretary level.
• Strengthening the International Nonproliferation Regime: The United States and the ROK reaffirmed their enduring commitment to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty as the cornerstone for the international nonproliferation regime and the foundation for nuclear disarmament and peaceful uses.
• More Visible U.S. Strategic Asset Deployments: The United States committed to enhancing the deployment of U.S. strategic assets in and around the Korean Peninsula, in particular U.S. nuclear-capable platforms. The Alliance is also expanding the scope and scale of joint exercises and maintaining regular, senior-level defense engagements and dialogues to contend with regional threats.
• Closely Connecting ROK Capabilities with Combined Forces Command: The United States and the ROK are working to increase interconnectedness between the ROK’s new and improving strategic capabilities and the Alliance’s combined force structure to enhance joint planning and execution efforts.
• ROK Education and Training on Nuclear Deterrence: To enhance ROK preparedness for nuclear threat scenarios, the United States welcomes participation by ROK military personnel in Department of Defense courses and trainings, which will focus on how the Alliance approaches nuclear deterrence on the Korean Peninsula, including through conventional-nuclear integration.
• New Table-Top Exercise and Simulation: As we improve our ability to plan for and respond to regional threats, the United States and the ROK have developed a new annual interagency and intergovernmental simulation and a separate table-top exercise with U.S. Strategic Command. These will augment similar activities already established in our bilateral engagements.
• Increasing Participation in Defense Exercises: To ensure force readiness and strengthen our joint force posture, the United States and the ROK are expanding field training exercises, including ULCHI FREEDOM SHIELD and WARRIOR SHIELD, to restore a realistic, theater-level combined exercise system. The ROK plans to join trilateral exercises with the United States and Japan as well as multilateral exercises.
• Enhancing Regional Cooperation on Maritime Security and Defense: Regional security cooperation is critical to achieving peace, stability, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific. The United States and the ROK will use the Regional Cooperation Working Group (RCWG) to enhance lines of effort that increase maritime domain awareness and defense cooperation with other Indo-Pacific partners.

ECONOMIC, COMMERCIAL, AND ENVIRONMENTAL COOPERATION

The United States and the ROK have forged enduring economic ties that reinforce every aspect of our Alliance, from mutual prosperity to commercial investment and from environmental cooperation to stronger cultural connections. President Biden and President Yoon affirmed that the United States and the ROK are committed to advancing economic, commercial, and environmental cooperation.

• Major ROK and U.S. Investments in Critical Sectors: ROK companies have announced more than $100 billion in new investments in the United States since the beginning of the Biden Administration, which will create over 40,000 new jobs in America; the top destination of ROK investment from 2021 to date is the United States. The United States is the second leading investor in the ROK. These historic investments are increasing our cooperation in areas such as semiconductors, electric vehicles, batteries, biotechnology, clean energy, and creative content.
• Hyundai Motor Group’s $5.4 billion electric vehicle plant in Bryan, Georgia, is under construction and will create 8,100 jobs.
• SK Innovation is working with Ford to invest $11.4 billion on two electric battery parks under construction in Glendale, Kentucky, and Stanton, Tennessee, that will create 11,000 jobs.
• Samsung Electronics semiconductor manufacturing facility in Taylor, Texas, is under construction and represents an investment of up to $25 billion.
• Hanwha Q Cells is investing $2.5 billion on the expansion of its solar factories in Dalton, Georgia, which will create 3,000 jobs.
• Netflix is investing $2.5 billion in Korean content.
• Broader Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF): The United States and the ROK are working to advance IPEF and achieve high-standard commitments across all four Pillars. For its part, the ROK plans to host an IPEF negotiation round in Busan later this year.
• Expanded Supply Chain Security and Cooperation: The United States is deepening cooperation and engagement with the ROK on economic security measures, including through new working groups in the U.S.-ROK Supply Chain and Commercial Dialogue (SCCD). Through these efforts, the United States and the ROK are increasing cooperation on semiconductor incentive programs, research initiatives, and supply chain risks, as well as strengthening cooperation on export controls.
• Expanded Cooperation for Critical Minerals Supply Chains: The ROK Government will make available $5.3 billion during the next five years to support ROK critical minerals and battery manufacturing investments in North America. The United States and the ROK will pursue the establishment of a more resilient supply chain, including by playing leading roles in the Minerals Security Partnership (MSP).
• Fast-tracking E2 Visas: The United States and the ROK are committed to facilitating timely business travel in support of significant ROK investments in the United States. To ensure a smooth process for ROK investors, the U.S. Embassy in Seoul worked with the ROK government and businesses to improve visa processing procedures, resulting in a significant reduction in E2 investment visa wait times from 87 to 5 days.
• Supporting International Efforts to Counter Russia: The ROK has joined the United States and the international coalition of over 30 countries holding Russia responsible for its war in Ukraine through the imposition of sanctions and export controls.
• Joint Efforts on Green Shipping: To accelerate the de-carbonization of the shipping sector, the two nations committed to sign a joint statement on ambitious greenhouse gas emission reduction goals in the International Maritime Organization, support the establishment of the U.S.-ROK Green Shipping Corridor announced by the two countries at the COP27 in 2022, and broaden technological and information sharing cooperation, particularly on green shipping.
• Enhancing Cooperation on Clean Energy and Decarbonization: The United States and ROK held a ministerial-level meeting under the Energy Policy Dialogue (EPD) to identify priority areas for continued collaboration on economy-wide decarbonization. The EPD aims to advance policy and technical exchanges and reinforces the two nations’ commitment to advancing clean energy goals.

TECHNOLOGY, DIGITAL, AND SPACE COOPERATION

Our Alliance is equipped for the 21st Century, and collaboration between the United States and the ROK has grown to include cybersecurity, critical and emerging technology, and space. We are augmenting our digital cooperation, including by improving collaboration on effective digital and telecommunications policy. We are also on a course to broaden our space cooperation across multiple sectors, including security and defense, commercial investment, and space exploration.

• New Cyber Strategic Framework: The two Presidents announced a new bilateral cybersecurity framework that institutionalizes cooperation on developing organizational culture to enhance the cybersecurity of national security networks, increasing defensive cybersecurity capabilities, and collaborating on cybersecurity capacity-building efforts.
• Launching a Next Generation Critical and Emerging Technologies Dialogue: The United States and the ROK are launching a new interagency technology dialogue, convened annually and led by the two National Security Advisors, to expand partnership in such areas as biotechnology and biomanufacturing, batteries, semiconductors, and digital and quantum technologies.
• Expanding Cooperation in Biotechnology: The United States and the ROK are increasing biotechnology and biomanufacturing cooperation, including through an MOU between the Lawrence Berkeley National Lab and the Korea Research Institute of Bioscience and Biotechnology that supports U.S. and ROK goals to enhance infrastructure development, workforce and talent capacity, and bioeconomy-related research and development.
• Cooperation in Space Science and Exploration: NASA and the Ministry of Science and ICT (MSIT) signed a joint statement of intent at the Goddard Space Flight Center to explore further cooperation in space science and exploration. Additionally, NASA, MSIT, and participating agencies intend to conduct a joint study on potential areas of future cooperation to explore the Moon and Mars.
• Strengthening Space- and Cyber-Related Consultations: The United States and the ROK committed to strengthen space and cyber cooperation and improve interoperability through consultative bodies such as the Civil Space Dialogue (CSD), Space Security Dialogue (SSD), Space Cooperation Working Group (SCWG) and Cyber Cooperation Working Group (CCWG).
• Strengthening the Freedom Online Coalition: The ROK is joining the Freedom Online Coalition and U.S. efforts to further strengthen and expand this Coalition dedicated to support Internet freedom and protect human rights online.
• Partnering to Combat Gender-Based Online Harassment and Abuse: The United States and ROK continue to work together, alongside 10 other countries and a multi-stakeholder advisory group and steering committee, to prioritize, understand, prevent, and address the growing scourge of technology-facilitated gender-based violence through the Global Partnership for Action on Gender-Based Online Harassment and Abuse.

EXPANDING DEVELOPMENT, EDUCATION, AND PEOPLE-TO-PEOPLE TIES

President Biden and President Yoon highlighted the remarkable cultural connections between our two nations, and our increasing cooperative focus on development issues around the world. They shared their intent to further strengthen our combined development work and to knit the American and Korean people even more closely together.

• Supporting Ukraine: The ROK Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA), in close coordination with USAID, plans to contribute to USAID’s Agriculture Resilience Initiative (AGRI) for Ukraine. This is part of the ROK’s pledge of additional assistance of $130 million on top of its $100 million contribution last year.
• Enhancing Development Cooperation: On April 25, USAID and the Korean International Cooperation Agency (KOICA) signed a three-year MOU to support personnel exchanges to increase mutual understanding of development cooperation policy and implementation. USAID and KOICA committed to assist with marine litter monitoring systems in the Philippines, and cooperate on the Climate Resilient Cities program. USAID will also establish a permanent presence at US Embassy Seoul in 2023 to enhance donor collaboration.
• Peace Corps-World Friends Korea MOU Supports Climate Adaption in the Indo-Pacific: Building on the example of Peace Corps volunteers who served in the education and health sectors in the ROK from 1966-1981, the ROK has developed its own overseas volunteering program, World Friends Korea. The organizations have signed an MOU to support climate adaptation and in-country volunteering initiatives with a focus on the Indo-Pacific.
• New Educational Exchange Initiative: The United States and the ROK committed to engage in a new, multi-year, $60 million educational exchange program in the fields of humanities and social sciences as well as science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM). The program includes the largest-ever Fulbright graduate program focused on STEM research.
• Develop New Executive Training Program on Technology: The United States and the ROK committed to develop a new program focused on training the next generation of leaders to be informed, responsible stewards of critical and emerging technologies, including semiconductors, AI, quantum, and biotechnology. The program is intended for mid-career leaders in the public sector from the United States, ROK, India, United Kingdom, and Germany.
• Increasing Cultural and Language Exchanges: The two Presidents welcomed the renewal of an MOU that will increase the number of each countries’ annual participants in the Work, English Study, Travel program from 2,000 to 2,500.
• Deepening U.S.-ROK Health Cooperation: The United States and the ROK have renewed an MOU to cooperate on cutting-edge cancer research and exchange information about the safe production of medical products with artificial intelligence. Expanding cooperation between the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services and the ROK Ministry of Health and Welfare includes engagement on global health security, digital health, and universal health coverage.

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whitehouse.gov · by The White House · April 26, 2023

4. Remarks by President Biden and President Yoon Suk Yeol of the Republic of Korea in Joint Press Conference

​The most important remark from President Biden at the press conference that reinforces what the SECDEF and MINDEF have been saying consistently over the past months. This is the foundation of deterrence.

Look, a nuclear attack by North Korea against the United States or its allies or partisans — partners — is unacceptable and will result in the end of whatever regime, were it to take such an action.​

Remarks by President Biden and President Yoon Suk Yeol of the Republic of Korea in Joint Press Conference | The White House

whitehouse.gov · by The White House · April 26, 2023

Rose Garden

1:43 P.M. EDT

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Well, Mr. President, it’s good to see you again, my friend.

We’ve met several times over the last year. And each time, we have deepened our nations’ partnership and for the benefit, I think, of both our peoples. And today is no exception.

Our nations’ relationship is a — has a been a great success story. The alliance formed in war and has flourished in peace.

Seemingly every day, we’ve launched new areas of cooperation on cyber, strategic technologies, space, democracy, and all the areas that matter most to our future.

Because of its core, our alliance is about building a better future for all of our people. And there’s no better example than our economic relationship and partnership, which has — is delivering incredible benefits to both our nations.

Through the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, we’re advancing economic growth grounded in high standards for our workers, for the environment, and for communities throughout the region.

We’re standing together against economic influence being leveraged in coercive ways.

And since I took office, Korean companies have invested more than $100 billion in the United States, driving innovation and spurring good new jobs for Americans and Korean workers.

Our mutual defense treaty is ironclad, and that includes our commitment to extended deterrence, and — and that includes the nuclear threat and — the nuclear deterrent.

They are particularly important in the face of the DPRK’s increased threats and the blatant violation of U.S. [U.N.] sanctions.

At the same time, we continue to seek serious and substantial diplomatic breakthroughs with the DPRK to bolster stability on the Peninsula, reduce the threat of proliferation, and address our humanitarian and human rights concerns for the people of the DPRK.

The Republic of Korea and the United States are working together, including through our trilateral cooperation with Japan, to ensure the future of the Indo-Pacific is free, is open, prosperous, and secure.

I want to thank you again, Mr. President, for your political courage and personal commitment to — to diplomacy with Japan.

I’ve worked on these issues for a long time, and I can tell you it makes an enormous difference when we all pull together.

I also welcome and support your administration’s new Indo-Pacific strategy. It’s a strategy that affirms how aligned our two nations are and our visions of the region, and how similar they are.

Today, we discussed our work together on promoting peace and stability in the Taiwan Straits, ensuring freedom of navigation in the South China Sea and beyond.

(Clears throat.) Excuse me.

I also affirmed our shared commitment — we, together, shared our affirmed shared commitment to stand with the people of Ukraine against Russia’s brutal assault on their freedom, their territorial integrity, and democracy.

And the Republic of Korea’s strong support for Ukraine is important, because Russians’ flagrant — Russia’s flagrant violation of international law matters to nations everywhere in the world, not just in Europe.

When I — when it comes right down to it, it’s about what you believe, what you stand for, what kind of future you want for your children and grandchildren.

And right now, I believe the world is at an inflection point.

The choices we make today, I believe, are going to determine the direction of our world and the future of our kids for decades to come.

That’s why this partnership is so important, Mr. President — because we share the same values, the same vision.

And I greatly appreciate, Mr. President, that the Republic of Korea co-chaired the second Summit on Democracies last month and that you will host the third Summit on — for Democracies.

We both understand that our democracies and our people are our greatest sources of strength. And working together, they make our nations stronger and more effective.

From tracking the climate crisis and strengthening our effort to fight it, and strengthening global health, no two countries are better suited to meet the challenges ahead than the Republic of Korea and the United States.

I want to thank you again, Mr. President, for your friendship, your partnership, and all you’ve done to help build a future of shared strength and success.

The floor is yours, Mr. President.

PRESIDENT YOON: (As interpreted.) President Biden, thank you for your special and warm hospitality. I am very pleased to be making a state visit to the United States during this meaningful year that marks the 70th anniversary of the ROK-U.S. Alliance.

Our two countries have overcome challenges and crises during the past 70 years based on the deep roots of freedom and democracy, building a value alliance that is strong, resilient, and sustainable.

We are now being threatened by an unprecedented polycrisis. The ROK-U.S. Alliance is jointly overcoming this crisis also coming from North Korea as a righteous alliance that contributes to world peace and prosperity.

We will further expand the depth and denotation of the ROK-U.S. global comprehensive strategic partnership and march forward to the future.

Today, President Biden and myself engaged in constructive dialogue to discuss ways to materialize this shared vision. The outcome of our dialogue is well outlined in the joint statement adopted today.

The first key outcome is extended deterrence. Sustainable peace on the Korean Peninsula does not happen automatically. Our two leaders have decided to significantly strengthen extended deterrence of our two countries against North Korea’s nuclear and missile threats so that we can achieve peace through the superiority of overwhelming forces and not a false peace based on the goodwill of the other side.

Such a will and commitment is captured in the Washington Declaration. President Biden has reaffirmed his ironclad commitment to extended deterrence towards the Republic of Korea.

Our two countries have agreed to immediate bilateral presidential consultations in the event of North Korea’s nuclear attack and promised to respond swiftly, overwhelmingly, and decisively using the full force of the alliance including the United States’ nuclear weapons.

Our two countries have agreed to establish a Nuclear Consultative Group to map out a specific plan to operate the new extended deterrence system.

Now our two countries will share information on nuclear and strategic weapon operations plans in response to North Korea’s provocations and have regular consultations on ways to plan and execute joint operations that combine Korea’s state-of-the-art conventional forces with the U.S.’s nuclear capabilities, the results of which will be reported to the leaders of our two countries on a regular basis.

In addition, our two countries have agreed to further advance tabletop exercises against a potential nuclear crisis.

In addition, deployment of the United States’ strategic assets to the Korean Peninsula will be made constantly and routinely.

President Biden and I will continue to cooperate to strengthen extended deterrence between our two countries based on our historical and concrete agreement reached during our summit.

Second, our two leaders have agreed to further strengthen the strategic partnership in economic security, which is directly related to the national economies of our two countries.

President Biden and I welcomed the expansion of our firms’ bilateral mutual investment and advanced technology including semiconductors, electric vehicles, and batteries.

President Biden has said that no special support and considerations will be spared for Korean companies’ investment and business activities in particular.

We have agreed to consult and coordinate closely so that the U.S. Inflation Reduction Act and the CHIPS and Science Act can further strengthen supply chain cooperations between the two countries in advanced technology.

Furthermore, we plan on ramping up partnerships in cutting-edge technology.

We have agreed to establish a dialogue for next-generation emerging and core technology between the U.S. National Security Council and the Korea Office of National Security, pertaining to chips, batteries, biotechnology, quantum science, and other cutting-edge technologies, with the aim of promoting joint R&D and experts exchange.

We have also adopted a separate joint statement for strengthening cooperation in the rapidly emerging quantum science and technology domain.

President Biden and I have also agreed to get the ball rolling on discussions about expanding our alliance into cyber and space by applying the Mutual Defense Treaty in cyberspace and space as well.

We have also agreed that the Strategic Cybersecurity Cooperation Framework adopted this time around will serve as the foundation on which we address cyber threats together and boost cooperation and information sharing, collection, and analysis.

Space is another area that shows great promise for cooperation between our two countries. During my time here, I was able to visit the NASA Goddard Space Center. President Biden welcomed the establishment of KASA, and we have agreed to promote cooperation between KASA and NASA.

We have also agreed to accelerate discussions on reaching a reciprocal defense procurement agreement, which is equivalent to an FTA in terms of national defense.

Meanwhile, President Biden and I have agreed to promote exchange between the future generations of our two countries. To this end, we have launched the U.S.-ROK special exchange initiative for youths.

In celebration of the 70th anniversary of the ROK-U.S. Alliance this year, our two countries plan to invest a total of $60 million to support exchanges between 2,023 youths majoring in STEM, humanities, and social sciences. And this also includes the largest Fulbright program to date, which will provide scholarships for 200 students.

Last but not least, President Biden and I have agreed that South Korea and the United States, as key partners in achieving stability and building peace in the Indo-Pacific region, will put our heads together as we implement our Indo-Pacific strategies to strengthen our cooperation in addressing regional and global challenges.

In particular, President Biden expressed strong support for efforts made by the Korean government to normalize Korea-Japan relations, and we have agreed to continue our efforts in strengthening Korea-U.S.-Japan trilateral cooperation.

Furthermore, we reaffirmed that the use of force to take the lives of innocent people — an example of which would be Russia’s invasion of Ukraine — can in no circumstances whatsoever be justified.

In that sense, we agreed to continue our cooperation and efforts alongside the international community to support Ukraine.

During this meeting, we also discussed plans through which our two countries can take a leadership role in addressing global challenges, such as climate change, international development, and energy and food security.

I am delighted that through today’s meeting, we’ve opened up a new chapter for the next 70 years of the ROK-U.S. Alliance.

I hope President Biden and I, with the support of people in our two countries, can fully deliver on the blueprint that we have mapped out today with the aim of our — founded in the reaffirmation of the value of freedom and our universal values.

Thank you. (Applause.)

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Thank you.

Now we’re going to take some questions. The first question is from Courtney of the Los Angeles Times.

Q Thank you, Mr. President. Your top economic priority has been to build up U.S. domestic manufacturing in competition with China. But your rules again- — against expanding chip manufacturing in China is hurting South Korean companies that rely heavily on Beijing. Are you damaging a key ally in the competition with China to help your domestic politics ahead of the election?

And one for President Yoon: There have been concerns since last year that North Korea will soon be conducting its seventh nuclear test amid growing domestic support in your country for your own nuclear weapons. Meanwhile, Russia has suggested it could send its latest weapons to North Korea if South Korea sends lethal aid to Ukraine. How do you seek to manage the North Korea risk amid obligations to Ukraine and NATO?

Thank you.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Let me respond to your question first.

My desire to increase U.S. manufacturing and jobs in America is not about China. I’m not concerned about China.

Remember, America invented the semiconductor. We invented it. We used to have 40 percent of the market. And we decided that what we’re going to do over the past — I don’t know how many decades — we decided that it was going to be cheaper to export jobs and import product. And along came the pandemic. And the pandemic taught us that — we used to have, as I said, 40 percent of the market just some years ago. Now it’s down to 10 percent. And again, we invented the super- —

We got — so I decided to go out and see what we could do to increase our hold on the market once again. And so what I did was I went around the country. As well as in addition to passing the CHIPS and Science Act, I, in fact, visited countries around the world. And two significant South Korean companies decided they were going to invest billions of dollars in chip manufacturing in the United States.

It wasn’t designed to hurt China. It was designed to — so we didn’t have to worry about whether or not we had access to semiconductors. For example, during the pandemic, what happened was all of a sudden everybody started to learn the phrase “supply chain.” A year ago, no one knew what the hell anybody was talking about when you said “supply chain.” But now they all know. And we lost access to these — these semiconductors and which new automobiles in the United States need 30,000 of them just to build a new automobile. And we didn’t have them.

So we started to invest here. And what happened was, when we encouraged the investment through the CHIPS and Science Act — and now we have enormous investment in the United States — well over $200 tril- — billion in long-term investment in semiconductors. And we’re rebuilding the economy of the United States with those semiconductors. It’s not designed to hurt China.

The only thing I did say, with regard to China: There are certain extremely sophisticated semiconductors that we have built that are useful for nuclear and/or other weapons systems. Those we are not selling. We’re not exporting them to China or anyone else.

And so that’s the context in which this has all occurred. In the meantime, we’re creating thousands of jobs and bringing back a sense of pride and dignity to so many towns in the country where, all of a sudden, over the last three decades, we found out that factory that hired — had 600 people shut down. The soul of that community was lost.

And so I made sure, when the semiconductors were coming back, that they were not just going to go to the coast, they’d be all over the country.

And so we have a significant “field of dreams” in — outside of — in Ohio, outside of Columbus. We’re in Texas. We’re in Arizona. Anyway — they’re all over the country.

So, it’s not viewed to hurt anyone else. We are providing access to those semiconductors. We’re not — we’re a supply chain you can count on.

But we are not — we are not going to sit back and be in a position where we don’t have access to those semiconductors. We are not going to be a place where we’re the end of that line. We — we’re the beginning of it.

And it’s generating significant economic growth in America and not hurting anybody.

And, by the way, it’s creating jobs in — in South Korea. It’s creating jobs in South Korea — and not just with SK, but — anyway — with Samsung and other — other industries.

So, I think it’s a win-win.

PRESIDENT YOON: (As interpreted.) With regard to your question, let me provide my answer. Korea and the U.S., based on its Washington Declaration, our two countries have agreed to strengthen extended deterrence, and the implementation level is different from the past.

First of all, we have an NCG — Nuclear Consultative Group — that has been launched that will implement discussions and actions. And we will hold regular meetings and consultations under NCG. We will share information on mutual nuclear assets and intelligence, and we will jointly plan responses and also jointly plan exercises and drills and implementation plans. So, all of these will be strengthened and specified under the Nuclear Consultative Group.

We want to customize our response against North Korea’s nuclear threat based on extended deterrence. And in the process of achieving this goal, any concerns that Koreans may have against North Korean nuclear weapons will be relieved, I believe.

If nuclear weapons are used, our two countries will strengthen our response in a swift manner.

Any further questions to me? Please.

Q (As interpreted.) Reporter Won Junghee from MBN. I have two questions for you. With regard to extended deterrence, the NCG that has been formed, how will Korea function under NCG? Any kind of nuclear-equipped nuclear assets will be in function?

And to President Biden: Korea is to maintain the NPT and it is to strengthen extended deterrence, correct? So, based on your view, do you think this is enough to guard Korea against the North Korean nuclear threat?

Thank you very much.

PRESIDENT YOON: (As interpreted.) Well, let me address your question about the activities of the NCG. We are going to be sharing information, and we are going to be acting jointly. That is the key.

I can’t talk to the specifics right now about what type of information and what type of specific activities we will be conducting.

But, however, under the nuclear umbrella, our extended deterrence was a lot lower. So, right now it’s an unprecedented expansion and strengthening of the extended deterrence strategy under the Washington Declaration, which will create the NCG.

The implementation and the response at this level has never thus far been this strong. So, this is a new level of extended deterrence much stronger; that, I can say with confidence.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: The response that I would give you is that the extended deterrence means that we are having more consultation with whatever action is to be contemplated or taken. And we made it really very, very clear.

Any — the ROK has repeatedly formed its — confirmed its commitment to — to the nonproliferation treaty. And the Washington Declaration is a prudent step to reinforce extended deterrence and respond to advancing DPRK nuclear threat.

Look, a nuclear attack by North Korea against the United States or its allies or partisans — partners — is unacceptable and will result in the end of whatever regime, were it to take such an action.

And it’s about strengthening deterrence in response to the DPRK’s escalatory behavior and to deal in complete consultation.

And, you know, the idea that I have absolute authority as Commander-in-Chief and the sole authority to use a nuclear weapon. But, you know, what the declaration means is that we’re going make every effort to consult with our allies when it’s appropriate if any actions are so called for.

Certainly, we’ve talked about this and some other things today. But the bottom line here is: There’s even closer cooperation, closer consultation. And — and we’re not going to be stationing nuclear weapons on — on the Peninsula, but we will have visits to — port visits of nuclear submarines and things like that. We are not walking away from that.

My turn to ask a question? I think the next question is Mary Bruce, ABC.

Q Thank you, Mr. President. You recently launched your reelection campaign. You’ve said questions about your age are “legitimate.” And your response is always “Just watch me.” But the country is watching, and recent polling shows that 70 percent of Americans, including a majority of Democrats, believe you shouldn’t run again. What do you say to them? What do you say to those Americans who are watching and aren’t convinced?

You’ve said you can beat Trump again. Do you think you’re the only one?

PRESIDENT BIDEN: I may not be the only one, but I know him well. And I know the danger he presents to our democracy. And we’ve been down this road before.

And with regard to — to age, you know, and — and polling data, I noticed the polling data I keep hearing about is that I’m between 42 and 46 percent favorable rating, et cetera. And — but everybody running for reelection in this time has been in the same position. There’s nothing new about that. You’re making it sound like “Biden is really underwater.” And — number one.

Number two, when the same polling data asks whether they think what kind of job I’ve done, it gets overwhelmingly positive results — from 58 percent thinking everything from the CHIPS Act and the — all the things we’ve done.

You know, we’ve created — like I said, we’ve created 12 million new jobs. We’ve created 800,000 manufacturing jobs. We have economic growth moving.

We’re in a situation where the climate — we’ve invested more money and more help in dealing with the climate crisis than any nation in the world. And so, things — things are moving.

And the reason I’m running again is there’s a job to finish.

The other thing is that — look, you know, think about what I inherited when I got elected. I inherited a nation in overwhelming debt at the time, number one — in the hole for the four years that he was President.

I inherited a nation that had a serious lo- — loss of credibility around the world as “America First” and —

You know, the first meeting I attended — the G7 — I said, “American is back.” And one of the world leaders looked and said, “For how long? For how long?”

There was a great concern about the United States being able to lead the free world. And we’re doing that again.

And those same polls you look at — you take a look at the polls that are saying whether I pulled together NATO and the European Union, as well as the Asian partners. I think we have. But there’s more to do.

And with regard to age, I can’t even say — if I guess how old I am, I can’t even say the number. It doesn’t — it doesn’t register with me.

And — but the only thing I can say is that one of the things that people are going to find out — they’re going to see a race, and they’re going to judge whether or not I have it or don’t have it. I respect them taking a hard look at it. I’d take a hard look at it as well. I took a hard look at it before I decided to run.

And I feel good. I feel excited about the prospects. And I think we’re on the verge of really turning the corner in a way we haven’t in a long time.

I know you’re tired of hearing me say we’re at an inflection point, but we really are. What happens in the next two, three, four years is going to determine what the next three or four decades look like. And I have never been more optimistic in my life about the possibilities of the United States.

Q To be clear, though, you just said, “I know him well.” Did Donald Trump’s decision to run affect yours? Would you be running if he wasn’t?

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Yeah, I think I still would be running if he wasn’t. I — I do know him well. He’s not hard to know, as you know. You know him well, too.

And the question is whether or not — look, there’s just — there’s more to finish the job. We have an opportunity to put ourselves in a position where we are economically and politically secure for a long time.

Look, there — we continue to have — and I know you don’t like me — hearing me saying it. There’s still a contest between autocracies and democracies, and we’re the leading democracy in the world. And it’s something I know a fair amount about. It’s something I care about and something that I have found a willingness of an awful lot of our allies and friends to follow.

So, I think that, you know, we have to finish the job and nail it down.

Q (Inaudible.)

INTERPRETER: You need to repeat the question; the mic was not used. We cannot interpret.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: They need to repeat the question.

Q Mr. President, (inaudible).

INTERPRETER: Please use the microphone. We cannot provide interpretation if you do not use the microphone.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: You need the microphone.

Q My apologies. Thank you.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: (Inaudible) stealing the microphone.

Q Did the recent leaks revealing that the U.S. was spying on South Korea come up at all in your discussions? And did President Biden provide you any assurances?

PRESIDENT YOON: (As interpreted.) With regard to that, we are communicating between our two countries, and we are sharing necessary information.

I believe that investigation is underway in the United States, so various and complex variables are always in play. We need time to wait for the investigation results by the United States. And we plan to continue to communicate on the matter.

MS. JEAN-PIERRE: This will be the last question.

Q (As interpreted.) I’m from Financial News. My name is Kim Hakjae. My question goes to both of you. My first one goes to President Yoon first.

During the state visit, you’ve said that the alliance has strengthened to cutting-edge industries, to cutting-edge science. And also investments in businesses have been some of the outcomes. These are some positives. However, to each individual of the public, how will this have a long-term impact? What will be the direct benefits felt?

And to President Biden: In celebration of the 70th anniversary of the ROK-U.S. Alliance, I know that the atmosphere is really positive. However, Korean businesses, especially because of the CHIPS Act and the IRA, are on edge.

What message can you send to the Korean companies to really make sure and tell them that this is not something to worry about?

PRESIDENT YOON: (As interpreted.) The technology cooperation between the ROK and the U.S., and also in partnerships in cutting-edge industries, in science and technology, was your first question. So, that is about really strengthening the competitiveness of our two countries. And it will enhance the productivity and to create added value — high added value. These are the types of products that are going to be produced.

And from the perspective of the public, for each individual: In that process, they will reap the benefits wide and comprehensive that will stem from these industries and investments in these industries — for example, from job creation, as well.

And above all, the future generations will be given the determination and will to take on new challenges and embrace opportunities in our industry so that they can continue to prosper and grow and become more abundant in the future.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: The reassurance is that it’s overwhelmingly in our interests for Korea to do well. No, it is. It’s very much in America’s interest that Korea do well in the Pacific — very well — because they are one of our most valued partners.

And so I think the combination of growing democracies and the democratic institutions, as well as their economies, is overwhelmingly in the benefit of the United States, whether it is in South Korea or it’s in Australia, in the deep South Pacific.

And so, I think that there’s a reason — overwhelming reason.

Plus, in addition to that, we’re increasing the number of student exchanges, access to more information between our folks, educating our people, as well as we’re going to be cooperating on everything from space to technology to medicine. And so, there’s so many opportunities we have.

And I don’t think we — at least we don’t — and I don’t think, so far, most of the South Korean companies believe that there’s somehow a — a U.S. effort to slow them down, prevent their growth, or anything like that. We’d like to see them grow. And — and I mean that sincerely.

It’s overwhelmingly in the U.S. interest for South Korea to do very well economically. It’s overwhelmingly in our interest because it has —

And lastly, you know, I think we underestimate the example that South Korea sets. Here you have a nation that is significant but is not a nation of 2-, 3-, 400,000 people, making the kind of changes it’s making.

It gives other smaller nations hope to believe that if they have democratic institutions and commitment and in- — and impact on industries that in fact are the cutting-edge industries — new sciences and technology, including AI and other things — that there’s a future for them. And I think that’s what this is about.

And so we — we view South Korea’s economic growth as a benefit to the United States, as well as freedom around the world.

Thank you all so very much. Appreciate it. (Applause.)

Q (Inaudible) debt limit vote? Are you going to (inaudible) McCarthy?

Q Republicans say you’re refusing to negotiate on the debt limit. They’re saying you’re missing in action.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: They haven’t figured out the debt limit yet.

Q Are you missing in action?

Q Will negotiate with them on the debt limit?

Q Will you meet with McCarthy?

PRESIDENT BIDEN: I’m happy to meet with McCarthy, but not on whether or not the debt limit gets extended. That’s not negotiable.

I notice they quote Reagan and they quote — they quote Reagan all the time and they quote Trump, both of which said — it says — I’m paraphrasing — it would be an absolute crime to not extend the debt limit.

2:19 P.M. EDT

whitehouse.gov · by The White House · April 26, 2023

5. Why send a US stealth submarine to South Korea -- and tell the world about it?

Why send a US stealth submarine to South Korea -- and tell the world about it? | CNN

CNN · by Brad Lendon · April 27, 2023

Seoul, South Korea CNN —

When the presidents of the United States and South Korea this week announced a landmark deal to deter North Korean aggression, one element of the pact stood out.

Plans to deploy a US nuclear-armed submarine to South Korea for the first time since 1981 were the headline act in the unveiling of the “Washington Declaration,” a set of measures aimed at making Pyongyang think twice about launching a nuclear attack on its southern neighbor.

“Our mutual defense treaty is iron clad and that includes our commitment to extend a deterrence – and that includes the nuclear threat, the nuclear deterrent,” US President Joe Biden said in a news conference at the White House with South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol.

But while the move has huge symbolic value, some experts question whether it makes sense as a military move. Some point out the subs are quite capable of hitting North Korea from thousands of miles away; others argue that sending the sub on a – very public – foreign port visit only compromises the effectiveness of a weapon designed for stealth.

Here’s what you need to know about the submarine and why it’s heading to South Korea.

It’s called a ‘boomer’

The US Navy has 14 Ohio-class, nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarines (SSBNs), with eight based in Washington state and six based in Georgia.

The 560-foot submarines, commonly called “boomers,” have a displacement of more than 18,000 tons when submerged and are each powered by a single nuclear reactor.

The Navy says an Ohio-class sub is designed to spend on average 77 days at sea, followed by 35 days in port for maintenance. The subs have two crews each – dubbed the “blue” and “gold” crews – and these are rotated so the 155 submariners in each crew get proper rest and training between patrols.

Go aboard a US nuclear-powered submarine on the lookout for threats from China

04:24 - Source: CNN

What weapons do they carry?

Each of the Ohio-class subs carry a maximum of 20 Trident II ballistic missiles.

These have a range of 4,600 miles (7,400 kilometers), meaning they are capable of hitting a target in North Korea from vast swathes of the Pacific, Indian or Arctic oceans.

“Militarily, (these submarines) don’t need to be anywhere near Korea in order to reach potential targets there,” said Blake Herzinger, a research fellow at the United States Studies Centre.

Each Trident missile is capable of carrying multiple warheads that can be directed toward separate targets.

The Nuclear Threat Initiative at the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies estimates that each Trident missile can carry four nuclear warheads, meaning each US ballistic missile submarine could be carrying about 80 nuclear warheads.

In other words, a single Trident-armed sub could destroy all of North Korea.

An unarmed Trident II D5 missile is test-launched from the Ohio-class ballistic missile submarine USS Nebraska off the coast of California in 2018.

Ronald Gutridge/U.S. Navy/Handout/Reuters

Why send one to South Korea?

Analysts say the presence of a US Navy ballistic missile submarine in a South Korean port would be purely symbolic – and in fact would reduce the military value of the sub.

“Tactically, (the US and South Korea) are diminishing the sub’s most powerful asset; its stealthiness,” said Carl Schuster, a former US Navy captain and former director of operations at the US Pacific Command’s Joint Intelligence Center in Hawaii.

One of the keys to nuclear deterrence is uncertainty.

“Nuclear deterrence requires that, though the adversary knows of the existence and scale of the nuclear state’s weapons, it cannot know the exact extent or location of capabilities or when they might be employed,” US Navy Cmdr. Daniel Post wrote in the US Naval Institute’s Proceedings journal in January.

A US ballistic missile sub lurking hundreds of feet below the ocean’s surface thousands of miles from North Korea would still be within striking range of Pyongyang, but would be near impossible for North Korea to spot.

One arriving in South Korea on a port visit – which must be arranged 24 to 48 hours in advance – would be far more visible, giving North Korea an advantage, Schuster said.

“If Kim Jong Un was looking to do a surprise strike, we’ve given him the submarine’s location and time it will be there,” Schuster said.

Just symbolic?

The US wants to reassure one of its most important allies that it has their back, analysts say.

Kim Jong Un has been building up North Korea’s nuclear-capable missile forces, testing them at a record rate in 2022. And in a New Year’s Eve speech, the North Korean leader called for an “exponential increase” in his country’s nuclear weapons arsenal in response to what he claims are threats from South Korea and the United States.

DIEGO GARCIA, British Indian Ocean Territory (Oct. 25, 2022) -- Ohio-class ballistic-missile submarine USS West Virginia (SSBN-736) conducts a port visit at U.S. Navy Support Facility (NSF) Diego Garcia during a scheduled patrol. This port visit to Diego Garcia reflects the United States' commitment to the Indo-Pacific region, and complements the many exercises, training, operations, and the other military cooperation activities conducted by Strategic Forces to ensure they are available and ready to operate around the globe at any time. West Virginia is one of six ballistic-missile submarines stationed at Naval Submarine Base Kings Bay, Georgia, and is capable of carrying up to 20 submarine --launched ballistic missiles with multiple warheads.

Mass Communication Specialist 2nd Class Jan David De Luna Mercado

US Navy sends a message to adversaries with a rare submarine port visit in Indian Ocean

Kim’s threats have prompted some in South Korea to call for Seoul to become a nuclear-armed power itself. The US does not want to see nuclear proliferation on the peninsula, so it has been trying to reassure its ally by making its forces more visible in the area, including flying nuclear-capable B-52 bombers in the skies around South Korea.

Kim Jung-sup, senior research fellow at the Sejong Institute’s Center for Defense Studies in Seoul, said the subs just hammer that point home and add to US credibility.

“Of course, they’re different types of weapons, but I don’t think there is an essential difference in the fact that they are strategic assets that fundamentally send a message of nuclear retaliation on North Korea,” Kim said.

As for making the US subs vulnerable, some analysts say that such a scenario would only happen as a precursor to nuclear war – by which point the sub would have already failed in its key mission of deterrence.

“Their fundamental purpose is to deter and reassure,” said Drew Thompson, a senior research fellow at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy at the National University of Singapore.

“Strategic weapons like a ballistic missile submarine and its payload are not intended to be used.”

CNN’s Gawon Bae contributed to this report.

CNN · by Brad Lendon · April 27, 2023

6.  Yoon, Biden pledge 'overwhelming' nuclear response in case of N.K. nuclear attack

Key points:

Standing next to him, Biden issued a stern warning to the North.

"A nuclear attack by North Korea against the United States, its allies or partners is unacceptable and will result in the end of whatever regime were to take such an action," he said.

The Washington Declaration follows months of work between the allies amid questions about the credibility of the U.S. extended deterrence commitment to South Korea and calls for the country's own nuclear armament as North Korea advances its nuclear and missile capabilities.

As a party to the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, South Korea is banned from developing its own nuclear weapons, while the U.S. maintains a longstanding policy of upholding the nonproliferation regime.

In the declaration, the two leaders made clear those positions will not change.

"The ROK has full confidence in U.S. extended deterrence commitments and recognizes the importance, necessity, and benefit of its enduring reliance on the U.S. nuclear deterrent," it said, using the acronym for South Korea's formal name, the Republic of Korea.

"President Yoon reaffirmed the ROK's longstanding commitment to its obligations under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty as the cornerstone of the global nonproliferation regime as well as to the U.S.-ROK Agreement for Cooperation Concerning Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy," it said.

(6th LD) Yoon, Biden pledge 'overwhelming' nuclear response in case of N.K. nuclear attack | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by 이해아 · April 27, 2023

(ATTN: UPDATES with remark by deputy national security adviser; CHANGES headline)

By Lee Haye-ah

WASHINGTON, April 27 (Yonhap) -- President Yoon Suk Yeol and U.S. President Joe Biden agreed Wednesday to significantly strengthen Washington's nuclear commitment to South Korea, promising "swift, overwhelming, and decisive" action in the event of North Korea's nuclear attack.

Yoon announced the agreement during a joint press conference following summit talks with Biden at the White House, outlining a joint statement, dubbed the "Washington Declaration," that they adopted to strengthen "extended deterrence" against the North's nuclear and missile threats.

South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol (L) and U.S. President Joe Biden hold a joint news conference after their summit at the White House in Washington, D.C., on April 26, 2023. (Yonhap)

Extended deterrence refers to the U.S. commitment to mobilizing all of its military capabilities, including nuclear, to defend its ally.

"South Korea and the United States agreed to immediately hold talks between their leaders in the event of North Korea's nuclear attack, and through them, promised to take swift, overwhelming and decisive action using all of the alliance's military capabilities, including U.S. nuclear weapons," Yoon said at the White House Rose Garden.

Yoon said the two countries agreed to establish a Nuclear Consultative Group (NCG) in order to operate the new extended deterrence system in more detail.

The allies will share information on nuclear and strategic operations and planning and hold regular discussions on how to plan and execute joint operations combining South Korea's cutting-edge conventional capabilities with the U.S. nuclear capabilities, he said.

A presidential official later told reporters in Washington the NCG will be led by deputy minister-level officials from the two countries. In South Korea, a deputy minister ranks third, after the minister and vice minister.

The group will meet every quarter, four times a year, and report the results of their meetings to their respective presidents.

South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol (L) and U.S. President Joe Biden shake hands during a summit at the White House in Washington on April 26, 2023. (Yonhap)

"We, the two leaders, agreed to dramatically strengthen the two countries' extended deterrence against North Korea's nuclear and missile threats in order to achieve peace through an overwhelming superiority of strength, not a fake peace that relies on the other party's good will," Yoon said.

The two countries will further develop table-top simulation exercises to prepare against a nuclear crisis and regularly and continuously deploy U.S. strategic assets to the Korean Peninsula, Yoon said, while the declaration said a U.S. nuclear ballistic missile submarine will soon visit South Korea.

"Our people will effectively feel that they are sharing nuclear weapons with the United States," Principal Deputy National Security Adviser Kim Tae-hyo later told reporters.

The leaders also agreed to continue cooperation to further strengthen extended deterrence, with Biden reaffirming the "ironclad extended deterrence commitment" to South Korea, Yoon said.

South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol (L) and U.S. President Joe Biden attend an official welcoming ceremony ahead of their summit at the White House in Washington, D.C., on April 26, 2023. (Yonhap)

Standing next to him, Biden issued a stern warning to the North.

"A nuclear attack by North Korea against the United States, its allies or partners is unacceptable and will result in the end of whatever regime were to take such an action," he said.

The Washington Declaration follows months of work between the allies amid questions about the credibility of the U.S. extended deterrence commitment to South Korea and calls for the country's own nuclear armament as North Korea advances its nuclear and missile capabilities.

As a party to the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, South Korea is banned from developing its own nuclear weapons, while the U.S. maintains a longstanding policy of upholding the nonproliferation regime.

In the declaration, the two leaders made clear those positions will not change.

"The ROK has full confidence in U.S. extended deterrence commitments and recognizes the importance, necessity, and benefit of its enduring reliance on the U.S. nuclear deterrent," it said, using the acronym for South Korea's formal name, the Republic of Korea.

"President Yoon reaffirmed the ROK's longstanding commitment to its obligations under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty as the cornerstone of the global nonproliferation regime as well as to the U.S.-ROK Agreement for Cooperation Concerning Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy," it said.

South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol (R) and U.S. President Joe Biden (L) inspect an honor guard during an official welcoming ceremony ahead of their summit at the White House in Washington, D.C., on April 26, 2023. (Yonhap)

Yoon is on a six-day state visit to the U.S. as the two countries mark the 70th anniversary of the bilateral alliance that emerged from the 1950-53 Korean War.

A joint statement following the summit showed the two leaders covered a wide range of topics, including Russia's war in Ukraine, their commitment to diplomacy with North Korea, their deep concern over climate change, and their commitment to maintaining a free and open Indo-Pacific.

In particular Yoon and Biden "condemned in the strongest possible terms" Russia's actions against civilians and critical infrastructure in Ukraine, while emphasizing the importance of trilateral cooperation between the U.S., South Korea and Japan.

Biden welcomed Yoon's "bold steps" toward improving the South Korea-Japan relationship, according to the statement.

The two leaders agreed to continue close consultations on the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) and the CHIPS and Science Act to ensure they encourage mutually beneficial corporate investment in the U.S. amid concerns of South Korean businesses.

They also agreed to establish a bilateral Strategic Cybersecurity Cooperation Framework to expand cooperation on deterring cyber adversaries, increase the cybersecurity of critical infrastructure, combat cybercrime, and secure cryptocurrency and blockchain applications.

To further improve the two countries economic security, the leaders pledged to broaden cooperation on critical and emerging technologies, including through the establishment of a Next Generation Critical and Emerging Technologies Dialogue led by the two countries' National Security Councils.

Could the new nuclear might of South Korea and the U.S. trigger an arms race?

Youtube

https://youtu.be/6KcVULrNaLk

South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol (2nd from R) and first lady Kim Keon Hee (L) are greeted by U.S. President Joe Biden (R) and first lady Jill Biden during a welcoming ceremony at the White House in Washington, D.C., on April 26, 2023. (Yonhap)

hague@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by 이해아 · April 27, 2023

7. S. Korea releases English version of report on N. Korea's human rights

The summary and the main report can be accessed at this link: https://www.unikorea.go.kr/eng_unikorea/news/Publications/ronkhr/

S. Korea releases English version of report on N. Korea's human rights | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by 황장진 · April 26, 2023

SEOUL, April 26 (Yonhap) -- The South Korea government on Wednesday released an English version of its report on North Korea's human rights situation, which was made public last month for the first time.

The English edition is currently available on the unification ministry's website (www.unikorea.go.kr) and will be distributed to overseas diplomatic missions, international organizations, non-governmental organizations and research institutes, the ministry said.

The ministry has been compiling an annual report on North Korea's human rights situation since 2018 under the North Korean Human Rights Act. However, the report had not been made public in the past, apparently to avoid provoking Pyongyang.

This photo captured from the website of the unification ministry shows the cover of the English version of the 2023 Report on North Korean Human Rights. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)

On March 30, the ministry released the report publicly for the first time, in line with President Yoon Suk Yeol's hard-line policy toward the North.

The 450-page report is based on the testimonies of more than 500 North Korean defectors and highlights widespread rights abuses by state authorities, including murders, torture and public executions

"We hope the English version of the 2023 Report on North Korean Human Rights would increase interest in the human rights of North Koreans abroad, and provide more opportunities for international solidarity and cooperation to discuss North Korean human rights," the ministry said.

The English version includes a glossary of North Korean terms for foreign readers.

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by 황장진 · April 26, 2023

8. Biden to reassure South Korea’s security amid rising threat from North

The final major event is today:

Yoon plans to speak to a joint meeting of Congress on Thursday.

​Unfortunately, after that event is reported on, Korea will return to the back burner ​of interest until Kim Jong Un acts out again.

Biden to reassure South Korea’s security amid rising threat from North

The joint “Washington Declaration” included new measures and language designed to showcase the U.S. commitment to defend Seoul, including an openness to using nuclear weapons to protect its ally

By Toluse Olorunnipa, Ellen Nakashima and Michelle Ye Hee Lee

Updated April 26, 2023 at 4:27 p.m. EDT|Published April 26, 2023 at 6:00 a.m. EDT

The Washington Post · by Toluse Olorunnipa · April 26, 2023

President Biden plans to reaffirm the U.S. commitment to South Korea’s security Wednesday, using a state visit by South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol to launch a set of measures aimed at publicly countering the growing nuclear threat from North Korea.

The measures are set to be outlined in a joint document called the “Washington Declaration,” which will include language and initiatives designed to give Seoul more confidence that the United States would respond aggressively in the event of a nuclear strike by Pyongyang, according to three senior administration officials who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss plans that were not yet public.

Under the new framework, the United States and South Korea will launch a “Nuclear Consultative Group,” in which leaders from both countries will meet regularly to discuss and coordinate plans for responding to nuclear contingencies, officials said. Biden and Yoon will also announce efforts to step up training exercises and simulation activities to enhance preparation and coordination.

“We intend to take steps to make our deterrence more visible through the regular deployment of strategic assets, including a U.S. nuclear ballistic submarine visit to South Korea, which has not happened since the early 1980s,” one official said.

The submarine is scheduled to visit the region on a temporary basis in the coming months, officials said. The move is part of a broader push by the Biden administration to respond to growing unease among the South Korean people in the wake of an unprecedented increase in missile launches and public threats by North Korea.

The South Korean public has become more supportive than ever of having their own nuclear weapons, a sentiment that was once considered fringe but is now mainstream. For the past decade, public polls have shown a majority of South Koreans support nuclear armament, and now, upward of 70 percent of the population supports it. Their voices have grown only stronger in the face of North Korea’s nuclear ambitions and an assertive China.

The White House has taken note of the shifting public opinion in South Korea, and administration officials are publicly touting new collaborative actions in part to calm tensions among Yoon’s constituents.

“It’s concerning,” one official said. “If countries question the U.S. extended-deterrence commitments, it’s not a long stretch to start to think that they start to doubt the U.S. more broadly. And that’s something that is profoundly not in our interest right now.”

U.S. officials compared the stepped-up coordination to the moves taken to shore up European allies during the height of the Cold War to prepare for potential nuclear fallout.

For its part, South Korea will recommit to its obligations under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, affirming publicly that it will refrain from pursuing nuclear weapons of its own despite the threat it faces from North Korea, officials said.

Separately, the Biden administration is hoping to use the visit to encourage South Korea to tap its stockpile of conventional weaponry and ammunition to aid Ukraine in its fight against Russia. Biden also plans to use the opportunity of the state visit to commend Yoon’s recent efforts to improve relations with Japan. Biden is attempting to shore up alliances and partnerships across the region where China’s influence and aggression have grown in recent years.

One official said a goal of the summit is to make clear to both South Korea and the broader region that the United States would respond in an “overwhelming way” to any nuclear strike against its allies. Another official said Washington was prepared to conduct a “decisive response” if North Korea used nuclear weapons against South Korea. However, pressed on whether the United States would commit to using nuclear weapons to retaliate against North Korea for a nuclear strike on its neighbor, the officials stopped short of making such a declaration.

“We’re very careful in how we discuss these things,” one official said, adding that the administration is “focused on not making explicit threats, which we don’t believe are helpful in situations like that.”

Biden’s exact remarks Wednesday will be watched closely by a growing number of South Korean citizens who are concerned that the U.S. commitment to their security may waver amid the shifting global landscape — from Russia’s invasion of Ukraine to China’s threats against Taiwan to North Korea’s rapidly advancing program of missile launches.

South Korean analysts say without tangible commitments from the United States that can be clearly communicated to the South Korean public, the public’s desire will not be swayed. Korean analysts have also been questioning whether the United States will really deploy its nuclear arsenal to protect South Korea, especially if the Russian invasion of Ukraine or a Chinese invasion of Taiwan is underway.

This month, North Korea claimed it had successfully tested a new solid-fuel intercontinental ballistic missile, which can be deployed more quickly than previous versions of ballistic missiles and could give potential targets less time to spot and respond. Its ICBM program is designed to reach the continental United States.

The state visit comes against the backdrop of Biden’s announcement this week that he would seek reelection. The staying power of some of the pledges within the Washington Declaration could hinge on whether Biden wins a second term. His chief Republican rival, former president Donald Trump, has promised to undo much of Biden’s agenda — and has shown a willingness to upend long-standing U.S. alliances.

While he was in office, Trump publicly questioned why the United States was expending so much money and personnel to protect allies, citing South Korea and its security challenges as thousands of miles removed from the United States. He pressured South Korea to contribute more money for the costs of stationing more than 25,000 American troops in the country. Trump also met twice with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un and exchanged flattering letters with him while failing to convince him to pursue denuclearization.

Administration officials said that while the United States and South Korea are both democracies subject to changes in political leadership, the past 70 years have showcased the stability in the relationship between two close allies.

Biden and Yoon aimed to use the state visit to further showcase their closeness. The two leaders visited the Korean War Memorial in Washington together on Tuesday. They will hold bilateral talks on Wednesday, followed by a joint news conference in the afternoon. In the evening, they will gather with top officials, executives, celebrities and others for a state dinner consisting of crab cake, beef short rib and a banana split, each with Korean flourishes.

Yoon plans to speak to a joint meeting of Congress on Thursday.

Lee reported from Tokyo.

The Washington Post · by Toluse Olorunnipa · April 26, 2023

9. Hawks Disappointed by U.S.-S.Korea Nuclear Agreement

Nothing short of nuclear weapons ontheKorean peninsula would satisfy these people. Yet they cannot tell you what actually deters Kim Jong Un and how their demands would actually contribute to deterrence.

Hawks Disappointed by U.S.-S.Korea Nuclear Agreement

english.chosun.com

April 27, 2023 11:58

President Yoon Seok-youl on Wednesday agreed with U.S. President Joe Biden to shelve South Korea's own nuclear ambitions for some sway in deciding how American nuclear weapons are to be used in its defense against North Korea.

In return for South Korea's pledge to abide by the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, the U.S. agreed to form a "nuclear consultative group" that gives Seoul access to information and input into planning any use of the American nuclear umbrella against the North.

But some hawks in South Korea were disappointed. Chung Yeon-bong of the Korea Research Institute for National Strategy said, "For the new consultative body to be effective, there need to be more specific guidelines for the South Korea-U.S. Combined Forces Command. I had hoped for results to come out of this meeting that could bolster [South Korea's] capability to develop its own nuclear-powered submarines and to become a potential nuclear-armed state, but that did not happen."

President Yoon Suk-yeol (left) shakes hands with his U.S. counterpart Joe Biden in the White House in Washington on Wednesday. /AP-Yonhap

Nam Sung-wook at Korea University said, "Forming a nuclear consultative group is something previous administrations were unable to achieve, but it has limitations in suppressing North Korea's use of nuclear weapons against the South."

And Cheong Seong-chang at the Sejong Institute said, "I don't see how it would weaken the alliance if South Korea did acquire its own nuclear weapons. We could have stressed the fact that the U.S. could enjoy reduced defense costs and share the nuclear deterrent of North Korea and China."

Joo Eun-sik at the Korea Research Institute for Strategy, said, "The latest agreement marks a progression from the previous deals but falls short of the Nuclear Planning Group operated by the U.S. and NATO to share nuclear weapons."

Former Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Choi Yoon-hee said, "The nuclear umbrella does not grow stronger just because you double the number of nuclear consultations." Choi added, "We need more substantial measures such as securing the operation of nuclear submarines that will send a clear warning to North Korea that the use of nuclear weapons would mean the end of the regime."

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U.S. to Strengthen Nuclear Protection of S.Korea

S.Korea, U.S. Warn N.Korea of 'Swift, Overwhelming' Nuclear Response

• Copyright © Chosunilbo & Chosun.com

english.chosun.com

10. [ANALYSIS] Nuclear-armed submarines will not stop North Korea's provocations

I do not think we can "deter provocations."

This is the mission of the ROK and US military forces in Korea: to deter war, deter the use of WMD, defend the ROK, and defeat the nKPA.

The mission is not to deter provocations. We must understand the nature, objectives, and strategy of the Kim family regime:

o  Political warfare to subvert the ROK and split the ROK/US Alliance.

o  Blackmail diplomacy to coerce political and economic concessions. (the use of threats, increased tensions, and provocations to gain concessions)

o  Development of advanced warfighting capabilities to support political warfare and blackmail diplomacy and prepare to unify the peninsula by force. (weapons testing to advance weapons development programs can equal provocations - e.g., "dual use.")

[ANALYSIS] Nuclear-armed submarines will not stop North Korea's provocations

The Korea Times · by 2023-04-27 08:34 | Foreign Affairs · April 27, 2023

USS West Virginia (SSBN 736), a U.S. Navy Ohio-class ballistic missile submarine / Korea Times file 

Seoul's involvement in US retaliation decision would have effect on regime, experts say

By Jung Min-ho

President Yoon Suk Yeol and his U.S. counterpart Joe Biden announced a new security deal in Washington, Wednesday (local time), aimed at deterring North Korea's intensifying nuclear threats and highlighting the U.S. leader's decision to send a nuclear-armed submarine to South Korean waters for the first time in 40 years.

Much of the agreement remains subject to working-level reviews and negotiations. But they agreed on two specific plans: The U.S. will "further enhance the regular visibility of strategic assets," including its nuclear ballistic missile submarines (SSBN), and open a communication channel with Seoul over "any possible nuclear weapons employment" on the peninsula.

S. Korea moves closer to US, distances itself from China, Russia

But will the measures deter Pyongyang from developing its nuclear weapons? Experts say that would be highly unlikely. But they think Seoul's involvement in the decision-making process of Washington's nuclear retaliation against North Korea's nuclear strike would have a psychological effect on the regime.

"North Korea will highly likely respond to the new Washington Declaration by launching missiles in the coming days. So no. It won't deter the North from making more provocations ― it may intensify such acts," Shin Jong-woo, an analyst at the Korea Defense and Security Forum, a think tank, told The Korea Times.

"But I think it would be wrong to say what was announced is a mostly symbolic show of force without substance … Its SSBN and the consultative group between the U.S. and South Korea demonstrate Washington's will to retaliate. I believe this guarantee could have an effect on the North's potential decision over the use of its nuclear weapons."

The U.S.' plan to dock its SSBN in South Korea, which has not happened since the early 1980s, would bolster an effort to make its extended deterrence against Pyongyang "more visible," senior Biden officials told reporters.

Each of the U.S. Navy's 14 SSBNs can carry up to 24 ballistic missiles with multiple warheads, including nuclear ones. During the Cold War, the highly stealthy assets regularly visited South Korea's ports until the 1970s. But the U.S. eventually withdrew all of its nuclear weapons from the peninsula.

"If one appears, say, in South Korea's East Sea, it would send a message to North Korea," Shin said.

South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol listens as U.S. President Joe Biden speaks during a news conference in the Rose Garden of the White House, in Washington, Wednesday (local time). AP-Yonhap

Under the agreement, the two countries will also create the U.S.-ROK Nuclear Consultative Group, which would convene regularly to discuss nuclear and strategic planning issues. In addition, the allies will work to enable the joint planning and execution of ROK conventional support to U.S. nuclear operations in a contingency and improve combined exercises.

Many important details, including who will join the group, what types of drills South Korea will be allowed to participate in and, most importantly, how much South Korea would affect the U.S.' potential decision over the use of nuclear weapons, are unknown and will continue to remain so.

"Still, we should acknowledge that the consultative group will be the first communication channel on the U.S. nuclear weapons issues between the two countries. Until now, South Korea has been completely excluded," said Cheong Seong-chang, an analyst at the Sejong Institute, a think tank. "But ultimately, the U.S. president has the sole authority over the use of U.S. nuclear weapons, and he might not stay in that post after the election next year. North Korea knows it and, in the long run, its nuclear threats will only grow."

The Korea Times · by 2023-04-27 08:34 | Foreign Affairs · April 27, 2023

11. Summit fails to bear fruitful results for Korean chipmakers: experts

Summit fails to bear fruitful results for Korean chipmakers: experts

The Korea Times · by 2023-04-27 16:48 | Companies · April 27, 2023

South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol speaks while standing alongside U.S. President Joe Biden during a press conference held after a summit at the White House in Washington, D.C., Wednesday (local time). Joint Press Corps

By Baek Byung-yeul

President Yoon Suk Yeol and his U.S. counterpart Joe Biden held a summit in Washington, D.C., Wednesday (local time), where U.S. laws aimed at scrapping tax credits for electric vehicles not made in North America and curbing China's power in the global IT market, were on the agenda.

But Yoon failed to draw concessions from Biden on the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) and the CHIPS and Science Act that could help Korean companies investing in the U.S., according to experts, Thursday.

There have been concerns from South Korean companies over the IRA and CHIPS Act subsidy programs, which require the South's businesses to make more investments in the U.S. while keeping a distance from China.

The experts pointed out that Yoon came up empty-handed when he should have been more specific about South Korea's position. The experts said they had hoped for a solution that would make the CHIPS Act and the IRA more beneficial to South Korean companies or at least buy time for local businesses to slowly reduce the scale of their operations in the Chinese market.

"As a country that exports more to China than it does to the U.S., South Korea needs to have a good exit strategy, and I didn't see that at the summit," Kim Dae-jong, a professor of business administration at Sejong University, said.

Kim Yang-paeng, a senior researcher at the Korea Institute for Industrial Economics and Trade (KIET) said he had hoped that the summit would result in some benefits for South Korean companies facing restrictions in business activities in China due to the CHIPS Act.

"So far, nothing has come out of the summit that will help South Korean companies. The legislation that the U.S. is implementing is intended to keep China in check, which will also hurt South Korean companies, and I don't think our position on that has been clearly communicated," the researcher said. "As the U.S. clearly states its position, I wish we had done more to express the position of our companies and industries."

After having a summit at the White House, the leaders told reporters that they agreed to coordinate closely on the two laws.

"President Biden said that he will give special support and consideration to the investment and business activities of South Korean companies in particular," Yoon said.

Biden also said, "I don't think, so far, most of the South Korean companies believe that there's somehow a ― a U.S. effort to slow them down, prevent their growth, or anything like that. We'd like to see them grow. And ― and I mean that sincerely."

However, other experts said it is unfair to say that the summit failed to achieve economic benefits for Korea, since the meeting focused primarily on security cooperation.

"The achievement of President Yoon's visit to the U.S. is to solidify the security relationship with the U.S. We have been overlooking the importance of the design side of chips because there are companies that mass produce chips rather than design them, but we should not forget that chips were originally developed for military purposes," Kyung Hee-kwon, an associate research fellow at Korea Institute for Industrial Economics and Trade (KIET), said.

"The U.S. has shown sensitive reactions because there has been a history of Chinese attempts to steal its chip technology. While we can agree that the U.S. is abusing its power to oppress South Korea, the CHIPS Act and the IRA have given South Korean tech companies a moment of respite from China's pursuit," the researcher added.

Kim at KIET also said that economic issues cannot take precedence over security issues, while Yoon's state visit to the U.S. should be seen as a step toward strengthening the security alliance between South Korea and the U.S. against Russia, China and North Korea.

The Korea Times · by 2023-04-27 16:48 | Companies · April 27, 2023

12. Generational opinion embodies alliance's travails

Data and graphics at the link: https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/2023/04/26/national/diplomacy/korea-alliance-rokus/20230426180820825.html

Wednesday

April 26, 2023

 dictionary + A - A 

Generational opinion embodies alliance's travails

https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/2023/04/26/national/diplomacy/korea-alliance-rokus/20230426180820825.html

[YONHAP]

Alliance at year 70: Last in a four-part series

In light of the shifting geopolitical situation and growing risk factors in the region, the alliance between South Korea and the United States has transformed and evolved over the past 70 years. The Korea-U.S. alliance now stands at a crossroads as it marks its 70th anniversary and the relationship advances into a more global and comprehensive partnership. In a four-part series, the Korea JoongAng Daily will examine the various challenges faced by the allies in terms of diplomatic, security, economic and people-to-people cooperation and discuss possible ways forward. – Ed. 

Korea and its long-standing ally, the United States, share a complicated relationship, a fact reflected in changing public sentiment toward the United States. 

In the 1980s through the early 2000s, older people who experienced the Korean War demonstrated stronger support for the United States, while the younger people were more resentful and sometimes outright hostile. 

However, polls today suggest that Koreans in all age groups have grown more positively disposed toward the United States in recent years.

According to a poll conducted by the Asan Institute for Policy Studies, a Seoul-based think tank, published last May, on a scale of 0 to 10, with 10 being the most favorable, the Korean public’s favorability toward the United States was 6.85. Just a decade ago, it was 5.55.  

Koreans in their 60s were most favorable at 7.34 points, and though Koreans in their 20s scored the lowest at 6.35, they were nevertheless favorably inclined to the United States.

Even middle-aged Koreans in their 40s and 50 who have been historically hostile toward the United States are now positively inclined to the country, scoring a 6.63 in 2022. 

“Many factors, including less travel during the Covid-19 pandemic, may have been involved in the lower favorability of younger Koreans toward the United States, but the difference is very minimal,” James Kim, a senior researcher at the Asan Institute, said, adding that the difference is within the margin of error.

Pragmatic views of the young 

Kim Yeon-song, 26, said she knows the United States occupies a significant place in Korea's social, political and economic life. 

“But that doesn’t mean that I have a very positive view of the country,” Kim Yeon-song said.

“I have always reacted sensitively to racist attacks that occurred in the United States,” she said, adding she grew up in the United States.

“Despite these controversial and tragic events, I still support the relationship between Korea and the United States just because the alliance helps Korea, particularly the country’s economy.”

Social media is another factor that influences young Koreans' view of the United States. 

“I believe that the so-called MZ generation perceives the relationship between Korea and the United States more negatively than our parent's generation,” Lee Ji-woo, a 20-year-old university student, said.

The "MZ generation" refers to millennials and Gen Z, also known as "zoomers," who grew up using smartphones. 

“The downsides of the United States, such as mass shootings and racist attacks against Asians, are some of the contributing factors that affect our views toward it since the younger generation is more exposed to social media.”

The number of anti-Asian hate crimes in the United States rose from 158 in 2019 to 274 in 2020, up 73 percent, FBI data shows. 

“But I still believe the two countries should maintain and further strengthen their relationship in terms of politics and society,” Lee said.

Kim Ga-hyeon, 26, an office worker in Mapo District, western Seoul, added that the economy is the biggest reason to support the alliance between the two countries.

“I do not have a strong opinion on the relationship between Korea and the United States, but I still do not think we should damage the relationship that we have well established so far,” she said.

“Many industries and even parts of our everyday lives are connected to the U.S.”

Customers stand in line at an Apple store in Myeong-dong, central Seoul on the first day of the sale of iPhone 14. [YONHAP]

According to Min Tae-eun, a researcher at the Korea Institute for National Unification (KINU), younger Koreans believe it is better to strengthen the bilateral relationship built over many years.

“In the case of younger people, the alliance between the two countries is more related to their economic and private lives, approaching the relationship from a more utilitarian point of view,” Min said. 

“The alliance with the United States is seen more of a factor that improves their personal lives on the micro level," she added, "as they feel less threatened by attacks from the North than older people.”

Hostility of the past

People now in their 40s and 50s have felt the most severe hostility towards the United States. Nevertheless, even they are growing more favorably disposed toward the country.

Just five years ago, Korean nationals in their 40s demonstrated the lowest level of favorability toward the United States, scoring just 4.76 in 2017. By 2022, however, their favorability score had climbed to 6.63.  

Experts believe the hostility grew prevalent in the 1980s after Koreans witnessed how the United States failed to prevent the bloody crackdown on the pro-democracy movement in the southwestern city of Gwangju in 1980.

“Anti-U.S. sentiment in Korea began in the 1980s and 1990s as those who were exposed to the deadly Gwangju uprising were collectively shocked at how the United States did not intervene,” Park Jung-hoon, a research professor at the Institute for East Asian Studies at Sogang University, said.

The shock at how the United States allegedly turned a blind eye to the bloody military crackdown was felt hard, particularly by Koreans in their 40s and 50s.

“People of my generation, particularly those who were involved in the pro-democracy movement, have had a strong antipathy toward the United States,” Cho Hyun-woo, a 55-year-old living in Yeouido, western Seoul, said.

“Many raged about how the United States lost a major chance to help and save Korea.”

However, Cho added that he has grown less hostile toward the United States over time as he began taking a less emotional view of the U.S. role in his home country.

Civic groups demand the withdrawal of United States Forces Korea in Yongsan District, central Seoul on May 20, 2022. [YONHAP]

According to Park Jung-hoon, Koreans' anti-U.S. sentiment fell in the 1990s as the country went through post-war democratic reforms. 

Hostility towards the U.S. briefly returned in the early 2000s, and even worsened “due to the Bush administration's unilateral and hostile policy against North Korea,” he said.  

In 2002, massive candlelight protests took place following the tragic death of two Korean middle school students who were run over by a U.S. armored vehicle on a road in Yangju, Gyeonggi.

The public’s uproar escalated after the driver and commander of the vehicle were cleared of charges in a U.S. military trial.

This was when many Koreans first became aware of the Status of Forces Agreement between Korea and the United States, which gives the U.S. military jurisdiction over U.S. soldiers who commit crimes while on duty in Korea, a provision widely viewed as unfair in Korea.

Even people who were in school at the time were heavily affected by the public anger.

“Even though I was only an elementary school student in 2002, I remember singing songs that described the United States negatively with my friends,” a 30-year-old office worker in Songpa District, southern Seoul, said.

“I did not have any political judgment back then, but I remember not liking the U.S. just because everyone else disliked it. That was how bad it was.”

The deaths of two teenagers who were run above by a U.S. armored vehicle in 2002 sparked serious anti-U.S. sentiment. [JOONGANG ILBO]

From strong hostility to stronger favorability

The antagonism from the tragedy did not last long, however. 

According to the Asan Institute, Koreans have consistently demonstrated high favorability toward the United States since 2010, in contrast to the early 2000s, when anti-U.S. sentiment rose due to the 2002 armored vehicle incident and other issues, including the protests against imported U.S. beef in 2008.

“There may have been cases when Koreans’ favorability toward the United States dropped due to certain U.S. policy decisions, but these drops have been temporary in recent years,” said Kim, the Asan Institute’s senior researcher.

Older Koreans who experienced the Korean War were the most favorably inclined toward the United States since they believe the country has protected them from North Korea. 

“Korea is how it is right now thanks to help from the United States,” said Ahn Jung-hee, a 78-year-old living in Seocho District, southern Seoul.

“We are safe because the United States helped us, and the U.S. Army is deployed here.”

According to Park Ihn-hwi, an international relations professor at Ewha Womans University, people who experienced the Korean War and were exposed to threats from North Korea during the 1960s and 1970s may be more profoundly attached to the alliance with the United States.

“Threats to national security” was another factor driving support for the alliance between the two countries, especially among older Koreans, the KINU researcher said.

Experts, however, point out that young Koreans may view the United States in a significantly different way from their grandparents who experienced the Korean War, or their parents who took part in the pro-democracy movement against U.S.-backed military dictators.

“Unlike the generations who experienced the pro-democracy Gwangju uprising and the war, the younger generation may have a different perspective toward the United States because they are exposed to different amounts and types of information about the country,” Park from Sogang University’s Institute for East Asian Studies said.

The 30-year-old office worker who requested anonymity said unlike when he was young, when he resented the United States, he now strongly supports the country’s relationship with the United States after realizing how significant a role the country plays in Korea.

“After serving in the military, I realized that the United States has a vital role in protecting our country,” he added.

“Strong military” was the first thing that came to mind when respondents thought of the United States, according to the Asan report in 2022.

A person holds a picket calling for the strengthening of the alliance between Korea and the United States at a park in Jongno District, central Seoul on Aug. 14, 2006. [JOONGANG ILBO]

Another factor: China

Growing anti-Chinese sentiment in recent years is another contributing factor encouraging stronger support towards the alliance with the United States.

“Worsened sentiment toward China may have driven the rising favorability toward the United States,” Park of Sogang University’s Institute for East Asian Studies said, referring to the escalating hostility between the two countries since Korea decided to host the U.S. Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (Thaad) in 2017. 

“It now seems like a question of which of the two giants you support: the United States or China?”

According to the Pew Research Center, 89 percent of Koreans showed favorability toward the United States in 2022. This was up 12 percent from the previous year.

Pew Research Center’s 2022 survey also found that 80 percent of Koreans were unfavorable toward China.

That’s 3 percentage points higher than in 2021, with dislike of China in Korea nearly as high as in other major countries like the United States at 82 percent and Japan at 87 percent.

Animosity towards China has gradually risen. Unfavorability toward China was just 37 percent in 2015. 

However, this does not mean Koreans fully trust the United States.  

After reports emerged that the U.S. government wiretapped conversations between high-ranking Korean officials, President Yoon Suk Yeol’s popularity dropped to 27 percent in a survey by Gallup Korea. 

It was the first time his popularity fell below 30 percent since hitting 29 percent in November. 

Despite the recent wiretapping scandal, experts say positive favorability toward the United States will likely continue. 

“Korea has passed beyond the stage of expressing strong anti-U.S. sentiment, and this is unlikely to change,” said Kim, the Asan Institute’s senior researcher.

BY CHO JUNG-WOO [cho.jungwoo1@joongang.co.kr]

13. First lady meets mother of Otto Warmbier

Thursday

April 27, 2023

 dictionary + A - A 

First lady meets mother of Otto Warmbier

https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/2023/04/27/national/northKorea/korea-DPRK-human-rights/20230427172430546.html

First lady Kim Keon-hee, left, meets with Cindy Warmbier at the Old Korean Legation in Washington on Wednesday. [OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT OF KOREA]

First lady Kim Keon-hee met with the mother of Otto Warmbier, the American citizen who died soon after he was released in a vegetative state by the North Korean regime, in Washington on Wednesday.

Conveying her condolences, Kim told Cindy Warmbier how her son's death was "a shock for all of South Korea and its people," according to the presidential office.

Mrs. Warmbier was said to have expressed her gratitude. Otto Warmbier was an American university student traveling in North Korea in 2016 when he was arrested. He died less than a week after his release in 2017.

A number of North Korean defectors studying in the U.S. and human rights activists joined the meeting between Kim and Warmbier on Wednesday at the Old Korean Legation in Washington. The meeting was moderated by Korean Ambassador to the United Nations Hwang Joon-kook and also joined by Jung Pak, deputy assistant secretary for multilateral affairs and deputy special representative for North Korea at the State Department.

Kim was said to have stressed the importance of sharing information on the North's human rights violations with the international community.

The joint presidential statement by Washington and Seoul issued Wednesday also carried stronger languages condemning the human rights violations of North Korea than an earlier statement last May. 

"The United States and the ROK condemn the DPRK’s blatant violation of human rights and the dignity of its own people and its decision to distribute its scarce resources to weapons of mass destruction development, which presents a crucial security challenge for the Alliance," reads the statement, referring to the official names of South Korea and North Korea by their acronyms.

In a meeting in Washington a year before, President Yoon Suk Yeol and U.S. President Joe Biden expressed "grave concern over the human rights situation in the DPRK" and agreed to provide aid to the most vulnerable North Koreans. 

Just a day before the summit, the Ministry of Unification also released a report on North Korean human rights in English, detailing the human rights violations committed by the Kim Jong-un regime. 

It was the first report of its kind organized by the South Korean government. 

Yoon, in announcing the report’s release a month earlier, had expressed his wishes that the “grievous human rights violations” of the North be “exposed in detail” to the international community. 

The statement issued by Yoon and Biden on Wednesday also highlighted for the first time the plight of abductees, detainees and unrepatriated prisoners of war in the North.

“It’s a sign that South Korea and the U.S. have chosen human rights issues as a means to realize universal values such as liberal democratic principles and the rule of law in North Korea,” said Oh Gyeong-sup, a researcher at the Korea Institute for National Unification. 

By including stronger language on North Korean human rights violations in the joint statement, the two governments are essentially sending a signal to the North on their resolve to publicize the North’s violations in multilateral settings, Oh said.

Pyongyang has not issued an official reaction to the statement as of Thursday.

The Yoon government has taken a hawkish stance on the North Korean human rights issues, returning to co-sponsoring resolutions at the United Nations after a hiatus of several years taken by the previous administration, which wished to engage Pyongyang politically.

The issue was also addressed in detail by the nuclear envoys of South Korea, the United States and Japan earlier this month.

BY ESTHER CHUNG, LIM SUN-YOUNG, CHUNG YEONG-GYO [chung.juhee@joongang.co.kr]

14. China warns US, S. Korea against 'provoking confrontation' with N. Korea

If Kim Jong Un conducts a provocation it will not be caused by the summit or the results of the summit. Kim will conduct a provocation if he believes he can achieve a desirable effect.

But Kim is not stupid. This is why the agreements as well as the words of the presidents are important. He is unlikely to attack into strength. He seeks weakness and gaps in the alliance. And the message from the summit is that the alliance is strong.

China warns US, S. Korea against 'provoking confrontation' with N. Korea

The Korea Times · by 2023-04-27 08:34 | Foreign Affairs · April 27, 2023

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Mao Ning gestures during a daily briefing at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs office in Beijing, April 24. AP-Yonhap

China warned Washington and Seoul against "provoking confrontation" with North Korea on Thursday, after President Joe Biden and his South Korean counterpart said Pyongyang would face the "end" of its leadership if it uses its nuclear arsenal.

"All parties should face up to the crux of the (Korean) peninsula issue and play a constructive role in promoting a peaceful settlement of the issue," foreign ministry spokeswoman Mao Ning said.

She urged against "deliberately stirring up tensions, provoking confrontation and playing up threats".

At a summit in Washington, Biden and Yoon Suk Yeol made clear that if the isolated dictatorship in North Korea attacked the South or the United States, the response would be devastating.

S. Korea moves closer to US, distances itself from China, Russia

The two sides also agreed that the U.S. security shield for South Korea would be strengthened in the face of the nuclear-armed North's missile tests.

Beijing condemned that decision Thursday, saying Washington "ignores regional security and insists on exploiting the peninsula issue to create tension."

"What the U.S. is doing ... provokes confrontation between camps, undermines the nuclear non-proliferation regime and the strategic interests of other countries," Mao said.

U.S. moves, she added, "aggravate tensions on the peninsula, undermine regional peace and stability, and run counter to the goal of denuclearization on the peninsula." (AFP)

The Korea Times · by 2023-04-27 08:34 | Foreign Affairs · April 27, 2023

15. [News Focus] Why does Washington Declaration matter?

The one area that no one is discussing is how this will impact OPCON transition. It could be that this will help answer some of the issues with OPCON transition – one of the most important is how nuclear weapons might be employed on the peninsula. This might help overcome some of the obstacles to having a Korean general in command of the ROK/US CFC.

[News Focus] Why does Washington Declaration matter?

Experts diverge on whether declaration will effectively strengthen US extended deterrence

By Ji Da-gyum

Published : Apr 27, 2023 - 17:22      Updated : Apr 27, 2023 - 17:26

koreaherald.com · by Ji Da-gyum · April 27, 2023

South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol (right) and US President Joe Biden inspect an honor guard at an official welcoming event ahead of their summit at the White House in Washington, D.C., Tuesday. (Yonhap - Pool photo)

The leaders of South Korea and the United States agreed to launch a “Nuclear Consultative Group” to enable the allies to jointly conduct nuclear planning and sketch out scenarios of how the allies can use the US nuclear arsenal in the event of a North Korean nuclear attack.

The establishment of the NCG is the key part of the “Washington Declaration,” tailored to show the allies’ commitment to enhancing the viability of extended deterrence, which the US’ commitment to deter or respond to coercion and external attacks on US allies and partners with the full range of its military capabilities, including nuclear weaponry.

The declaration was signed by South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol and US President Joe Biden on Wednesday at a critical juncture when the nuclear policy debate has continued to evolve in South Korea amid North Korea’s persisting explicit threats to strike targets in South Korean territory with tactical nuclear weapons.

South Korea's Defense Ministry on Thursday announces that it displays banners commemorating the 70th anniversary of the South Korea-US alliance on the exterior walls of the War Memorial of Korea and the Defense Convention in Yongsan-gu in central Seoul, from Wednesday. (Photo courtesy of Kookbang Daily)

Significance and security implications

Despite the 70-year history of the alliance, Wednesday marks the first time that the allies have codified their commitment to strengthening the viability of US extended deterrence in a standalone document signed by the two leaders.

The NCG is an unprecedented bilateral consultative mechanism that focuses exclusively on sharing information about the operation of US nuclear assets and on joint nuclear planning in the event of a conflict with North Korea

The group aims to “strengthen extended deterrence, discuss nuclear and strategic planning, and manage the threat to the nonproliferation regime posed by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea,” the declaration said, referring to North Korea by its official name.

“I think the allies are taking extended deterrence to the next level,” Patrick Cronin, Asia-Pacific security chair at the Hudson Institute, told The Korea Herald. “South Korea will have a voice in nuclear planning that the US government will not be able to ignore. That amounts to a type of nuclear power sharing.”

The allies have operated different mechanisms to discuss ways to enhance the credibility and viability of US extended deterrence. The Deterrence Strategy Committee is designed to hold talks between South Korea’s Defense Ministry and the US Defense Department. The Extended Deterrence Strategy and Consultation Group -- which consists of South Korea and US vice ministers of foreign affairs and defense -- aims to have broad policy discussion and deliver a strategic message to the Kim Jong-un regime.

“But the Nuclear Consultative Group is solely tailored to share information, consultation, joint planning on the operation of (US) nuclear assets, and it operates at a vice-ministerial level,” a senior official at the Defense Ministry said Thursday on condition of anonymity.

“The purpose of the new consultative body is to serve as a platform that consolidates and integrates the government efforts of the US and South Korea, and the results of its discussions are reported directly to the commander in chief of each country,” the official said, highlighting that the group shows the whole-of-government approach of the allies to strengthen US extended deterrence.

The NCG is a standing body and holds regular meetings four times a year.

South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol (left ) and US President Joe Biden smile during an official welcoming ceremony at the White House in Washington, on Wednesday. (Yonhap)

Pros

Kim Hyun-wook, director general of the Korea National Diplomatic Academy, pointed out that the US had not shared any information on its nuclear weapons and nuclear and strategic weapon operations plans in case of contingencies on the Korean Peninsula. There had been no bilateral consultations on the matter.

But the Washington Declaration reflects joint efforts to build up a new mechanism that allows South Korea to play a bigger role and increase engagement in the multistage process to strengthen US extended deterrence.

The declaration was announced five months after South Korean and the US defense leaders agreed at the Security Consultative Meeting last November that both would work together to establish the four-stage mechanism consisting of information sharing, consultation, strategy planning and execution.

“It is unprecedented for the US to share information on its nuclear weapons, conduct joint nuclear planning, and execute plans jointly with another country at a bilateral level,” Kim told The Korea Herald. “Therefore, the establishment of the NCG is a groundbreaking step.”

NATO operates the multilateral Nuclear Planning Group, which is a senior body that covers a broad range of nuclear policy matters and comprises 30 members, except for France. But among the members, the US and the United Kingdom, which are part of five nuclear-weapon states, play a pivotal role.

Toby Dalton, a senior fellow and co-director of the Nuclear Policy Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, said the establishment of the NCG “shows the US treating South Korea on par with its other allies, and in some ways going beyond what it does with other allies.”

“The new group can discuss each side’s interests and objectives in various possible contingencies and come up with the best joint options for how to respond,” Dalton told The Korea Herald.

Under the Washington Declaration, South Korea’s to-be-established Strategic Command will conduct new table-top exercises with US Strategic Command which oversees the country’s nuclear triad. The outcomes of the discussion-based tabletop exercises develop into nuclear planning. South Korea and the US forces stage exercises involving strategic assets based on the plans.

“I find it hard to believe that anyone could perceive that it (the declaration) harms the ROK. The only people I can imagine complaining about are the zealots who believe that anything short of acquiring nuclear weapons is insufficient for South Korean security,” he said, referring to South Korea by the acronym of its official name, Republic of Korea.

North Korean leader Kim Jong-un (standing, right) speaks during a meeting of the central military commission of the ruling Workers' Party on April 10, 2023, in this photo provided by North Korea's state-run Korean Central News Agency.(Yonhap)

Cons

But in Seoul, some experts cast doubt on whether the Washington Declaration demonstrates the US’ genuine intent to strengthen extended deterrence.

Kim Dong-yub, a professor at the University of North Korean Studies, said the declaration stipulates South Korea’s full confidence in US extended deterrence commitments and South Korea’s compliance to the Non-Proliferation Treaty and the US-ROK Agreement for Cooperation Concerning Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy. The declaration is also based on the US Nuclear Posture Review unveiled in October last year.

“In short, the Washington Declaration is a mere display to silence voices within South Korea calling for nuclear armament, redeployment of tactical nuclear weapons, and nuclear sharing, without showing any change in the US policy,” Kim said.

Kim claimed that the US’ pledge to deploy a nuclear-armed ballistic missile submarine to the Korean Peninsula, which has not taken place since the early 1980s, does not strengthen the viability of US extended deterrence.

“A submarine equipped with a Trident II missile, with a range of 12,000 kilometers, would lose its strategic and tactical values if it were deployed too close to the Korean Peninsula and its location was exposed,” Kim said.

Kim Jung-sup, a vice president at the Sejong Institute, also underlined that changing the name of the consultative group doesn’t have much significance, given that the allies have operated different high-level consultative mechanisms such as the DSC and the EDSCG.

“I had hoped that the Washington Declaration would contain some concrete progress in bilateral discussion on how the two can better work together to strengthen extended deterrence. I’m a bit disappointed that it didn’t turn out that way,” he told The Korea Herald.

Kim underscored that the allies should focus on bringing about tangible outcomes on how they can jointly respond to contingencies and show them to the public to clear up South Korean doubts over the credibility of the US commitment to extended deterrence.

“Only such concrete outcomes will have a positive, long-term impact on the South Korean public perception of US extended deterrence.”

Jeffrey Robertson, an associate professor of diplomatic studies at Yonsei University, said the Washington Declaration will not stop the nuclear debate that has continued to emerge in South Korea.

“The Washington Declaration is reactive policy. It seeks to address an issue that has already gotten out of control. As is often the case with reactive policy it addresses the results of the problem (the nuclear debate) rather than the problem (concerns regarding sovereignty and independence),” he said in his email to the Korea Herald.

“The Washington Declaration does not harm the ROK, but nor does it help the ROK. The nuclear debate will reemerge when the next wannabe leader turns to insecurity, fear, nationalism and sovereignty to secure greater popular support.”

But Kim Hyun-wook underscored that Seoul has chosen the “best option among realistic and viable choices.”

By Ji Da-gyum (dagyumji@heraldcorp.com)

koreaherald.com · by Ji Da-gyum · April 27, 2023

16. The U.S. Needs to Talk to North Korea Any Way It Can

​What should we do? Try smoke signals? Kim has to want to talk. I also do not think Seoul needs to be pushed into engagement. The problem is with Kim Jong Un who continues to choose not to engage.

But the answer is not engagement (especially for engagement's sake). It is a human rights upfront approach, an influence campaign, and most importantly the pursuit of a free and unified Korea.

The U.S. Needs to Talk to North Korea Any Way It Can

Pushing Seoul into engagement with Pyongyang is hard but vital.

By Doug Bandow, a senior fellow at the Cato Institute.

Foreign Policy · by Doug Bandow · April 26, 2023

U.S. relations with South Korea couldn’t be better. Alas, relations with North Korea could hardly be worse. The Biden administration is celebrating the former with a state visit by South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol. In contrast, the administration has nothing to say to North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, who refuses to engage with the United States.

U.S. relations with South Korea couldn’t be better. Alas, relations with North Korea could hardly be worse. The Biden administration is celebrating the former with a state visit by South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol. In contrast, the administration has nothing to say to North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, who refuses to engage with the United States.

As a result, even a triumphant summit with Yoon is, at best, a hollow victory for Washington. U.S. relations with the South are not in doubt. Although Washington and Seoul sometimes disagree on strategy toward the North, even left-leaning South Korean presidents, such as the redoubtable Kim Dae-jung, have been committed to the alliance. In contrast, North Korea is increasingly acquiring the means to challenge the U.S. security commitment to the South.

At the inconclusive end of the war 70 years ago, the Eisenhower administration agreed to a mutual defense treaty with South Korea. The latter probably would not have survived without the U.S. guarantee, backed by a military garrison. The promise was relatively simple to make. The danger of renewed fighting was real, but the danger to the United States was limited, since North Korea had no means to harm the U.S. homeland. The American people were taking a risk but one that was bounded.

Over the last decade, the threat environment has changed dramatically. Pyongyang developed nuclear weapons and a multitude of short- and medium-range missiles, increasing the danger to South Korea and Japan as well as U.S. forces stationed elsewhere in the region, including in Guam. Even then, the U.S. mainland remained well beyond the North’s reach. Successive administrations relied on deterrence, since the Kims were united in staying alive. However, North Korea was also acquiring a deterrent.

Today, the latter looms especially large. The North has been moving ahead in a number of areas. Last year, it launched nearly 100 missiles. The tally is more than 20 so far this year. And a nuclear test is still expected. Although the North’s capabilities and intentions remain uncertain, both rhetoric and behavior suggest that Kim Jong Un is intent on developing a significant nuclear arsenal with the missiles necessary to target U.S. cities. The lethality of his strategic strike force would be enhanced by MIRVs, or multiple independently targetable reentry vehicles, with each missile carrying several warheads, and submarine-launched missiles.

Even if he succeeds in these efforts, Kim could not attempt a first strike. That would result in almost instant annihilation of his state and dynasty. However, if his rule were endangered, it’s likely that within a few years he could threaten to retaliate against U.S. cities. All he would need is the reasonable likelihood that a few missiles with a few warheads each would get through, and the U.S. president would have to consider very carefully the risks of intervening in a renewed Korean conflict, even if with only conventional weapons initially.

It is important to remember that the danger to the United States is derivative—that is, a result of the U.S. defense commitment to South Korea. Kim does not spend his time making idle threats against Europe, South America, Africa, or Asia, other than South Korea and Japan. He is challenging Washington because Americans are over there, threatening him with war. The issue isn’t whether U.S. policy is right or wrong. Rather, a North Korean nuclear program is the natural result of the U.S. presence in South Korea as well as its frequent support of regime change. After Iraq, Libya, and Syria, Kim would be a fool if he did not create and keep a sizable nuclear arsenal.

No one knows where the North Korean program might end. However, the Asan Institute for Policy Studies and the Rand Corp. warned in a 2021 policy paper that the North could amass up to 242 nukes as soon as 2027. That’s a controversial estimate, but anything in that range would solidly place North Korea among the second-tier nuclear powers, disrupt Asia’s traditional balance of power, and set off wailing and gnashing of teeth in Washington. U.S. policymakers would have to reconsider the mutual defense treaty’s value and the necessity of military decoupling.

Lest that seem extreme, what policy options does Washington have? The Biden administration has been reduced to essentially begging Pyongyang to talk. But it’s unclear what incentive there is for the North to do so. Kim has loudly and repeatedly dismissed negotiating away his nuclear arsenal, while the United States is still committed to the complete, verifiable, and irreversible denuclearization of the peninsula, known as CVID. The United States and North Korea are like ships passing in the night. There is much wishful thinking about convincing Kim that he need not fear the United States—a considerable challenge given the U.S. military’s active global role. Even if the United States actually doesn’t intend to attack the North, Kim would be a fool to base his future on such an assumption.

What to do? Washington needs to convince Pyongyang to engage, as well as indicate that it is worth engaging. Neither will be easy.

The United States should begin by ending policies that cannot help but look hostile. First, drop the ban on Americans traveling to North Korea. Announce that it is time for the American and North Korean peoples to engage with each other, drop the restriction, and encourage U.S. civil society to begin proposing small educational, cultural, and sporting projects. That comes with obvious risk, given the North’s record of seizing Americans—but a more open policy, and the status that comes with it, would make Pyongyang less likely to cross those lines.

Moreover, the administration should indicate its desire to demonstrate mutual respect and open a regular diplomatic channel. That could begin with liaison offices, but the objective should be full diplomatic relations.

Washington long has had the arrogant attitude that talking with other nations is a positive reward for them. That’s nonsense. It should be evident that refusing to engage with adversaries—for a time, the Soviet Union, China, and Cuba, as well as more recently Iran, Syria, Venezuela, and North Korea—is extremely foolhardy.

The lack of communication with Beijing in 1950 contributed to the U.S.-China clash in the Korean War. The two governments had no way to confront each other peacefully over China’s determination to prevent the allies from overrunning the North and ending up on the Yalu River. More recently, Washington was embarrassed by China’s mediation between Iran and Saudi Arabia, which was made possible by refusing to engage with Tehran.

It’s worth looking back at the early 1970s and Ostpolitik, which led to mutual recognition of West and East Germany. There were differences from the Koreas: The German Democratic Republic did not claim authority over all of Germany and was satisfied with acceptance of its more limited claim. However, tensions between the two relaxed as the process moved forward. Both states entered the United Nations; the Soviets and East Germans eased pressure on West Berlin; and East Germany felt challenged by the significant increase in cross-border traffic. Offering what Kim supposedly wants, easing the so-called hostile policy, would be a good test of his intentions.

The call for diplomatic ties should be twinned with a suggestion for an initial negotiating topic—a peace declaration leading to a formal treaty. The idea horrifies many policymakers. For instance, a gaggle of U.S. legislators, led by Korean American Rep. Young Kim, warned in 2021 that such a step would “destabilize security” and “cede the negotiating leverage” to the North. Of course, Pyongyang could have similar doubts. However, history is filled with a cold peace that lasted and sometimes even warmed up: France-Germany, Egypt-Israel, Iran-Iraq, and the United States-Vietnam, to name a few. Russia-Ukraine might eventually end up on that list.

Talking about peace would naturally include discussion of arms control. The allies should proceed without mention of CVID, neither affirming nor abandoning it. Successful arms control would move down a path that could, however unlikely, lead to full denuclearization. Expecting anything else would be the triumph of hope over experience, a dubious tactic when dealing with North Korea.

Any course to peace is very hard to see at present, but there’s no other way than beginning with these small steps. Neither side has any reason to trust the other. Neither side appears willing to take the kinds of steps necessary to generate such trust. So the Biden administration should propose that the main parties sit down and, first, agree that combat has ended and, second, create a framework for longer-term peace. To signal that it is willing to negotiate for something other than CVID, the United States should suspend some unilateral sanctions. If the effort came to naught, Washington could reinstate them, if desired.

There is no guarantee that such an approach would yield results. However, doing nothing is doomed to fail. Indeed, doing nothing ensures that the North will continue building nukes and refining intercontinental ballistic missiles. The day when U.S. cities become nuclear targets will grow ever closer.

Worse, doing “something, anything” could be worse, much worse. Preventive military action could trigger a full-scale war. Piling on more sanctions is unlikely to have any impact, given Chinese and Russian support of the North. Pyongyang survived after almost completely isolating itself to combat COVID-19 in recent years.

An engagement program would gain credibility if backed by a liberal U.S. president and conservative South Korean president. It also might convince Kim that there is some value in talking with Yoon as well as Biden.

Yoon’s visit to Washington is sure to be a celebration of the alliance. However, the U.S. promise to defend the South is a second best, a defensive response, not an affirmative good. Better to remove the claimed need for such a guarantee by attempting to find a peaceful modus vivendi for the Korean Peninsula. And that requires getting the parties to talk.

The Biden administration is running out of time, with a presidential election approaching, which likely will paralyze its decision-making. Kim also will have decreasing interest in dealing with a potential lame duck. Yoon’s approval ratings are low, and next year his party will be seeking to upend the opposition’s National Assembly majority. Today might not look propitious for a Korean deal, but if not now, when?

U.S. and South Korean policy toward the North has failed. The danger for Americans is increasing. Instead of celebrating their improved relationship, Seoul and Washington need to develop a new strategy for engagement with North Korea, before any chance is gone for good.

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Foreign Policy · by Doug Bandow · April 26, 2023​

​17. In South Korea, a TV show airing North Korean defectors’ stories is riling Kim Jong Un’s regime

In South Korea, a TV show airing North Korean defectors’ stories is riling Kim Jong Un’s regime

Foreign Correspondent / By Naomi Selvaratnam in Seoul

Posted 17h ago17 hours ago, updated 12h ago12 hours ago

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-04-27/north-korea-defectors-television-show-seoul/102267464

The set of South Korean television panel show Now On My Way To Meet You, which airs the personal tales of North Korean defectors.(Foreign Correspondent: Tim Franco / Inland)

For Hee-Jin Ryu, there was something about the way people professed their love for each other on South Korean television that first kindled her doubts about North Korea. 

"In [South] Korean dramas, you can see people saying 'I love you' so freely," she said. "In North Korea, you could only say that you love Chairman Kim Jong Un and his father."

In 2015, watching South Korean shows secretly in her apartment at night, she became entranced by the free and extravagant lives led by the characters on her screen.

It seemed completely at odds with what she had been taught at home in Pyongyang, where South Koreans were portrayed as "poor and miserable", even enslaved by the US and Japan.

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Duration: 3 minutes 53 seconds3m 53s

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Hee-Jin Ryu on the set of South Korean talk show Now On My Way To Meet You.(Foreign Correspondent: Phil Hemingway)

The shows made her "yearn for South Korea," she said. "Things like freedom of expression and being honest about your feelings hit home for me."

A former star of North Korea's synchronised swimming team, Hee-Jin had been selected to work at a restaurant in Europe, a privilege reserved for the regime's most loyal supporters.

By day, she waited tables under the watchful eye of a government minder, dutifully sending the majority of her pay packet back home to North Korea.

But by night, with access to the internet for the first time, she fed her growing misgivings about her homeland and its dictatorial ruler.

One program in particular caught her eye: Now On My Way To Meet You, a wildly entertaining talk show produced by South Korean cable network Channel A featuring stories about defectors who had made a new life in South Korea.

It often hosted politically charged discussions about North Korea's leadership, a forbidden topic of discussion at home.

For many South Koreans, the show provides a rare insight into the lives of those who risk their lives to seek freedom in the South.(Foreign Correspondent: Tim Franco / Inland)

"I got curious about Chairman Kim [Jong Un] and his father," Hee-Jin said. "So I looked them up on YouTube to see what came up and eventually the algorithm showed me Now On My Way To Meet You.

"That was when I learned for the first time that there were people who hated North Korea and risked their lives to escape, and it really shocked me."

Not long after, Hee-Jin's minder grew suspicious and reported her. Fearing for her life, she fled to the nearest South Korean embassy where she sought asylum.

A year later, she was starting a new life in Seoul, one she hoped might follow the script of her on-screen idols.

Kim Jong Un is watching

Now 33, Hee-Jin is a regular panellist on Now On My Way, the defector talk show that she credits with opening her eyes to the reality of Kim Jong Un's repressive regime.

She is one of a growing number of North Korean escapees drawn to South Korea by the affluent lifestyles and social freedoms seen on television programs.

For those living inside the secretive nation, where internet access is severely restricted, the shows are smuggled across the Chinese border on USB sticks.

A 2019 survey of North Korean defectors living in South Korea found that 60 per cent of the 400 people interviewed had access to international media before their escape.

Now On My Way's lead producer Goon Lae Kim is intentionally targeting viewers inside North Korea to encourage defections.(Foreign Correspondent: Tim Franco / Inland)

Of that 60 per cent, 30 per cent said seeing South Korean television programs made them start to compare their lives, while 37 per cent said the shows increased their desire to escape North Korea.

The trend has provoked a crackdown inside North Korea in recent years, with reports of harsh sentences including forced labour and even executions for those caught with the shows in their possession.

"Our show is probably the most closely monitored by the North Korean authorities," said Now On My Way's lead producer, Goon Lae Kim.

"They're keeping an eye on us to track what we're talking about."

Filmed each week in Channel A's Seoul studio, set among gleaming high-rise towers not far from the city centre, Now On My Way is not afraid of getting under Kim Jong Un's skin.

On the day we visited the set, the panel was tackling a contentious issue for the North Korea regime – the country's millennials and Gen Zs and the threat they might pose to the dictator's grip on power.

"The millennial and Gen Z generations in Pyongyang have already been exposed to a lot of South Korean culture," says a young woman on the panel.

"Even high-ranking cases are reported of defectors persuading their parents to escape because of South Korean media they're seeing there," chimes in another panellist.

The show set has been designed to resemble Panmunjom, a meeting place for leaders from the North and South at the DMZ.(Foreign Correspondent: Tim Franco / Inland)

A giant pentagonal table dominates the centre of the set, which is modelled on Panmunjom, the so-called "Truce Village" at the Demilitarised Zone spanning the border between North and South.

Rows of national flags representing the region's powerbrokers – China, the USA, and until recently, Russia – flank the set.

Notably missing is the official North Korean flag, which is banned in South Korea. "We have the Korean Unification flag instead," said Kim.

Now On My Way was initially conceived as a tear-jerking reunion show where North and South Korean families separated by 70 years of war would be reunited on television.

But producers soon hit on another subject matter – the growing number of defectors living in South Korea.

First airing in 2011, it was an immediate hit, partly because it tapped into defectors' dramatic stories of life inside the secretive nation, a topic that most South Koreans knew little about.

On the set of Now On My Way back in 2012, just a year after the show was launched.(Reuters: Lee Jae-Won)

As its popularity grew, Now On My Way morphed into an entertainment-style variety hour featuring a panel of hosts joined by a rotating cast of celebrity defectors, once referred to by producers as "beauties".

The beauties would share their tales of suffering, then participate in performances, some showcasing their dance and musical talents, or putting on fashion shows.

Some defector guests were propelled to stardom in South Korea, and even internationally, such as Yeonmi Park, one of the show's most famous beauties.

Park, who once regularly appeared on the program, has since gone on to become a best-selling author, amassing a global social media following in the process.

But over time, praise for the program turned to outrage as it emerged some defector stories were being sensationalised, including Yeonmi's own account.

Critics pointed out conflicting details in her story, some of which were broadcast on the program, while others accused Now On My Way of becoming trivial, even exploitative.

"Before, this program simply objectified North Korean defectors," said South Korean cultural critic Dr Alex Taek-Gwang Lee. "They regarded defectors as items in a casting show."

'They are living in a giant Truman show'

The show's current producer, Goon Lae Kim, is keenly aware of past criticisms and concedes some exaggerations have likely gone to air.

It's a problem partly inherent in the show's design. The defector tales are at times hard to believe, and even harder to verify.

Kim argues it's possible for differing accounts of life in the north to be true, given how isolated the country remains.

In North Korea, there's "no interchange between people in different towns, they have different ideas and cultures," he said. "That's what I've learnt from this show."

The show still delivers an entertaining take-down of North Korean politics and culture, but since taking over the reins three years ago, Kim has been retooling the format to tackle more serious topics. 

Gone is the old cartoonish barnyard-style set in favour of the replica of Panmunjom, an iconic meeting point for diplomatic exchanges between leaders from both sides of the DMZ.

It's a clue as to the direction he's taking the show, one that's not welcome news north of the border.

Defector guests provide an entertaining take on North Korean culture and politics.(Foreign Correspondent: Tim Franco / Inland)

"We're producing this show for people in North Korea who haven't yet fled to give them the courage to come over," said Kim.

"In a way, you could say we're trying to send them a message that North Korea as a country is a fabricated place and they must escape from there as soon as possible.

"They are living in a giant Truman Show."

Sitting at a multi-screen monitor, Kim scrutinises every camera angle, whispering to another producer before moving through the set to give prompts to the show's host, well-known South Korean comedian Nam Hee-Seok.

Topics are carefully chosen in the knowledge that the North Korean regime is watching too, such as this week's focus on the country's youth.

"The millennial and Gen Z generations are what Kim Jong Un fears the most. He feels threatened by them," said Kim.

"That is why we're focusing on the reasons they continue to defect from North Korea."

Programs like Now On My Way are certainly proving successful in raising the ire of Kim Jong Un's regime.

In 2017, a celebrity defector guest on a similar program is believed to have been abducted by North Korea after appearing regularly on South Korean TV.

She re-emerged later in a propaganda video for the North Korean government denouncing her appearances and extolling the virtues of the regime.

The show's host, South Korean comedian Nam Hee-Seok.(Foreign Correspondent: Tim Franco / Inland)

With more South Korean television making it into North Korea, Kim believes there's now a concerted effort on the part of Kim Jong Un's regime to discredit his show in the north, such as by claiming the defectors are reading from scripts.

But some observers doubt it's working.

Dr Taek-Gwang Lee said positive defector stories planted in the minds of North Korea's younger generations continue to pose a real problem for the future of Kim Jong Un's regime.

"I think this is the most dangerous program to the North Korean government," he said.

"The regime is now in crisis because they're a nationalist country, so they rely on people identifying with the ideology to sustain themselves.

"If they don't have the support of the younger generation, how can they survive?"

When reality doesn't match TV

While defections were once relatively rare, the late 1990s brought the first big wave of North Koreans fleeing across the border with China, driven by a famine estimated to have killed millions.

Many ended up in South Korea, where a shared language and familiar culture can ease the transition to life outside the reclusive regime.

Since then, the defections have only continued, with around 34,000 North Korean defectors now living in South Korea.

For many defectors the reality of life in South Korea can come as a shock. Separated from family and friends, many experience loneliness and isolation.(Foreign Correspondent: Tim Franco / Inland)

The country has made efforts to integrate the new arrivals, such as running a compulsory program to teach them everything from how to catch a train to using a mobile phone.

But for defectors who arrive influenced by images they've seen on South Korean TV shows, the reality check can be jarring.

Sun Ju, whose name has been changed to protect her identity, fled to South Korea in 2019, one of the last to make it out before COVID lockdowns temporarily halted the flow of defectors.

Growing up in North Korea, she remembers being bombarded with government propaganda from a very young age.

"I thought the whole world was like North Korea," she said.

That all changed when she began to secretly watch Korean television dramas on USB sticks shared by her friends at school.

She was struck by how people were free to travel overseas, while North Koreans were "living our life thinking that we can't go anywhere, can never leave North Korea until we die".

She hid her Korean TV obsession from her parents, who were strict supporters of the regime, but would gather with her friends at school to whisper about the latest episode.

North Korean defector Sun Ju was drawn to South Korea by the glamorous lifestyles she saw on smuggled TV shows.(Foreign Correspondent: Phil Hemingway)

"It's not an exaggeration to say that the dramas took the whole country by storm," said Sun Ju.

"People were watching them in every home and when they met each other, they discussed what Korean dramas they watched recently.

"The government felt threatened by it and even executed people by firing squad for watching them."

After the birth of her son, Sun Ju grew more fearful of continuing to live in North Korea until finally she decided to risk everything and flee with her husband and child, seeking the life she saw on the screen.

But rather than feeling welcome, she found herself struggling to be accepted in Seoul, South Korea's sprawling capital of almost 26 million people.

Once, when she applied for a part-time job, the recruiter asked her, "what's with your speech?"

"We're of the same race but cultural differences play a big part and there is a lot of discrimination due to our language, accents," she said.

Despite tens of thousands of defectors arriving since the late 1990s, and popular TV shows sharing their stories, many North Koreans arrive in the South to discover little is known about their homeland.

Goon Lae Kim often selects discussion topics calibrated to undermine the North Korean leadership, in the knowledge some inside the country will see the show.(Foreign Correspondent: Tim Franco / Inland)

"It's something we have to accept and understand," said Sun Ju. "But we can't help being filled with sorrow. We feel so lonely."

Celebrity defector Hee-Jin Ryu is hopeful Now On My Way, which has told the stories of hundreds of defectors over its 12 years on air, is gradually lessening the stigma for defectors.

Appearing on the show is not without consequences for defectors.

Hee Jin still worries about the impact her high-profile defection could have on the safety of her parents still living in North Korea.

"It's been seven years since I defected and I always thought that I made the right decision to leave," she said.

"Of course, it's not without difficulty here but I can make all my decisions myself unlike in North Korea where I couldn't do anything myself."

While her fears initially made her reluctant to appear on the show, seeing others who "worked up their courage" served as motivation.

After decades of defections, there are now 34,000 North Korean defectors living in the South.(Foreign Correspondent: Tim Franco / Inland)

"I also wanted to show that I'm doing well for myself," she said. "I wanted to show that although I came here alone, I'm working hard to live a good life."

It's one story among many more producer Goon Lae Kim hopes will help penetrate the repressive North Korean regime.

"This show is a message for them," he said. "A message telling them to escape from there now."

Watch The Defectors tonight on Foreign Correspondent, 8pm on ABC TV and iview.

​

De Oppresso Liber,

David Maxwell

Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy

Senior Fellow, Foundation for Defense of Democracies

Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation

Editor, Small Wars Journal

Twitter: @davidmaxwell161

Phone: 202-573-8647

email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com