Quotes of the Day:
“How can my pursuit of happiness work if yours is in the way? What am I willing to give up for you too to be free?—WYNTON MARSALIS
"Many a man thinks he is making something when he’s only changing things around."—ZORA NEALE HURSTON
-both of the above from The Free World: Art and Thought in the Cold War by Louis Menand
https://a.co/8YQHNDf
"To forbear is indeed an act of courage and not a symbol of cowardice. It takes great effort and resolution to endure pain and hardship. It requires tremendous confidence to bear insult and disgrace without a hint of retaliation or self-doubt."
- Master Hsing Yun
1. Kim Yo-jong slams S. Korean minister's talk of 'preemptive strike,' warns of serious consequence
2. N. Korea blasts U.N. human rights resolution as 'grave infringement' on sovereignty
3. U.N. adopts resolution on human rights abuses in North Korea
4. Yoon nominates ex-PM Han for his first prime minister
5. Two weeks into Yoon Suk-yeol’s transition committee
6. [Interactive] 53.7% oppose Yoon's plan to relocate presidential office
7. Russia and the West: Power versus values
8. North Korea linked to cyberattack disguised as Covid vaccine registration site
9. South Korea test-fires first indigenous solid-fuel rocket, pushes to launch spy satellites
10. US, South Korea accelerate renewal of military contingency plans
11. North Korea wanted better propaganda movies, so it abducted foreign directors
12. Group identifies 600 alleged North Korean rights abusers
13. Japan Needs a Revamped North Korea Policy
14. North Korea’s Latest Launch Signals Impending Spiral
1. Kim Yo-jong slams S. Korean minister's talk of 'preemptive strike,' warns of serious consequence
The right of self defense is never denied. The MINDEF is only stating a fact. A pre-emptive strike may be necessary to defend the ROK.
The Propaganda and Agitation Department is soon going to spin up its criticism of the president-elect but not before criticizing the Moon administration to the bitter end.
We should keep in mind that it is north Korea that is demonstrating its hostile policy.
(LEAD) Kim Yo-jong slams S. Korean minister's talk of 'preemptive strike,' warns of serious consequence | Yonhap News Agency
(ATTN: UPDATES throughout with more remarks, military's statement; ADDS photo, byline)
By Yi Won-ju
SEOUL, April 3 (Yonhap) -- The sister of North Korean leader Kim Jong-un lambasted South Korea's defense chief for talk of "preemptive strike" capabilities and warned that the South may face a "serious threat" for such a "senseless" remark, according to Pyongyang's state media Sunday.
In her rare press statement issued the previous day, Kim Yo-jong called South Korean Defense Minister Suh Wook a "senseless and scum-like guy" for mentioning a preemptive strike at a "nuclear weapons state."
Last Friday, Suh publicly stressed that his troops have the capabilities to "accurately and swiftly" strike the origin of North Korea's missile firing as well as command and support facilities in the case of clear signs of a launch toward the South.
"South Korea may face a serious threat owing to the reckless remarks made by its Defence Minister," Kim said in the English-language statement carried by the official Korean Central News Agency (KCNA).
She is known for her influence on inter-Korean affairs in the Kim regime, holding the post of vice department director of the Central Committee of the Workers' Party of Korea (WPK).
Kim described her message as a "warning upon authorization," suggesting that it was endorsed by her brother.
"As long as the South Korean military revealed its intent to seek provocative incentive of serious level and escalate a showdown with the DPRK, I will give a serious warning upon authorization," Kim said, using the acronym for the North's official name, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
She added that Pyongyang will "reconsider a lot of things concerning South Korea."
The strongly worded statement against South Korea came as it is preparing for a power transition. President Moon Jae-in, who has sought hard to improve Seoul-Pyongyang ties, is ending his five-year term next month, with the conservative Yoon Suk-yeol elected as his successor. Yoon has hinted at a tougher stance toward the North.
Pak Jong-chon, the North's top military official, also warned in a separate statement that Pyongyang will destroy any target in the South in case of a preemptive strike.
"If the South Korean army engages in a dangerous military action as a preemptive strike against the DPRK, being guided by misjudgment, our army will mercilessly direct all its military force into destroying major targets in Seoul and the South Korean army," he said.
Pak, secretary of the Central Committee of the WPK, pointed out that the two Koreas are still technically at war. The 1950-53 Korean War finished in an armistice, not a peace treaty.
"Any slight misjudgment and ill statement rattling the other party" under the current military tension may trigger off a dangerous conflict and a full-blown war, he emphasized.
julesyi@yna.co.kr
(END)
2. N. Korea blasts U.N. human rights resolution as 'grave infringement' on sovereignty
And the regime's failure to treat the Korean people with dignity and respect and allow their freedom is an affront to humanity. Sovereignty does not give protection to totalitarian leaders who conduct human rights abuses and crimes against humanity. The ROK/US alliance must take a human rights upfront approach.
Perhaps some discussion of the Sovereignty Solution would be useful.
The Sovereignty Solution
Published in 2011 by Anna Simons, Joe McGraw, Duane Lauchengco
The Sovereignty Solution is not an Establishment national security strategy. Instead, it describes what the U.S. could actually do to restore order to the world without having to engage in either global policing or nation-building.
In this book, a Naval Postgraduate School professor and her Special Forces coauthors offer a radical yet commonsensical approach to recalibrating global security. Two tracks to their strategy are presented: strengthening state responsibility abroad and strengthening the social fabric at home. The authors’ goal is to provoke a serious debate that addresses the gaps and disconnects between what the United States says and what it does, how it wants to be perceived, and how it is perceived. Without leaning left or right, they hope to draw many people into the debate and force Washington to rethink what it sends service men and women abroad to do.
https://static.dma.mil/usaf/csafreadinglist_2013/the-sovereignty-solution.html
N. Korea blasts U.N. human rights resolution as 'grave infringement' on sovereignty | Yonhap News Agency
SEOUL, April 3 (Yonhap) -- North Korea on Sunday blasted a recent United Nations resolution condemning Pyongyang's human rights abuses, calling it "a product of illegal and inhuman hostile policy" of Washington against the communist nation.
The U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC) passed the resolution for the 20th consecutive year on Friday. The resolution condemned the North's continued rights violations and highlighted worsening humanitarian conditions amid the coronavirus pandemic.
North Korea's foreign ministry issued a statement on Sunday to reject the resolution, condemning it as "a grave infringement upon the sovereignty of our state and a political provocation against it."
"As the fair and impartial international society recognize, the anti-DPRK human rights resolution put forward by the U.S. and the Western countries every year does not bear any relation to genuine human rights," read the ministry's English-language statement carried by the official Korean Central News Agency (KCNA). DPRK stands for the North's official name, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
"And it is no more than a highly politicized means of hostility to tarnish the dignified image of the DPRK and to deny the genuine rights and interests of the Korean people," the statement also read.
The ministry also said institutional human rights violations, such as racial discrimination and violence against women, are rampant in the U.S. and other Western states, and added it was hypocritical of them to pose as "human rights judges" on North Korea.
"The DPRK will show zero tolerance for hostile acts by the U.S. and its followers," the ministry added. "And it will do its level best to safeguard our socialist system and the genuine people's rights which our people value as their life."
(END)
Related Articles
3. U.N. adopts resolution on human rights abuses in North Korea
Perhaps the new president will ensure South Korea sponsors the human rights resolution in the future. South Korea must be in the lead on human rights in north Korea. It is fantasy to think that not co-sponsoring resolutions or refraining from human rights criticism will somehow influence Kim Jong-un to act as a responsible member of the international community, protect the Korean people of the north and denuclearize.
Excerpt:
South Korea participated in the adoption but did not co-sponsor it for the fourth consecutive year, in consideration of inter-Korean peace efforts, the foreign ministry said.
U.N. adopts resolution on human rights abuses in North Korea | Yonhap News Agency
GENEVA/SEOUL, April 1 (Yonhap) -- The United Nations Human Rights Council on Friday adopted a resolution condemning North Korea's human rights abuses for the 20th consecutive year.
The 47-member council passed the resolution by consensus during its 49th session in Geneva.
South Korea participated in the adoption but did not co-sponsor it for the fourth consecutive year, in consideration of inter-Korean peace efforts, the foreign ministry said.
The resolution condemned the North's continued rights violations and highlighted worsening humanitarian conditions amid the coronavirus pandemic.
It called on Pyongyang to cooperate with the international community to ensure COVID-19 vaccinations for its population and open borders to allow for the return of international organizations and diplomats.
The U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights was urged to strengthen its efforts on accountability, including monitoring, documentation and developing the information and evidence repository.
(END)
4. Yoon nominates ex-PM Han for his first prime minister
72 years old.
(4th LD) Yoon nominates ex-PM Han for his first prime minister | Yonhap News Agency
(ATTN: UPDATES throughout with remarks by Yoon, Han; CHANGES photo)
By Lee Haye-ah
SEOUL, April 3 (Yonhap) -- President-elect Yoon Suk-yeol on Sunday nominated former Prime Minister Han Duck-soo as the first prime minister of his incoming government.
Han is the first person to be named to the Cabinet of the Yoon administration, which will launch on May 10.
Yoon said in explaining his choice that the new government will have to establish a foundation for the economy to "leap again" in the face of a grave internal and external environment and thoroughly prepare for an era that merges the economy with security.
"I believe nominee Han Duck-soo is the right person to oversee and coordinate the Cabinet and carry out state affairs based on his abundant experience in both the private sector and government," Yoon said during a press conference flanked by Han.
"He is someone who has been recognized for his abilities and expertise, irrespective of politics, and served extensively in core positions in government," Yoon said.
Han took the podium next, saying it was an honor to be named to the No. 2 political office at a time when the internal and external economic and geopolitical circumstances are very grave.
"On the one hand it is an honor, but I also feel a very heavy and large sense of responsibility," he said.
Han vowed to serve the president-elect while creating policies that will be realizable through intense debate and communication.
"I believe as a methodology, joint governance and unity will become very important elements of policy," he said.
Han outlined four areas he plans to focus on: foreign policy in the national interest and a self-sufficient national defense; fiscal health; maintaining a surplus in the international balance of payments; and keeping the level of national productivity high.
"In foreign policy and national defense, the country must always dedicate its full effort for a foreign policy that enhances the national interest and strengthen deterrence for strong national defense and self-sufficiency," he said.
On fiscal health, he said the current expansionary policy used to support the response to the COVID-19 pandemic is inevitable in the short run but warned against its continued use, saying the government should consider fiscal health with a sense of emergency over the longer term.
Han underscored the importance of maintaining a surplus in the international balance of payments, saying close attention needs to be paid to averting a currency crisis amid rising energy prices caused by recent geopolitical events.
In order to keep productivity high, he called for cultivating an excellent workforce through education and supplying quality capital through financial reform.
Han, 72, has held a number of high positions in government, including finance minister, prime minister under former President Roh Moo-hyun and ambassador to the United States. In those capacities, he played a key role in negotiating a free trade agreement with the U.S.
Han's nomination was rumored for days, as his expertise in both trade and foreign affairs made him a suitable candidate to oversee Yoon's twin priorities of rebuilding the economy and bolstering national security.
Nominating Han was thought to have other benefits too.
He was born in Jeonju, a liberal stronghold, and served under two liberal presidents, Kim Dae-jung and Roh, which could reduce the chances of his nomination being opposed by the liberal Democratic Party.
Han also passed the National Assembly's vetting during the confirmation process for his nomination as prime minister in 2007.
hague@yna.co.kr
(END)
5. Two weeks into Yoon Suk-yeol’s transition committee
Donga Ilbo's criticism of the relocation of the presidential offices.
Conclusion:
It is now less than 40 days until the new administration takes office. Practically, the future of the Yoon Suk-yeol administration can be determined in April. The relocation of presidential office to Yongsan can wait and should be carried out step by step in a viable way. Rather, the Yoon Suk-yeol administration’s national goals and actions plans in the fields of economy, national security and welfare should be presented steadily. President-elect Yoon said pragmatism and the interest of the people should be treated with the utmost importance. People’s expectations for the new administration will increase only when they present a tangible blueprint for the country instead of empty words.
Two weeks into Yoon Suk-yeol’s transition committee
Posted April. 02, 2022 07:31,
Updated April. 02, 2022 07:31
Two weeks into Yoon Suk-yeol’s transition committee. April. 02, 2022 07:31. .
It has been two weeks since President-elect Yoon Suk-yeol’s transition committee kicked off, but it is not showing much presence. It is largely because other political issues, such as the relocation of presidential office, feud over the power of appointment, and meeting with President Moon Jae-in have been highlighted instead. The past two weeks should have been a period, where the transition committee receives business reports from ministries. This is not something to be taken lightly that the true role of the transition committee, which is to draw up a blueprint for the new government, failed to draw public attention.
First of all, the transition committee itself has heightened public anxiety by causing much controversy. A case in point is their rejection to receive business reports from the Ministry of Justice. It was inappropriate for the outgoing Justice Minister to openly oppose President-elect’s prosecution-related pledges, such as stripping Justice Minister’s right to direct prosecutors’ investigations, but the transition committee caused a controversy by unilaterally delaying business report from the Ministry of Justice, using words such as “disrespect” and “anger.” The transition committee also requested a meeting with the National Election Commission regarding the confusion over early voting, but the election commission did not respond to the request, saying it was “unprecedented.”
There was also much confusion about the appointment and dismissal of some members of the transition committee. Kim Tae-il, president of Jangan University who had served as the head of People’s Party’s preparation committee, was appointed as the head of the political subcommittee of the transition committee’s National Integration Committee, but resigned within a day. This was due to fierce opposition from People Power Party that took issue with Kim’s political orientation. It makes one wonder why they used the term “national integration.” In addition, a person, who was appointed as a working-level member of the science and technology subcommittee and soon dismissed, said there is someone who is privatizing the transition committee.
The past two weeks were a golden time. There could be some trial and error, but the confusion created by the transition committee should not be dismissed as simple events. The administration has been changed but the government lasts forever. It is natural to closely examine the political failures of the Moon Jae-in administration and try changing the course of policies but the incoming administration should not behave as occupation forces. They should also take precaution and see if there is a conflict within themselves over key positions in the government and the cabinet.
It is now less than 40 days until the new administration takes office. Practically, the future of the Yoon Suk-yeol administration can be determined in April. The relocation of presidential office to Yongsan can wait and should be carried out step by step in a viable way. Rather, the Yoon Suk-yeol administration’s national goals and actions plans in the fields of economy, national security and welfare should be presented steadily. President-elect Yoon said pragmatism and the interest of the people should be treated with the utmost importance. People’s expectations for the new administration will increase only when they present a tangible blueprint for the country instead of empty words.
6. [Interactive] 53.7% oppose Yoon's plan to relocate presidential office
Again, I doubt this will sway the president-elect.
[Interactive] 53.7% oppose Yoon's plan to relocate presidential office
More than half of South Koreans are against President-elect Yoon Suk-yeol’s plan to move the presidential office out of Cheong Wa Dae, while some 44 percent support the idea, a poll showed Wednesday.
According to the poll of 500 adults, conducted by pollster Realmeter on Tuesday, 53.7 percent said the presidential office should remain at Cheong Wa Dae, and 44.6 percent said they back the relocation plan.
On Sunday, Yoon announced his decision to move the presidential office from Cheong Wa Dae to what is now the Defense Ministry building in Yongsan district, central Seoul, saying he wants the top office to move out of a “symbol of imperial power” and get closer to the people.
By age group, people in their 40s opposed the relocation plan most with 62.2 percent, followed by those in their 20s with 59.9 percent and citizens in their 50s with 56.1 percent. (Yonhap)
7. Russia and the West: Power versus values
An ideological war.. The impact on Korea:
Excerpts:
From the perspective of a contest of values and a threat to the international order, the Ukraine debacle feels close to home for South Korea. Should South Korea become more actively involved? The government responded passively in the early stage of the war in consideration of its relationship with Russia, including trade.
Kwon: South Korea undeniably has become a developed country and free democracy. It has offered humanitarian aid of $10 million to Ukraine. Japan is offering another $100 million on top of an earlier pledge of the same amount. Given Korea’s economic size, it should increase its assistance. Economic interests have usually overruled other factors in foreign policy in Korea. But this must change. Even at the risk of immediate economic damage, a foreign policy that uphold values can help the national interests in the longer run. It’s time for Korea to change.
There’s another thing. The United Nations annually votes on a resolution condemning the Russian annexation of Crimea. South Korea has been abstaining from the vote each year. It is the sole abstainer among advanced countries. Seoul must vote for the resolution if it really respects the territorial sovereignty of Ukraine and opposes outside aggression. Zelensky has been sending video pleas for support to each legislature of other countries. Our National Assembly has received one. The legislature must consider issuing a resolution on its own.
Kim: To Ukrainians, South Korea is nearly regarded as one of the G7 members. Many Ukrainians find South Korea as a role model for surviving threats from global powers to become a rich economy. We have been receiving many pleas for help since the outbreak of the war. Since Russia’s invasion on Feb. 24, many foreign missions have moved out of the capital to Poland and other neighboring countries. We relocated our embassy to Chernivtsi, the southern area Ukraine, and are one of a select few who maintains a mission in Ukrainian territory. The governor has thanked us for being with them in their hardship. A friend in need is a friend indeed.
Lee: I agree with the opinion that Korea should expand aid to Ukraine. Helping the country could help Russia in the end. Russia’s weakness in political and economic standards compared to its defense power have been exposed by the war. A rightful resolution could help speed up political development in Russia.
Sunday
April 3, 2022
Russia and the West: Power versus values
Yeh Young-june
The author is an editorial writer of the JoongAng Ilbo.
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is in its second month. To the chagrin of the world’s second biggest military power, Ukraine has bravely fought against the aggression through dignified solidarity. Moscow’s confidence that it could occupy the capital city of Kyiv within days and most of Ukraine in two to three weeks has been shattered. The prolonging of the war is expected to bring disastrous consequences to Russia like the Soviet Union’s 10-year engagement in Afghanistan in 1979.
One of the biggest setbacks to Russia was the united condemnation of most of the world. Sanctions on Russia are stronger than ever seen before. Much of the world sees the war as a contest between free democracy and authoritarianism. The war could bring about significant changes in the international order. The JoongAng Ilbo solicited the views of the current and former Korean ambassadors to Ukraine, well versed in the geopolitics of that part of the world.
Lee Yang-gu served as South Korea’s envoy to Ukraine from 2016 to 2019 and Kwon Ki-chang from 2019 to 2021. Current Ambassador Kim Hyung-tae, temporarily relocated to Chernivtsi, a city close to the border with Romania, participated via a phone interview.
Q. What is the situation like in the country?
A. Kim Hyung-tae: It is heart-breaking and awe-inspiring to watch unarmed civilians stand before Russian tanks in total disregard of the danger to their own lives. These courageous scenes have already been reported. But what is most striking is the maturity of the citizenship. Despite the war, there are no crimes or chaotic confusion. Instead, the Ukrainian people are helping one another. There is no hoarding. They patiently wait long hours for their turn in grocery stores or at gas stations.
Ukraine lost Crimea when Russia annexed it through military force in 2014. What has made Ukraine change in eight years?
Kim: Leadership has played a part. When I met Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky last year to submit my letter of credentials, the first thing he said was that his country has been in a war for eight years. The president declared himself a wartime leader although combat and aggressions had not taken place since the annexation. When the United States offered to help him escape after the invasion, he said he needed “more ammunition, not a ride” as his place was with the people where the fight was taking place.
Kwon Ki-chang: Although Ukraine and Russia share historical roots, Ukrainians distrust Russia after its invasion and forced annexation of the Crimean Peninsula in 2014. Many have come to refer to Russia as their enemy. Ukraine has been strengthening its military by purchasing arms from the U.S. and Europe. The U.S. has been supplying $400 to 500 million worth of weapons for free annually. It is rare for Uncle Sam to provide military assistance to a county beyond traditional allies. When Crimea was annexed, the number of Ukrainian troops was a mere 5,000 and they had poor equipment. Now, permanent soldiers total 200,000.
From left to right: Current Ambassador to Ukraine Kim Hyung-tae, former Ambassadors Lee Yang-gu (2016-2019) and Kwon Ki-chang (2019-2021).
Lee Yang-gu: The aspirations for freedom and independence by Ukrainians run deep. A wall in Maidan (Independence) Square in Kyiv bears the slogan, “Freedom Is Our Religion.” Russia’s annexation of Crimea stoked anger and a sense of betrayal with Russia and helped cement the sovereign identity of Ukrainians. They have come to share the belief that their biggest revenge against Russia is to walk a different path and build a better and richer country than Russia. They have turned more decisively towards the West or Europe. The pro-West and pro-Russia ratio among Ukrainians has dramatically changed from 6:4 to 8:2.
Does that mean Russian President Vladimir Putin misjudged the war?
Kwon: Putin is said to have misjudged three areas. First, he underestimated Ukraine’s resistance power. Second, he overrated Russia military force. Third, he did not imagine the Western world would become so united against Russia.
Lee: To Putin, the war may be about power. But to Western society, it is a war over values. The U.S. and Europe see Putin attempting to topple the core values of a free democracy — justice, fairness, honesty, freedom and humanity. They think Putin is trying to upset the international order since World War II or the Cold War. His first target was Ukraine and the West could not stand it. Under Putin’s rule, Russia had quickly succeeded in military operations in other Soviet bloc members like Chechnya, Georgia and Crimea. That was stopped at Ukraine.
From the perspective of a contest of values and a threat to the international order, the Ukraine debacle feels close to home for South Korea. Should South Korea become more actively involved? The government responded passively in the early stage of the war in consideration of its relationship with Russia, including trade.
Kwon: South Korea undeniably has become a developed country and free democracy. It has offered humanitarian aid of $10 million to Ukraine. Japan is offering another $100 million on top of an earlier pledge of the same amount. Given Korea’s economic size, it should increase its assistance. Economic interests have usually overruled other factors in foreign policy in Korea. But this must change. Even at the risk of immediate economic damage, a foreign policy that uphold values can help the national interests in the longer run. It’s time for Korea to change.
There’s another thing. The United Nations annually votes on a resolution condemning the Russian annexation of Crimea. South Korea has been abstaining from the vote each year. It is the sole abstainer among advanced countries. Seoul must vote for the resolution if it really respects the territorial sovereignty of Ukraine and opposes outside aggression. Zelensky has been sending video pleas for support to each legislature of other countries. Our National Assembly has received one. The legislature must consider issuing a resolution on its own.
Kim: To Ukrainians, South Korea is nearly regarded as one of the G7 members. Many Ukrainians find South Korea as a role model for surviving threats from global powers to become a rich economy. We have been receiving many pleas for help since the outbreak of the war. Since Russia’s invasion on Feb. 24, many foreign missions have moved out of the capital to Poland and other neighboring countries. We relocated our embassy to Chernivtsi, the southern area Ukraine, and are one of a select few who maintains a mission in Ukrainian territory. The governor has thanked us for being with them in their hardship. A friend in need is a friend indeed.
Lee: I agree with the opinion that Korea should expand aid to Ukraine. Helping the country could help Russia in the end. Russia’s weakness in political and economic standards compared to its defense power have been exposed by the war. A rightful resolution could help speed up political development in Russia.
8. North Korea linked to cyberattack disguised as Covid vaccine registration site
Excerpts:
The latest email attack targeted mostly South Koreans working in fields dealing with North Korea, the company said, and appeared to be designed to trick the recipients into providing personal information to the hackers by making them believe they were registering for the new vaccine.
A screenshot of the email included in ESTsecurity’s statement showed language advertising “the newest Covid-19 vaccine,” information on when it would be available to “purchase” and a link that the company said was disguised as a vaccine registration site.
“On March 25, 2022, the vaccine was researched and developed by the N.I.H., a national medical research institute under the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,” the email said, adding that the new vaccine was effective for people ages 65 and older against
North Korea linked to cyberattack disguised as Covid vaccine registration site
N Korea linked to cyberattack guised as Covid jab site
The latest email attack targeted mostly South Koreans working in fields dealing with North Korea
- Apr 02 2022, 14:03 ist
- updated: Apr 02 2022, 14:03 ist
Hackers linked to North Korea were suspected of carrying out a cyberattack on South Koreans through emails disguised as official messages sent from a medical journal calling on recipients to book appointments for a new coronavirus vaccine, a South Korean cybersecurity company said in a statement Friday.
The cyberattack, which came less than a week after North Korea conducted its most powerful intercontinental ballistic missile test to date, was sent from an email address belonging to the Korean Society for Health Promotion and Disease Prevention, the company said. This was possible because the hackers had infiltrated the medical journal’s server and email account in what the company, ESTsecurity, called a phishing attack.
“We have confirmed that the camouflage methods and tactical commands used to steal the account exactly matched the other cases of cyberattacks linked to North Korea,” the company said, adding that the email’s header contained a code found in previous attacks that analysts have linked to North Korea.
Previously, North Korean hackers have used cyberattacks on governments, companies and financial institutions to steal information and millions of dollars to fund their own government. ESTsecurity has also attributed to North Korea similar phishing attacks sent from email addresses belonging to agencies such as the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Unification.
The latest email attack targeted mostly South Koreans working in fields dealing with North Korea, the company said, and appeared to be designed to trick the recipients into providing personal information to the hackers by making them believe they were registering for the new vaccine.
A screenshot of the email included in ESTsecurity’s statement showed language advertising “the newest Covid-19 vaccine,” information on when it would be available to “purchase” and a link that the company said was disguised as a vaccine registration site.
“On March 25, 2022, the vaccine was researched and developed by the N.I.H., a national medical research institute under the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,” the email said, adding that the new vaccine was effective for people ages 65 and older against new variants, including delta and omicron. The emails were sent Tuesday.
9. South Korea test-fires first indigenous solid-fuel rocket, pushes to launch spy satellites
South Korea test-fires first indigenous solid-fuel rocket, pushes to launch spy satellites
South Korea “successfully” test-launched a homegrown solid-fuel space rocket for the first time, taking one significant step to further develop and launch microsatellites for military surveillance and reconnaissance.
The state-run Agency for Defense Development said it conducted the test-firing to “verify the performance” of the solid-propellant carrier rocket developed with indigenous technologies on Wednesday at its own testing site in Taean, South Chungcheong Province. South Korean Defense Minister Suh Wook and other senior military officials were present.
The test aimed to “verify core technologies for space launch vehicles,” including large-scale rocket propellants, payload fairing and stage separation mechanisms, and upper stage attitude control system, according to the ADD.
South Korea has intensively pushed forward with developing space launch vehicles using solid fuel since South Korea and the US last May agreed to terminate missile guidelines that had put restrictions on the country’s missile development program since 1979.
Wednesday’s initial test launch came around eight months after the country carried out an “ignition test” for a solid-propellant rocket engine last July.
In comparison to liquid-propellant rockets, solid-fuel carrier rockets have the advantages of a simple structure and convenient manufacturing. Solid rockets can be manufactured and developed with lower costs and “launched quickly.”
South Korea in October conducted the first test launch of a homegrown liquid-propellant Nuri rocket, but it has failed to put its payload into the targeted orbit after liftoff.
Path to develop spy satellites The current development is of paramount significance, given that it is in line with Seoul’s efforts to develop the military’s intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance capabilities.
The South Korean military has relied on the US ISR assets as it has not yet independently launched a spy satellite capable of monitoring North Korean activities.
But Seoul has said it will put micro or ultra-microsatellites for military purposes into a low Earth orbit by using a solid carrier rocket and employing relevant technologies.
“A satellite mounted on a solid-propellant space launch vehicle will be launched after completing additional verification,” the state-run arms development agency said in a statement.
“The launch is expected to lead to the development of space launch vehicles that can put microsatellites or ultra-micro satellites into a low Earth orbit.”
South Korea plans to launch a homegrown solid-propellant rocket at the Naro Space Center in Goheung, South Jeolla Province after the ADD verifies and integrates major components.
Two Koreas in arms race Wednesday’s announcement is noteworthy given that the Moon Jae-in government has largely refrained from making public South Korea’s weapons tests and development.
But this time, the ADD conspicuously highlighted the significance of the solid rocket test-firing which was conducted at a juncture when North Korea has pushed forward its plan to develop technologies for space and missile systems.
North Korea’s two missile launches on Feb. 27 and March 5 involved a new Hwasong-17 intercontinental ballistic missile system. Pyongyang has claimed that it test-fired a Hwasong-17 ICBM on a lofted trajectory on March 24.
This month, North Korean leader Kim Jong-un also said the country will launch “a large number of military reconnaissance satellites” by 2025 to monitor the military activities of the US forces and its allies in the region.
The ADD on Wednesday underscored that the test launch was conducted at a “very critical time when North Korea launched an ICBM contravening the moratorium of its own accord.”
“Therefore, the successful test-firing of a solid-propellant space launch vehicle marks an important milestone in strengthening national defense capabilities,” especially in respect to the South Korean military’s “independent space-based surveillance and reconnaissance” capabilities.
“Our military will expeditiously advance space power, including a solid-propellant rocket, based on cross-service cooperation with the recognition that space is the key domain that has a significant impact on our national security.”
Focus on low-earth-orbit satellites South Korea’s arms procurement agency on Wednesday announced its plan to “accelerate the space-based surveillance and reconnaissance system” as the battlefield has been expanded to space.
The Defense Acquisition Program Administration said it has established and confirmed its grand strategy and direction to “achieve superiority on the future battlefield” at a first meeting of the Advanced Defense Technology Programs Management Committee held on the same day.
As a key outcome, Seoul has decided to focus on developing and putting low-earth orbit or LEO satellites into an orbit below the altitude of 500 kilometers, which can be operated with low maintenance costs.
“Through the development, our military can acquire quasi-real-time surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities at a low cost and satellite communications capabilities with shorter delay and higher reliability compared to the existing satellites in high Earth orbit,” the DAPA said.
The military also plans to develop technologies that can put micro-satellites into a low Earth orbit by 2024, employing the solid-propellant rocket technologies developed by the ADD.
___
(c) 2022 the Asia News Network
Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC
10. US, South Korea accelerate renewal of military contingency plans
"Plans are nothing, planning is everything." General Eisenhower
We must never stop planning.
US, South Korea accelerate renewal of military contingency plans
Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Gen. Mark Milley testifies during a Senate hearing on Capitol Hill in Washington on June 17, 2021. Milley and his South Korean counterpart signed an agreement on Thursday March 31, 2022, for contingency military plans in the wake of another missile test by North Korea. (Evelyn Hockstein/Pool/Abaca Press/TNS)
SEOUL, South Korea (Tribune News Service) — The U.S. and South Korea have taken the next step in renewing their military contingency plans in the event of a conflict with North Korea.
Top U.S. General Mark Milley and his South Korean counterpart Won In Choul signed a “strategic planning directive” at the headquarters of the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command in Hawaii, according to South Korea’s Joint Chiefs of Staff on Thursday.
Both countries had already decided to update the contingency plans in December in response to progress in the development of North Korea’s nuclear weapons and missile programs.
At that time, both countries already drew up corresponding initial guidelines.
The signing of the directive will accelerate the process of bringing the operational plans of both allies up to date, said a Defense Ministry spokesperson in Seoul. No details were given.
According to reports by the South Korean news agency Yonhap, it is expected that various “war scenarios,” including the possible use of conventional and nuclear weapons by North Korea, will be included in the contingency plans under the new directive.
The existing operational plans are based on strategic directives from 2010. They do not take into account the development of new weapons systems by North Korea.
The security consultations in Hawaii took place only one week after North Korea tested a banned intercontinental ballistic missile.
U.N. resolutions prohibit Pyongyang from testing any type of missile capable of carrying a nuclear warhead. The country is subject to tough international sanctions because of its nuclear weapons program.
___
©2022 dpa GmbH.
11. North Korea wanted better propaganda movies, so it abducted foreign directors
While this is old news, it is ipm[ortant to help understand the nature of the Kim family regime.
North Korea wanted better propaganda movies, so it abducted foreign directors
While there is more to North Korean cinema than meets the eye, the country’s film industry ultimately amounts to little more than a mouthpiece for the ruling Kim dynasty.
KEY TAKEAWAYS
- Despite their differences, North and South Korean cinema share a common origin.
- Following the Korean War, Soviet occupants helped North Korea transform its movie industry into a propaganda machine.
- Dictator-director Kim Jong-il attempted to elevate North Korean cinema to the status of art, but realized the two are not easily reconciled.
When Bong Joon-ho’s Parasite received an Oscar for Best Picture in 2020, western audiences showed unprecedented interest in South Korean cinema. This interest was well deserved, as the country has one of the most prolific film industries in the entire world. South Korea has been making revolutionary motion pictures since the 1960s, and to this day the medium plays an important role in defining as well as expressing the country’s national identity.
The same is true for neighboring North Korea — only there, cinema has served as a mouthpiece for the ruling Kim dynasty. Under guidance of his Soviet allies, Kim Il-sung turned North Korea’s film industry into a propaganda machine. His cinephile son, Kim Jong-il, kidnapped foreign directors in an attempt to make his movies more artistic. His own son, Kim Jong-un, is now producing family sitcoms about the creation and testing of ballistic missiles.
Subscribe for counterintuitive, surprising, and impactful stories delivered to your inbox every Thursday
In spite of their stark differences, North and South Korea share the same origin. In 1898, the British-American Tobacco Company showed short films around Seoul to sell cigarettes; the admissions fee: an empty cigarette pack. The first Korean cinemas showed mostly American movies. Following the country’s colonization by and annexation to the Empire of Japan in 1910, this assortment was quickly replaced by Japanese productions.
In the next two decades, a distinctly Korean film industry emerged. It showed socialist (and arguably communist) tendencies. The Korean Film Arts rebranded itself into Seoul Kino, a nod to the Bolshevik documentarian Dziga Vertov and his Kino-eye philosophy. The film Hongga (“Dark Street,” 1929) depicts urban class struggle, while Chiha ch’on (“Underground Village,” 1930) shows how the Manchurian War against Japan affected ordinary Korean workers.
Due to political opposition and lack of interest from the public, these movies vanished as soon as they had appeared. After Korea’s liberation from Japan, its directors traveled north, where, to quote Korean historian Charles Armstrong, “the Soviet occupation and communist dominated government allowed for — indeed demanded — precisely the kind of ‘proletarian’ films these artists had struggled to produce in the colonial period.”
North Korean cinema under Kim Il-sung
Of the various communist factions that vied for control over North Korea, Kim Il-sung’s was relatively uninvolved in cultural affairs — at least initially. During the period that Kim came to power, North Korean cinema was organized by his Soviet allies. Lenin and Stalin saw film as the single most effective tool for spreading propaganda; being a predominantly visual medium, movies could spread ideas to illiterate parts of the population, and their production was an inherently collective enterprise.
Following in the footsteps of the USSR, the Peasant League Central Committee of North Korea started sending out mobile film groups into the countryside as early as 1949. Peasants there were shown Russian newsreels, giving them a false impression of what life under a communist regime could look like. Just as in Russia, the North Korean government reserved the right to determine what kind of subjects were permissible and which were not; capitalism and crime were thought to corrupt audiences, so depictions of them were banned.
Before long, North Korean cinema diverged from its Soviet counterpart. It did so, as Armstrong explains, “by creating a distinctive cinema rooted in melodramatic emotionalism, a sentimental attachment to the Korean countryside and the alleged values of peasant life, and a nationalist politics centered around the person of Kim Il-sung.” Whereas Soviet cinema had a decidedly global outlook, North Korean cinema turned unequivocally chauvinist.
The film Nae kohyang (“My Hometown”) set artistic and ideological parameters that North Korean filmmaking would follow for decades to come. Released in 1949 — three years after the South Korean production Viva Freedom! — the film broke with the conventions of Soviet cinema. Its focus was not class warfare, but the campaign against Japanese oppression. “Its propaganda message,” concludes Armstrong, “is one of Kim Il-sung (…) not the Soviet Army.”
Over time, Kim Il-sung became more involved in North Korea’s cultural production. In 1966, the leader reminded his people that “art should develop in a revolutionary way, reflecting the Socialist content with the national form.” A novel Kim wrote while fighting the Japanese was adapted into the film Fate of a Self-Defense Corps Member, and an opera attributed to him — Sea of Blood — became the basis for a highly regarded 1969 film of the same name.
North Korean cinema under Kim Jong-il
Although it was illegal for ordinary North Koreans to watch foreign films, that rule didn’t apply to Kim Jong-il. In his youth, the son and eventual successor of Kim Il-sung collected more than 15,000 films, with Hollywood staples like James Bond and Rambo ranking as some of his favorites. Inspired by his father’s 1966 call for the importance of state ideology (“Juche”) in art, Kim Jong-il authored a book on North Korean film theory and decided to try his hand at directing.
The title of his book, On Art and the Cinema, was emblematic of the kind of problems that the dictator-director encountered during his filmmaking career. Unlike his father, Kim Jong-il not only treated cinema as propaganda, but also as an artform. He succumbed to frustration when he realized the two were not easily reconcilable. Compared to his favorite blockbusters, North Korean films appeared technically inadequate and lifeless.
To address this issue, Kim Jong-il authorized the kidnapping of South Korean actress Choi Eun-hee, followed by her ex-husband, the prolific filmmaker Shin Sang-ok. Shin was guaranteed his safety and given an office at the Choson Film Studios in Pyongyang under the condition he help Kim Jong-il produce a movie that could enter (and stand a decent chance at winning) an international competition or film festival.
Along with Choi, Shin was instructed to critique four movies per day, all taken from Kim Il-sung’s own library. They mostly watched movies from communist countries, along with the occasional western picture mixed in for good measure. Fully aware that a purely propagandistic film would not be well received by international juries, Kim Jong-il gave Shin permission to push the ideological boundaries of his productions ever so slightly, redefining what North Korean cinema could look like.
In all, Shin spent eight years in North Korea and directed up to seven features before he managed to escape his captors. Shin’s films, like most North Korean media, are extremely difficult to get your hands on. Much of what we know about them comes from film historian Johannes Schönherr, who attended the 2000 Pyongyang International Film Festival and wrote a detailed correspondence of Shin’s work for Kim Jong-il.
The North Korean films of Shin Sang-ok
“As shrouded in mystery as [Shin’s] stay in the North is,” Schönherr writes in an article on Shin’s career as an abductee, “his films are testimony that he did some of his best work there. In addition, comparing his Northern productions with the general development of North Korean cinema shows that he introduced many new concepts and ideas to the Northern cinema and that he successfully challenged many restrictions.”
One of the first movies that Shin directed was called Doraoji annun milsa (“An Emissary of No Return,” 1984). Based on Kim Il-sung’s play Bloody Conference, it follows Ri-jun, a Korean emissary who travels to the 1907 International Peace Conference at the Hague to ask the rest of the world to help free Korea from Japanese control. When Ri-jun’s speech falls in deaf ears, he proceeds to commit ritual suicide in front of the other diplomats.
Doraoji annun milsa was revolutionary for several reasons. It was the first film in North Korea’s history to be partially shot in a foreign country — specifically, Czechoslovakia. It was also the first to star non-Korean extras. Prior to this film, every western character had been portrayed by a blond-dyed Korean actor. As Schönherr states in his review, it should come as no surprise that Shin chose a European setting and chose a story which is also known to South Koreans.
The trailer for Pulgasari. A full version of the film can actually be found on YouTube.
Virtually every North Korean film Shin directed broke new grounds. Sarang sarang nae sarang (“Love, Love, My Love,” 1984), a love story based on a Korean folktale, featured the country’s first, albeit veiled, kiss between actors. Sogum (“Salt,” 1985) depicts a woman’s conversion to communism as a natural and emphatic response to tragic life events rather than the result of indoctrination. Choi starred in the lead and won an award at the Moscow Film Festival.
Shin’s most famous movie was the 1985 monster movie Pulgasari. Inspired by the success of Godzilla, it tells the story of a little girl who accidentally transforms her toy dragon into a kaiju-like monster that then leads a peasant uprising against a corrupt emperor. When the peasants lose control over the monster, the girl sacrifices herself to destroy it — a conventional but nonetheless original take on the familiar theme of putting your country before your own wellbeing.
North Korean cinema under Kim Jong-un
Kim Jong-un did not inherit his father’s passion for foreign cinema, but his departure from Kim Jong-il’s methods can be explained by changes in the global media landscape as much as a difference in cinematic taste. Where his father was obsessed with the feature film, Kim Jong-un’s regime sees more potential in the format of television dramas. According to the foreign correspondent Jean Lee, North Korean propaganda is now being propagated mainly through sitcoms.
TV, Lee writes in an article published by the Korea Economic Institute of America, acts as “advertisement for the ‘good life’ promised to the political elite. Through TV dramas, the North Korean people learn what the regime says constitutes being a good citizen (…): showing loyalty to the party, using science and technology to advance national interests, thinking creatively in problem-solving, and facing the nation’s continued economic hardships.”
Compared to Shin’s movies, these sitcoms aren’t exactly subtle in their messaging. The 2013 television drama Young Researchers follows four Pyongyang middle schoolers as they compete for the top prize in a science fair: a rocket launcher. The two-part slapstick sitcom Our Neighbors was an advertisement for the luxurious lifestyle that party loyalists could attain when they earn their admission to the capital’s most prestigious neighborhood.
Look closer, however, and you will find that these programs are full of little details showing how North Korean society is changing under the current leadership. The everyday storylines of Our Neighbors are a sharp departure from Kim Jong-il’s political dramas. Elsewhere in the show, living room portraits of the country’s leaders have been replaced by family photos. “A possible allusion to the issue of defection,” writes Lee, stating the regime is known for using filial piety to prevent dissent.
Although there is more to North Korean cinema than meets the eye, its movies are ultimately little more than a mouthpiece for the Kim dynasty and its political aspirations. Still, closer inspection of North Korean cinema can show us how the country is developing, not to mention where its leaders plan on taking it in the future. Considering how closed-off North Korea is, their entertainment — however propagandistic — often turns out to be our only way inside.
12. Group identifies 600 alleged North Korean rights abusers
Human rights upfront.
Group identifies 600 alleged North Korean rights abusers
Korea Future says evidence of widespread abuses in the country’s prison camps, should be the impetus to action.
A correctional officer patrols the cells in Onsong County MPS Detention Centre. Korea Future says prisoners are held together in a single cell with only one bucket of water that they must use for everything, and share [Courtesy of Korea Future]
Published On 1 Apr 20221 Apr 2022
The United Kingdom-based non-profit Korea Future has released a list of nearly 600 people associated with human rights abuses in North Korea’s penal system to flag them for eventual prosecution.
North Korea’s human rights abuses have been widely documented by rights groups, but its government headed by Kim Jong Un and the Workers’ Party of Korea has been difficult to prosecute from abroad.
“Uniquely for North Korea, we have identified nearly 600 individual perpetrators responsible for more than 5,000 violations of international law. Armed with this evidence, we call upon states and international justice actors to use our findings to challenge impunity in North Korea,” said Hae Ju Kang, co-director of Korea Future.
Korea Future says it hopes that by naming officials and supplementing their list with a new database of evidence, they can encourage governments and others to move forward with prosecution or other measures, including Magnitsky-style sanctions, which target individuals suspected of the systematic violation of human rights.
“As justice actors around the world document the international crimes being committed in Ukraine today, they seek to challenge impunity, hold perpetrators to account, and ultimately fight for the sacred human values and norms that cannot be taken for granted,” said Hyeonsim Lee, an investigator with Korea Future. “We seek to do the same for the crimes against humanity committed, both today and in yesteryears, and largely under the scene, in North Korea.”
North Korea’s government is already heavily sanctioned, including with Magnitsky sanctions from the US Treasury which it announced last December. The current list of those sanctioned under the law, named for a Russian whistleblower who died in detention, ranges from Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam to individuals linked to the killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi, and blocks them from travelling to the United States or accessing funds there.
Korea Future’s latest report details evidence of human rights violations committed against nearly 800 detainees across 148 facilities operated by the Ministry of People’s Security, the Ministry of State Security and the People’s Committee of North Korea.
The abuse violates a wide range of international agreements on the rights of prisoners as well as those protecting civil and political lights, it said.
A mock-up of the Onsong County MPS Detention Centre showing cell blocks and other facilities {Courtesy of Korea Future]
Individual accounts describe in detail how prisoners are often held in pre-trial detention for lengthy periods and lack access to adequate defence counsel – or sometimes any at all – before they are sentenced. In other cases, punishments like forced labour may be handed out at public criticism sessions that are overseen by government officials.
Prison terms may be served at a variety of facilities depending on the type of crime and length of sentence, ranging from re-education centres to “labour training” camps. Regardless of their location, prisoners regularly face human rights abuses like violence, torture, and forced labour while also lacking access to adequate food, water and hygiene products, leaving them vulnerable to disease.
Following prison time, some inmates may also be stripped of their citizenship or membership in the Worker’s Party, which is made up of North Korea’s elite and receives special benefits.
Shin Dong-hyuk, whose testimony was included in the report and who wrote a book of his experience, told the UN he had been born in a political prison camp and had been subjected to numerous abuses, including being forced to watch the execution of his mother and brother.
Last month, the UN rapporteur on human rights in the country, Tomas Ojea Quintana, said he continued to receive allegations about such camps and that their existence constituted a “crime against humanity”.
But Korea Future stressed the regime does not confine abuse to its critics, but also individuals found guilty of lesser “administrative” crimes like practising religion, crossing the border into China, or even using a phone card.
“What we are seeing is not simply the detention and brutalisation of political enemies of the state. Rather, we see how arbitrary mass detention and penal violence are being wielded against all categories of detainee,” said Suyeon Yoo, another co-director of Korea Forward.
Source: Al Jazeera
13. Japan Needs a Revamped North Korea Policy
Japan Needs a Revamped North Korea Policy
Japan’s deterrence strategy is up for debate following the launch of North Korea’s ICBM test.
Advertisement
Japan is in a state of heightened vigilance following North Korea’s alleged intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) test, which saw the missile fall into Japan’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). Chief Cabinet Secretary Matsuno Hirokazu called last week’s ICBM “different in dimension from the series of previous missile tests.” He stated that “North Korea does not appear to have changed its intention to pursue long range ballistic missiles” and warned of further possible provocations.
On March 24 North Korea announced the “successful launch” of a newly developed monster ICBM, called the Hwasong-17. It’s seen as a “significant milestone” in the marked acceleration of its nuclear-capable missile development, although both South Korea and the U.S. have questioned whether the missile launched last week was the Hwasong-17 or the older Hwasong-15. According to North Korea, the missile traveled a distance of 1,090 kilometers and flew at an altitude of 6,000 km, which is higher than the Hwasong-15 ICBM launched four years ago.
North Korea’s missile development has been 30 years in the making and escalation doesn’t appear to be slowing down. The latest succession of tests, including a record-setting number of launches in January 2022, has sparked fresh fears that North Korea is reaching the final stage of missile development and is preparing an attack on the United States and its neighboring allies.
The Japanese government said it will work closely with the U.S. and its allies to monitor the situation and will collect and analyze information. Japan says it will also develop a strategy to prevent further provocation from North Korea. But with the Kim Jong Un regime continuing to fund its weapons development program despite U.N. and U.S.-led sanctions that were designed to cut off North Korea’s sources of income, there is little room for further sanctions.
What’s more, international pressure on North Korea’s nuclear missile development has taken a backseat amid various international conflicts. Japan’s Minister for Foreign Affairs Hayashi Yoshimasa believes that North Korea is taking advantage of the “gap” created by the international community’s preoccupation with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
Japan is facing a precarious security situation. Russia’s growing isolation in the international community is at odds with any further efforts to impose sanctions on North Korea. Russia, which has long stood against dialing up pressure on North Korea, can use its veto power in the U.N. Security Council to block sanctions, as can North Korea’s ally, China. To add to Japan’s regional problems, Russia has also started military drills on disputed islands claimed by Tokyo in reaction to Japan joining U.S.-led sanctions against Russia over the war in Ukraine.
Russia’s aggression in Ukraine has shined a light on the importance of national defense capabilities. Japan’s Aegis missile defense system is expected to be deployed to intercept a ballistic missile should the need arise. But North Korea’s escalating military capability will undoubtedly reignite wider discussion on the state of Japan’s defense capabilities as the government plans to revise the National Security Strategy by the end of the year.
On a diplomacy front, getting North Korea to abandon its missile development would require a new level of deterrence or global alliance. One under-explored avenue is cooperating further with South Korea on the issue and forging a stronger alliance with Japan’s closest neighbor. Lingering tensions over historical issues have thus far prevented closer cooperation, with relations entering a deep freeze in 2018 after a Korean court ruled that Japanese companies owed compensation over forced labor during Japan’s colonial rule over Korea.
Advertisement
Last week South Korea’s President-elect Yoon Suk-yeol called for urgent efforts to restore ties with Japan and for trilateral cooperation between South Korea, Japan, and the U.S. so that “North Korea will have conviction that there’s nothing to gain from nuclear weapons.” Yoon is a conservative who is said to align with a more traditional U.S. alliance and is likely to push for hardline denuclearization, as opposed to the current administration’s strategy of taking a mediator position between North Korea and the United States.
South Korea and the United States have dismissed the latest missile launch, reporting that the ICBM was the less powerful Hwasong-15 based on images of the number of engine nozzles, among other details. Japan, on the other hand, has not changed its analysis. It believes the ICBM had a flight capability of over 15,000 km, which indicates a new class of missile that could reach as far as Washington, D.C. Matsuno reiterated Japan’s position has not changed as the provocation is a “serious threat to the peace and security of our nation, region and the international community.”
In 2017 residents in northern Japan woke up to a J-Alert warning them to take shelter as a North Korean ICBM flew over the country. Japan now faces a dangerous new reality where the omnipresent threat of North Korea has become far more palpable.
14. North Korea’s Latest Launch Signals Impending Spiral
We must recognize the regime's strategy. We must understand it. We must expose it, And we must attack the strategy.
North Korea’s Latest Launch Signals Impending Spiral
The steady pace of North Korea’s improving nuclear arsenal paints a very worrying picture about where things are headed on the Korean Peninsula.
Advertisement
On March 24, one week after a similar missile exploded during a test, North Korea successfully fired an intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM), its first ICBM test since late 2017. Pyongyang claimed that it tested a new type of ICBM called the Hwasong-17 (HS-17) and released footage of the missile being moved to its firing position and launching. However, recent analysis of the footage and satellite imagery casts doubts on whether North Korea successfully tested the HS-17 as it claimed. An anonymous U.S. official recently told the Washington Post that the March 24 test likely used a modified Hwasong-15, which is an older ICBM that North Korea first tested in 2017.
Regardless of which type of ICBM North Korea tested on March 24, the test and the North Korean propaganda surrounding it demonstrate that Kim Jong Un is following through on his January 2022 warning of a return to ICBM testing. It’s also a stark reminder that U.S. dreams of denuclearizing North Korea are untenable.
If North Korea did in fact successfully test the HS-17 like they claimed, it would be the largest ICBM that North Korea has ever tested. Moreover, the data from its alleged flight test suggest that the tested missile, regardless of specific variant, would be able to easily range the entirety of the United States. The most notable feature of the HS-17 is its massive size, which is important because of what overall size suggests about payload or what the missile can carry. A larger missile means more weight, but also more fuel and more and/or larger engines. This, in turn, opens the door for heavier payloads and the ability of a single missile to carry multiple warheads. North Korea is probably facing some engineering challenges with warhead miniaturization — the task of making a nuclear warhead smaller and lighter. However, if the missile has enough power and thrust then difficulties with warhead miniaturization becomes a moot point.
North Korea’s press release describing the HS-17 test does not definitively state whether the missile can carry multiple warheads, but Kim is clearly pursuing this technology.
On February 27 and March 5, North Korea tested unidentified ballistic missiles that the United States later claimed involved the HS-17. North Korea’s messaging around these two earlier tests stated their focus was on evaluating systems for a reconnaissance satellite. American analysts noted that “attitude control devices” mentioned in North Korean statements about the tests could be useful for both satellites and devices for carrying multiple nuclear warheads.
Another indicator of Kim Jong Un’s interest in ICBMs armed with multiple nuclear warheads is the mention of that system in his speech to the Eighth Party Congress in 2021. North Korea has already made progress on testing hypersonic glide vehicles in 2022, a capability mentioned in the same sentence as “multi-warhead rocket” in the speech.
In other words, Kim clearly signaled his intention to develop an ICBM that can carry multiple nuclear warheads. North Korea’s apparent struggles with testing the HS-17 suggest that North Korea has not yet perfected the new ICBM, but its size indicates that it would be capable of carrying multiple warheads even if North Korea struggles with miniaturization.
The steady pace of North Korea’s improving nuclear arsenal paints a very worrying picture about where things are headed on the Korean Peninsula. The United States and North Korea are entering a spiral of slow but steady escalation. North Korea has accelerated its missile testing activities in 2022, and the March 24 test is an example of Kim Jong Un fulfilling his warning about a return to ICBM tests. New construction activities at the Punggye-ri nuclear test site, which North Korea partially demolished in 2018, could be an indication that North Korea plans on reopening the facility. For its part, the United States has responded to the alleged HS-17 test with new sanctions, which are unlikely to dissuade North Korea from future tests.
Advertisement
The good news is that so far this action-reaction cycle has not resulted in a serious increase of tension or risk on the Korean Peninsula. The bad news is that this may not remain the case for much longer.
South Korea’s President-elect Yoon Suk-yeol, who will be sworn into office in May, has signaled he will adopt a more aggressive strategy toward North Korea than his predecessor Moon Jae-in. This will likely take the form of requests for greater demonstrations of U.S. commitment to South Korea’s defense, such as the deployment of more missile defense systems or other strategic capabilities. North Korea will likely respond to such moves by increasing its testing activities, which in turn will increase incentives for counteractions by the United States and South Korea.
Unfortunately, it will be very difficult for the United States to break out of this impending spiral. Backing away from the untenable goal of denuclearization or bust could provide a diplomatic opening, but such a move would not be welcome by U.S. allies that the Biden administration is keen on keeping close. So, if you didn’t get a chance to see the high-resolution pictures of the HS-17 from last week’s test don’t worry, there will probably be many more tests in the future.
V/R
David Maxwell
Senior Fellow
Foundation for Defense of Democracies
Phone: 202-573-8647
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
FDD is a Washington-based nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy.
