Informal Institute for National Security Thinkers and Practitioners

Quotes of the Day:

“No man has received from nature the right to give orders to others. Freedom is a gift from heaven, and every individual of the same species has the right to enjoy it as soon as he is in enjoyment of his reason.”

– Denis Diderot

"When life itself seems lunatic, who knows where madness lies? Perhaps to be too practical is madness. To surrender dreams – this may be madness. Too much sanity may be madness – and maddest of all: to see life as it is, and not as it should be!"

– Don Quixote, Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra

"All men make mistakes, but a good man yields when he knows his courses, wrong, and repairs the evil. The only crime is pride."

– Sophocles

On April 4, 1968, civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., 39, was shot and killed while standing on a balcony of the Lorraine Motel in Memphis.

I would note that Dr. King was one of America's greatest strategists. There is so much still to learn from him.

1. North Korea Reaps Military Secrets From South Korean Mayhem

2. Public Perceptions About What the US Would Do if North Korea Invaded South Korea

3. North Korea reports on Yoon Suk-yeol’s impeachment, highlights turmoil in South

4. South Korea’s President Yoon ousted: Who are the top presidential contenders?

5. South Koreans are still puzzling over why their leader declared martial law

6. Yoon supporters hold rallies in protest of court ruling on his dismissal

7. RFA radio transmissions to China, Tibet halted

8. Minister hails US, Japan, S Korea’s stance on Strait

9. Yoon remains at presidential residence day after dismissal, likely to move to private home next week at earliest

10. A Win for Democracy in South Korea

11. South Korea survived this democratic challenge. What’s next?

12. South Korea Removes Its Impeached President and Regains Direction

13. Even if my salary increases 10 times, I can't even buy two pairs of sneakers.

14. The Quiet Crisis in the U.S.-Korea Alliance

15. Hyundai Motor to freeze vehicle prices in U.S. through early June despite auto tariffs

16. N. Korean leader inspects special operation units' training on day of Yoon's ouster

17. U.N. chief voices 'full' confidence in S. Korea's commitment to democratic principles after Yoon's ouster

18. U.S. 'America First' policy report stresses 'significant scope' to improve existing U.S. trade pacts

19. Next president should build personal diplomacy with Trump immediately: experts

20. Seoul’s pivot after Yoon's removal could prove a win for China

1. North Korea Reaps Military Secrets From South Korean Mayhem

north Korean intelligence services operate in South Korea for three main reasons:

1) Espionage – collect strategic and tactical information to gain an advantage in political and military activities.

2) Subversion – subvert the ROK government and society to weaken it with the ultimate objective of collapse the government as well as subverting the ROK/US alliance to drive US forces from the peninsula and extend the nuclear umbrella over the South (and Japan).

3) Wartime support – To emplace networks that will act in support of a north Korean attack in the South.

I want to point out something regarding "indecisiveness" stemming from the interviews in the article below.

South Korean forces deployed to the National Assembly appeared cautious, including one soldier who was seen apologizing to citizens who confronted them. North Korea may have gleaned that the South’s soldiers displayed indecision amid chaos, said Park, the lawmaker.

Pyongyang can derive real advantages from the disclosures. Knowing the locations of South Korean military sites could help North Korea identify what to target first and plan infiltration routes. Seeing wartime equipment on display could allow Pyongyang to reassess how it supplies its own forces. And judging South Korean forces as indecisive, said Park, could lead Pyongyang to see an advantage in trying to sow confusion in the event of an actual conflict.

There are differences in operations and the situation at the national assembly and operations in wartime or a response to an attack by the north. ROK forces will defend against and attack north Korean forces. What happened at the national assembly is not an indicator of wartime performance. It is actually an indication of soldiers who believe in their country and do not act as robots who are indoctrinated with only an ideology of pure loyalty to the Kim family regime. Although counterintuitive, the actions of ROK soldiers actually demonstrate a loyalty to ROK that is far stronger than nKPA soldiers' loyalty to the Kim family regime. The ROK soldiers are thinking soldiers. nKPA soldiers are not.

That said, north Korean subversion can and will exploit ROK soldiers' willingness to support Korean democracy. In the gray zone of what happened on December 3d soldiers followed orders initially until they were informed of the political situation and then had to decide how to best support their country. They chose their country over blindly following orders once they understood the gravity of the political situation. Yes, north Korea can exploit this seeming "indecision" but this if a feature not a bug and I will take thinking soldiers any day over the automatons and "drones" of the nKPA.

That said, we need to understand the proximate cause of this entire situation that is too often overlooked. That is that the north Koreans (and the Chinese) are conducting active subversion of the ROK to undermine the ROK political system, i.e., ROK democracy. They are conducting covert action to influence the political process. And because it is covert action through the use of sophisticated tradecraft it is difficult to collect evidence of their actions.

Some things to keep in mind about north Korea and its specific activities and the organizations and people who are engaged in active subversion in South Korea.

North Korea Reaps Military Secrets From South Korean Mayhem

Upheaval in Seoul delivers intelligence windfall to all who watched—including Kim Jong Un

https://www.wsj.com/world/asia/north-korea-reaps-military-secrets-from-south-korean-mayhem-c60a6613

By Dasl Yoon

April 4, 2025 10:00 pm ET

Soldiers tried to enter the National Assembly building in Seoul after President Yoon Suk Yeol declared martial law. Photo: Jung Yeon-je/AFP/Getty Images

SEOUL—The events that triggered Friday’s ouster of South Korea’s president split the nation and paralyzed state affairs—while delivering a jackpot of military secrets to the country’s archnemesis: North Korean leader Kim Jong Un.

The short-lived implementation of President Yoon Suk Yeol’s martial-law decree in early December, then weeks of investigative hearings into the matter—livestreamed to the public—added up to what South Korean military officials, lawmakers and security experts described as an unprecedented intelligence leak.

Sitting far from the action in Pyongyang, Kim could learn the identities of intelligence agents, the inoperable state of Seoul’s spy drones and even the precise location of South Korea’s war-planning operations room, down to the exact floor of the building.

“The North Koreans are saying ‘thank you’ right now,” said Park Choong-kwon, a former ballistic-missile researcher in North Korea who defected and is now a South Korean legislator for the ruling conservatives. “They send spies to find out information like this.”

When Yoon declared martial law on Dec. 3, saying the country was at risk of falling prey to North Korean “communist forces,” elite South Korean special forces deployed as they would in a North Korean invasion.

Martial law was rescinded within hours, but Pyongyang had already been shown how South Korea might initially respond in an invasion.

South Korean Lt. Gen. Kwak Jong-keun answered lawmakers’ questions at the National Assembly on Dec. 10. Photo: Jung Yeon-je/AFP/Getty Images

In the days of disarray that followed, the South Korean public demanded an explanation about the decree and the military’s actions. Opposition lawmakers quickly convened public hearings where the rush for answers and the political skirmish took precedence over the need to protect military intelligence.

In one exchange, broadcast live on national television, a senior army official revealed the location of a war-planning command and control room. South Korea’s vice defense minister hurriedly intervened and said, “These are key military facilities. We must stop discussing.”

One opposition lawmaker held up photos of intelligence officers who went to the country’s election commission on the night of martial law. A commander raised his hand. “It pains me to see the invaluable assets we built over time being carelessly exposed,” he said.

In another hearing, a lawmaker revealed the number of South Korean-made S-Bat reconnaissance drones that the country’s military possessed and disclosed that they were deemed unfit for combat.

“Such information is collected over a long period of time and requires cross-checking,” said Park Won-gon, a professor of North Korean studies at Ewha Womans University in Seoul. “Yet the intel was handed to North Korea on a silver platter.”

The South Korean Defense Ministry’s spokesman said in December that in the process of “thoroughly explaining the facts,” some “inappropriate disclosures” were made during the hearings. The ministry declined to comment further.

Public Perceptions About What the US Would Do if North Korea Invaded South Korea

Do Americans and South Koreans expect the United States to defend South Korea against a North Korean invasion? My original survey data finds nearly a quarter of Americans believe the US would do nothing, while South Koreans are more confident that the US will at least supply weapons and intelligence to the South. More surprising, more than one in twenty Americans and one in ten Koreans surveyed supported the US using nuclear weapons in this scenario. The results highlight challenges in addressing expectations and raise concerns about public understanding of the consequences of a US response.

President Trump is expected to demand higher military cost shares from South Korea and Japan, raising questions about whether either ally is willing to pay more and if not, how might US defense commitments change. In South Korea, this was a major point of contention during Trump’s first term. The South Korean public largely opposed Trump’s previous $5 billion increase demand, even while supporting the alliance more broadly. But given the continued antagonism over burden sharing, Trump’s previous threats to withdraw US troops from the Korean Peninsula, and even his treatment of other allies, it remains unclear whether the US and South Korean public truly believe the US will still defend South Korea in case of a North Korean attack.

The Costs of Conflict

Estimating even short-term casualties of such an invasion is challenging given the capabilities of both sides, the expected support of the US and perhaps others, and the physical proximity of the demilitarized zone to Seoul. North Korea’s assortment of missiles, rocket launchers, and long-range artillery, more broadly, may still inflict mass casualties to the densely-populated Seoul even if South Korea was able to thwart efforts through counter-artillery and missile defense systems. A US-backed South Korea would maintain several advantages in the long run in such a conflict, especially air superiority, but this would not negate the initial challenges and the potential for urban warfare and mass panic. One estimate assumed costs of up to $20 billion dollars for the US and $2.5 billion for China. A 2017 Pentagon simulation expected 20,000 deaths daily in South Korea, while the US Department of Defense estimated 200,000-300,000 South Korean and US military casualties in the first 90 days. A war could also incur $40 trillion in property damage, with a potential decline of 3.9% of global GDP in the first year.

Such scenarios also typically assume that an initial invasion does not include North Korea’s use of weapons of mass destruction, despite the belief that the country possesses both biological and chemical weapons alongside a small stockpile of nuclear warheads and Kim Jong Un’s own statements about expanding the country’s number of warheads and that the weapons are not purely defensive. South Korea’s increased interest in their own nuclear capabilities or the redeployment of American nuclear weapons further complicates estimates. The endurance of an informal nuclear taboo now becomes more difficult to continue in an era of greater international uncertainty.

Public Perceptions

Previous research gives some indication of public expectations. A 2024 Chicago Council survey finds a majority of Americans across parties support maintaining US military bases in South Korea, with other surveys finding tepid support for closing bases and generally a supportive public for bases. However, the US public increasingly appears disinterested in an active foreign policy, preferring an inward-looking policy consistent with President Trump’s “America First” campaign rhetoric. Meanwhile, South Koreans appear generally supportive of the US military presence, and views of Trump’s cost demands did not seem to influence this support. A history of support for South Korea’s defense however does not ensure future support, and as the deterioration of US relations with Canada attests, changes may be abrupt.

To address perceptions of what the US would do for South Korea’s defense, I conducted two national web surveys, using quota sampling for age, gender, and region. The first, conducted from February 12-26 via the company Centiment, surveyed 522 Americans. The second, conducted from February 24-27 by Macromill Embrain, surveyed 1,000 South Koreans. The surveys did not explicitly remind respondents that the US maintains a military presence of over 28,500 personnel in South Korea. While this may be seen as common knowledge to Korea-watchers, it may not be, particularly to a segment of the US population disinterested in international affairs, and thus exclusion of this information upfront may better provide a baseline view of beliefs of what the US ideally should do.

Starting with the US, nearly a quarter of respondents (24.33%) expected the US to do nothing, while the most common response was to supply aid and intelligence (49.43%), with 37.36% thinking the US should commit troops and air support. This suggests perhaps ignorance of the current presence of US personnel in-country, a belief that additional commitments would not be warranted, or sensitivity to potential casualties. Perhaps most alarming was that 12.84% of respondents supported the use of tactical nuclear weapons. At first glance, this suggests a stark willingness to break the nuclear taboo that has held since the end of World War II, but another interpretation may be that this existential threat to South Korea would require such a significant response. Moreover, we see limited differences between Democrats and Republicans, suggesting that, despite an increasingly polarized view of foreign policy, and a majority of respondents (60.54%) stating the “we should pay less attention to problems overseas and concentrate on problems at home,” this does not translate to how to respond to North Korea.

Moving to the South Korean data, we see several differences. First, South Koreans overall were far less likely to believe the US would do nothing (7.10%), perhaps due to being cognizant of the US military presence already in the country. This may also explain the firm belief that the US would supply aid and intelligence. Regarding expectations of the US committing troops and air support, overall rates are only slightly higher than those in the US (41.3% vs. 37.36%), perhaps suggesting a hesitation that the US would commit additional resources if traditional efforts at deterrence had failed. Of particular note, South Koreans were far more expectant that the US would use tactical nuclear weapons, 21.2% of respondents overall. We also see more of a partisan distinction here between the liberal Democratic Party (DP) and the conservative People Power Party (PPP), with the PPP less likely to believe the US would provide aid and assistance, but more likely to commit troops or use nuclear weapons.

Conclusion

Public opinion does not dictate foreign policy decisions, but it can shape leaders’ options and provide justification for actions taken. The findings here reveal a notable gap: South Koreans show greater confidence that the US will respond if North Korea invaded the South, including the possibility of using nuclear weapons, while US respondents were over three times more likely to believe the US would do nothing in this scenario.

While both publics acknowledge the gravity of the situation, the results point to concerns that overconfidence in South Korea may drive expectations, limiting consideration of a US that fails to respond sufficiently. Admittedly, capturing public opinion about a hypothetical is marred with “what ifs,” especially where the end result may lead to a conflict of the magnitude not seen in the region in decades, adding uncertainty to supply chains. Public views about conflict naturally change once conflict moves from the abstract to the concrete.

For the US, addressing the differing expectations of both populations could inform more strategic communications about its role in defending South Korea and improve overall reassurance even amid ongoing disputes within the alliance over such issues as military burden sharing. Furthermore, the apparent willingness to employ tactical nuclear weapons warrants broader consideration as to what kind of effects it would have on the Korean Peninsula and whether the public fully conceptualizes what breaking this taboo might mean for future conflict.

3. North Korea reports on Yoon Suk-yeol’s impeachment, highlights turmoil in South

There is an opportunity here to compete in the information space as the Propaganda and Agitation Department tries to undermine South Korea's legitimacy. An effective information campaign will show how democracy is choice of people who have the right to self-determination of government (per Article 21 of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights).

The President was impeached – “unification was not” – Distraction yes – but also an opportunity
Pursuit of a free and unified Korea remains as relevant and necessary as ever
The fundamental question for all Korean people:
Do the Korean people prefer the challenges of a messy democracy or the suffocating control of a dictatorial regime?
Martial law crisis shows democracy prevents tyranny – Korean people in the north and South will choose democracy over dictatorship

North Korea reports on Yoon Suk-yeol’s impeachment, highlights turmoil in South

Rodong Sinmun's report came 19 hours after verdict, slower than state media coverage of Park Geun-hye's ouster in 2017

https://www.nknews.org/2025/04/north-korea-reports-on-yoon-suk-yeols-impeachment-highlights-turmoil-in-south/

Shreyas Reddy April 5, 2025

Yoon Suk-yeol and Rodong Sinmun's report on his removal | Image: Republic of Korea via Flickr (July 14, 2023) and Rodong Sinmun (April 5, 2025), edited by NK News

North Korea has reported on the removal of South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol less than a day after the Constitutional Court’s ruling, largely following its recent approach of factually reporting the events surrounding the fallout of the political “chaos” in its southern neighbor in recent months.

The party-run newspaper Rodong Sinmun reported on Saturday that the court’s eight-judge panel unanimously voted to uphold Yoon’s impeachment and confirm his immediate dismissal from the presidency.

The ruling came 111 days after Yoon declared a state of “emergency martial law” last year, which ultimately led to his dismissal, the daily noted.

“Until now, South Korea has been in political turmoil due to the declaration of martial law and impeachment of Yoon Suk-yeol,” Rodong Sinmun stated, adding that this marks the second time a South Korean president has been impeached following Park Geun-hye’s removal in 2017.

“The declaration of dismissal of this day ended Yoon Suk-yeol’s short political career, but it will not be the end of months of chaos that South Korea has experienced,” the brief report warned in its conclusion.

North Korean state media’s first report on the Constitutional Court’s ruling largely stuck to facts rather than opinions, apart from highlighting his role in triggering South Korea’s “worst political crisis.” However, even with this criticism, it followed a recent pattern of indirectly airing its views by citing major foreign media outlets such as the Associated Press, Reuters and The Guardian as sources.

This is largely reflective of Pyongyang’s approach to reporting on South Korea’s political crisis since Yoon’s short-lived martial law declaration on Dec. 3, which the National Assembly overturned in a matter of hours.

Following the martial law declaration and Yoon’s subsequent impeachment and arrest, state media waited several days to report on the events related to the former president’s actions and the actions taken against him, largely restricting reporting factual details and citing foreign media to highlight the “political chaos” unfolding in South Korea.

Pyongyang used this indirect approach to draw attention to the unrest in the ROK and send a message to domestic audiences about the instability of the democratic neighbor to the south, occasionally lobbing insults at Yoon and embellishing the scale of the political unrest to amplify its narratives.

Notably, North Korean coverage of the martial law crisis over the past four months has steered clear of any references to Yoon’s allegations regarding “pro-North” forces in South Korea’s political opposition and Pyongyang-backed election fraud, which he used to justify his martial law declaration. It has similarly avoided referencing unconfirmed reports that the Yoon administration sought to incite inter-Korean conflict to set up a pretext for martial law.

Following Yoon’s impeachment in mid-December, Lim Eul-chul, a professor at Kyungnam University’s Institute of Far Eastern Studies, told NK News that state media’s coverage seemingly sought to leverage the chaos in South Korea to cast a favorable light on North Korea’s socialist model and “the stability of Kim Jong Un’s regime.”

He explained that Pyongyang likely views itself as “political victor in this confrontation between systems,” with the fallout of Yoon’s actions presenting an “opportune moment for Pyongyang to compare and promote the virtues of its political and social systems while maintaining a controlled narrative.”

However, Lim added that the Kim regime would be wary of revealing too much about democratic processes in South Korea, “mindful of any potentially negative effects such coverage could have on its own citizens.”

State media’s Saturday report of the ruling against Yoon about 19 hours after the verdict was announced appeared relatively quicker than its previous coverage of his martial law declaration and efforts to punish him.

But it was still slower than the first DPRK coverage of the Constitutional Court’s 2017 decision to uphold Park Geun-hye’s impeachment, when the state-owned radio station Korean Central Broadcasting Station broke the news to North Korean audiences within two hours of the verdict.

Before and after Park’s removal, North Korean media largely opted for a mix of factual reporting and citing foreign media, as in Yoon’s case, and occasionally airing Pyongyang’s own condemnation of a conservative president it often vilified.

However, at the time North Korea also operated numerous lower-level South Korea-facing propaganda outlets designed to convey such views on a daily basis. But since purging all of its inter-Korean organs last year, Pyongyang has relied on top-level outlets like Rodong Sinmun for commentary on events in the South, which may have contributed to the reduced ROK focus of late.

Edited by Alannah Hill

Updated at 8:12 a.m. KST on April 5 with additional context on North Korea’s coverage of Yoon’s martial law declaration.

4. South Korea’s President Yoon ousted: Who are the top presidential contenders?

I wonder if the Finance Minister Choi will run. I thought he acquitted himself well as acting President.

South Korea’s President Yoon ousted: Who are the top presidential contenders?

https://www.straitstimes.com/asia/east-asia/who-are-the-top-contenders-for-south-koreas-presidential-election?utm

Mr Lee Jae-myung, the Democratic Party leader, is regarded as by far the top contender. PHOTO: AFP

UPDATED Apr 04, 2025, 05:12 PM

SEOUL - South Korea will hold a snap presidential election within 60 days after the Constitutional Court unanimously removed President Yoon Suk Yeol from office on April 4, upholding his impeachment for imposing martial law in 2024.

Presidents can serve a single five-year term in South Korea, and recent opinion polls show the leader of the main opposition Democratic Party is well ahead, though he faces his own legal challenges.

Here are some potential contenders for the presidential election.

Lee Jae-myung

The Democratic Party leader is regarded as by far the top contender. The veteran politician lost to Yoon in the 2022 presidential election by the slimmest margin in history.

Leading by double-digits in some recent polls, Mr Lee is among the lawmakers who rushed to the National Assembly on the night of Yoon’s Dec 3 martial law declaration to ensure Parliament voted down the military order.

Mr Lee, 61, led his party to a landslide victory in a parliamentary election in 2024 and enjoys strong support from liberal voters.

Still, Mr Lee has his own court battles.

Although a court threw out his guilty verdict on charges of violating the election law, he faces several trials on matters ranging from bribery to charges linked mostly to a US$1 billion (S$1.33 billion) property development scandal.

In 2024, he survived a knife attack at an event and underwent surgery for stabs to the neck.

Han Dong-hoon

Mr Han Dong-hoon, the former leader of South Korea’s ruling People Power Party, is considered a top conservative contender. PHOTO: AFP

The former leader of South Korea’s ruling People Power Party is considered a top conservative contender. He was a particularly vocal opponent of Yoon’s martial law declaration.

The 51-year-old prosecutor-turned-politician resigned as PPP leader amid friction in the party over his call for Yoon to resign over the martial law declaration.

Mr Han is popular with moderate conservative voters, but faced criticism from Yoon supporters, who accused Mr Han of betraying his party and allowing Yoon’s impeachment by the National Assembly in December.

Kim Moon-soo

The Labour Minister has been polling higher than other conservative contenders, though he has said he was not considering running for the presidency.

Mr Kim, like many other conservative politicians, criticised the arrest of Yoon and the impeachment hearings conducted by the Constitutional Court.

The 73-year-old would likely be the oldest candidate if he decides to run.

Oh Se-hoon

The conservative four-term mayor of Seoul advocates South Korea considering nuclear armament to counter arch-rival North Korea.

“Along with having nuclear potential, we need to be prepared to put our own nuclear weapons on the table as a possible strategic option,” he posted on Facebook in January.

Mr Oh in 2025 unveiled his regulatory reform slogan Koga (Korea Growth Again), inspired by US President Donald Trump’s Maga (Make America Great Again) movement.

Mr Oh’s reforms target boosting the economic growth rate to 5 per cent from 2024’s 2 per cent.

Hong Joon-pyo

Mr Hong, mayor of conservative stronghold Daegu, has said he is preparing for the next presidential election, even while calling for the Constitutional Court not to oust Yoon.

The five-term lawmaker for the PPP and its predecessors lost the 2017 presidential election to Mr Moon Jae-in.

Mr Hong has been a vocal critic of ruling party former leader Mr Han for distancing himself from Yoon.

Kim Dong-yeon

The governor of Gyeonggi province has emerged as another potential contender from the opposition.

Mr Kim told Reuters in January that “there might be tough times ahead of us, especially for countries like Korea”, and that the alliance between Seoul and Washington will be “very concrete”, whoever heads the administration.

He said whoever stands for the Democratic Party should win the election. REUTERS

South Koreans are still puzzling over why their leader declared martial law

By FOSTER KLUG and KIM TONG-HYUNG

Updated 12:19 PM EDT, April 4, 2025

AP · by FOSTER KLUG · April 4, 2025

SEOUL (AP) — Dancing and consoling hugs. Wild whoops and anguished screams. Tears, both of joy and rage. Reaction to the court verdict ousting South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol from office Friday was a vivid window into the nation’s deep political divisions, as tens of thousands of Yoon opponents and supporters aired their feelings in downtown Seoul.

As South Korea now turns to elect a new president, that divide is only likely to harden. It will be particularly on display as both sides try to answer one question about the night of Dec. 3, when the conservative leader decreed martial law, setting himself on the road to impeachment and the loss of the presidency:

What was he thinking?

Yoon was confronting North Korea-sympathizing politicians intent on destroying South Korea’s democracy, his supporters say. No, no, liberals maintain: He was trying to deflect attention from corruption investigations of him and his wife. Or maybe he was in the sway of right-wing YouTubers who claim liberals have subverted the election process?

This national attempt to pick through the wreckage of Yoon’s decision to send heavily armed soldiers to encircle the National Assembly will be front and center as a violently fractured South Korea begins a fierce campaign to elect a new president within two months.

Deploying troops to the streets of any democracy is serious. But it is especially sensitive in South Korea, where memories of military rule from the 1960s to 1980s are fresh.

And the move has further exposed the country’s fault lines, along politics, national security, social standing, economics, gender and age.

Division is intrinsic to South Korea’s origin story. The Korean Peninsula was split into northern and southern halves in 1945 by Soviet and U.S. troops, formally broken up in 1948 when both Koreas became independent countries, and then militarily separated at the Demilitarized Zone at the end of the Korean War in 1953.

The fractures will likely get worse as presidential election campaigning gains force.

Yoon supporters say he was thwarted by the opposition

Yoon’s supporters tend to frame the martial law decree as a crucial tool for a president stymied at every turn by the liberal opposition Democratic Party, which controls parliament.

Kim Min-seon, a Yoon supporter, said it was the only way to deal with liberals blocking Yoon’s efforts to fight Pyongyang’s and Beijing’s alleged campaigns to threaten South Korea’s democracy through cyberattacks, disinformation and technology theft. The Democratic Party has denied these accusations.

“I strongly condemn Lee Jae-myung’s Democratic Party, which is an axis of evil,” Kim said during a recent rally. Lee, the opposition leader, is Yoon’s archrival and seen as the presidential front-runner.

Yoon supporters’ fears are further fueled by false claims about election fraud.

On Dec. 3, Yoon sent troops to National Election Commission offices to investigate alleged vulnerabilities to its computer systems that he insisted could affect the credibility of election results.

Such claims are unsubstantiated and there is no evidence of electoral fraud, but there’s a worry that the specter could undermine confidence in future elections.

“It’s undeniable that we had election fraud, and the president made a crucial decision to expose such massive wrongdoing,” Kwon Kyung-hee, another Yoon supporter, said during a rally this week.

Yoon critics say he was influenced by conspiracy theories

Many Yoon critics see something strikingly different: a leader increasingly in the sway of conspiracy theories that portray him as a victim of a North Korea-sympathizing opposition.

Instead, they say, he was merely an inept politician, unable to work with rivals to get things done.

“The president’s imposition of martial law was a terrible political decision made by a foolish former prosecutor who mistook compromise for surrender and dialogue for interrogation,” said Choi Hyun-seok, a Seoul office worker.

But others see a reason closer to home, accusing Yoon of being desperate to protect himself from corruption investigations.

Park Chan-dae, floor leader of the Democratic Party, said Yoon’s martial law decree was likely an attempt to cover up “disgraceful” allegations about Yoon and his wife that had caused the president’s approval ratings to plummet.

The scandal revolves around allegations that Yoon and first lady Kim Keon Hee unlawfully influenced the conservative People Power Party to select a specific candidate for a parliamentary by-election in 2022 at the request of election broker Myung Tae-kyun. Yoon has denied any wrongdoing by him or his wife.

Park noted that it was Dec. 2 when Myung, facing the threat of criminal prosecution and increasing scrutiny, revealed he would hand over a phone that contains communications with Yoon and Kim.

“Prosecutors indicted Myung Tae-kyun a day later, and Yoon Suk Yeol declared martial law on the same day,” Park said during a January party meeting. “Isn’t this too coincidental to be dismissed as mere chance?”

It’s not immediately clear how much of a role the Myung scandal played in influencing Yoon’s decree, which investigators say had been brewing for months.

Prosecutors’ indictments, instead, say Yoon was driven to martial law by disputes with the opposition over budget cuts, impeachment attempts against his allies, and baseless election fraud conspiracy theories. Though they did also briefly mention that Yoon discussed the scandal with his defense minister.

Both Yoon’s party — which is in disarray following the court ruling — and the opposition — whose leader also faces several corruption investigations — have big challenges ahead.

And the stakes couldn’t be higher for South Korea: How the political standoff plays out will determine its democratic future, but also its relations with the nuclear-armed North, a newly protectionist United States, and its major trading partner but uneasy neighbor China.

___

Associated Press correspondent Hyung-jin Kim contributed to this story.

AP · by FOSTER KLUG · April 4, 2025

6. Yoon supporters hold rallies in protest of court ruling on his dismissal

These protestors need to be careful. They need to follow the political process. You do not "destroy a village to save it." You do not "destroy democracy to save it."

These actions are wrong.

Protesters chanted slogans like "The impeachment is a fraud and invalid" and "Dissolve the Constitutional Court," as they strongly criticized the justices in the impeachment trial.

Urging Yoon to return to office, they called for "eradicating anti-state forces" and "invoking the rights to resist."

One participant claimed that the public should boycott the snap election, which must take place within 60 days after the presidential vacancy.

Yoon supporters hold rallies in protest of court ruling on his dismissal | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Seung-yeon · April 5, 2025

SEOUL, April 5 (Yonhap) -- Supporters of former President Yoon Suk Yeol gathered Saturday to protest the Constitutional Court's ruling that removed him from office, urging Yoon's immediate return and calling the opposition an "anti-state cartel" that must be eradicated.

Thousands of conservative groups staged rallies in central Seoul's Gwanghwamun area despite the rain, a day after the top court stripped Yoon of power, ruling that he violated the Constitution by declaring martial law in December.

Protesters chanted slogans like "The impeachment is a fraud and invalid" and "Dissolve the Constitutional Court," as they strongly criticized the justices in the impeachment trial.

Urging Yoon to return to office, they called for "eradicating anti-state forces" and "invoking the rights to resist."

One participant claimed that the public should boycott the snap election, which must take place within 60 days after the presidential vacancy.

Police estimated that some 18,000 people took part in Saturday's protest rally.

Before the demonstrations began, most streets near the court and around the presidential residence in Seoul had remained deserted and quiet, in stark contrast to intense rallies that had filled the areas for months in support of or against Yoon.

Supporters of ousted President Yoon Suk Yeol stage a protest rally in Seoul's central Gwanghwamun on April 5, 2025, a day after the Constitutional Court ruled to dismiss Yoon from office over his martial law attempt in December. (Yonhap)

Shops near the court and in the blocks around Anguk Station remained closed for the second day.

All the flower wreaths set up by Yoon's supporters in front of the court were removed by the district office and replaced by police barricades.

The area around the official presidential residence in Yongsan was subdued, as opposed to the crowds of pro- and anti-Yoon groups that once packed the streets, along with YouTubers who were busy livestreaming the scenes.

Police have relaxed their guard posture, with their buses having pulled out of the area.

As of 6 p.m. the previous day, police downgraded the security alert level in Seoul from the highest requiring full police mobilization, to the second highest calling for 50 percent deployment.

As some rallies were expected to continue, police will maintain the alert level through the weekend, a police official said.

elly@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Seung-yeon · April 5, 2025

7. RFA radio transmissions to China, Tibet halted

Another strategic mistake:

RFA Radio Free Asia will adjust its shortwave radio broadcast schedule on March 15 due to the reduction in radio transmission facilities following the end of U.S. government subsidy support. Unfortunately, RFA will discontinue shortwave radio broadcasts in Chinese, Tibetan, and Laotian, and will also significantly reduce its broadcast schedule in Burmese, Cambodian, Korean, and Uyghur. However, RFA will provide limited news updates through its website and social media. Thank you for your continued support and trust in RFA.

This is a Google translation of an RFA report.

RFA radio transmissions to China, Tibet halted

Relay stations owned or leased by US government no longer carrying Radio Free Asia broadcasts

By RFA Staff

2025.04.04

https://www.rfa.org/english/asia/2025/04/04/china-tibet-shortwave-radio-free-asia/

Tibetan monks listen to a Radio Free Asia broadcast as they march to protest China's hosting of the Olympic Games in Takipur, outside Dharamsala, India, March 11, 2008. (Ashwini Bhatia/AP)

Radio Free Asia announced this week that its radio broadcasts have been drastically cut as transmissions were halted from relay stations owned or leased by the U.S. government.

RFA informed listeners on Thursday that shortwave radio broadcasts for its Mandarin, Tibetan and Lao language services have stopped entirely. The broadcaster, which is funded by the U.S. Congress, said a heavily reduced schedule remains in place for RFA Burmese, Khmer, Korean and Uyghur language services.

The U.S. Agency for Global Media, or USAGM, which oversees RFA, abruptly terminated its federal grant on March 15. RFA has since been forced to furlough most of its staff, and filed a lawsuit last week, seeking to restore the funding on the grounds that the termination violated federal laws.

The Trump administration has moved to slash news organizations funded by the U.S. Congress, including Voice of America and those funded through federal grants like RFA and Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, as part of its drive to reduce government spending.

With its reducing staffing, RFA is still providing limited news updates on its website and social media in all nine languages it serves. The broadcaster was established in 1996, and sends news to countries and regions across Asia that have little or no press freedom, such as North Korea, China, Myanmar and Vietnam.

Monitoring of radio frequencies previously used by RFA indicates that transmissions from shortwave and mediumwave relay stations owned or leased by USAGM have halted in the past week, meaning the hours of radio broadcasts have been slashed from 63 hours in March to just seven hours now.

That is based on review of an online Remote Monitoring System that is maintained by USAGM that provides short audio samples of radio frequencies in regions served by the broadcasters it oversees.

Minister hails US, Japan, S Korea’s stance on Strait

Staff writer, with CNA
Minister of Foreign Affairs Lin Chia-lung (林佳龍) yesterday expressed gratitude to his counterparts in the US, Japan and South Korea for voicing concerns over the Chinese People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) “provocative” live-fire exercises around Taiwan.
In a news release, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said a joint statement issued by the three nations on Thursday underscored that peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait is an international consensus and a matter of global interest.
“It is clear that China is a troublemaker in the international community, seeking to alter the ‘status quo,’” the ministry said.

South Korean Minister of Foreign Affairs Cho Tae-yul, left, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, center, and Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs Takeshi Iwaya pose for photos during trilateral talks in Brussels on Thursday.

Photo: EPA-EFE
As a responsible member of the global community, Taiwan would continue working with like-minded democratic partners, such as the US, Japan and South Korea, to safeguard cross-strait peace, stability and prosperity, it said.
The statement was issued in response to a declaration made by US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs Takeshi Iwaya and South Korean Minister of Foreign Affairs Cho Tae-yul following their meeting in Brussels on Thursday.
A section of their joint statement addressed China’s threats to Taiwan, including the military exercises launched on Tuesday.
In it, they described peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait as “an indispensable element of security and prosperity for the international community” and condemned Beijing’s recent military drills as “provocative actions.”
At the same time, their statement adhered to Washington’s established position on Taiwan, opposing any unilateral attempts to change the “status quo,” while expressing support for Taiwan’s meaningful participation in appropriate international organizations.

9. Yoon remains at presidential residence day after dismissal, likely to move to private home next week at earliest

Yoon remains at presidential residence day after dismissal, likely to move to private home next week at earliest | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Chang Dong-woo · April 5, 2025

SEOUL, April 5 (Yonhap) -- Former President Yoon Suk Yeol remained at the official presidential residence in Seoul on Saturday after his dismissal by the Constitutional Court the previous day, as preparations for his departure were reportedly under way.

On Friday, Yoon was removed from office after the Constitutional Court unanimously upheld his impeachment over his short-lived martial law imposition in December, setting the stage for a presidential election likely in June

No official timeline has been set, but sources said Yoon is unlikely to vacate the presidential residence in Hannam-dong before early next week.

"There is much to sort through and prepare," a presidential office official told Yonhap News Agency, adding, "He will be able to move out after the weekend at the earliest."

By comparison, former President Park Geun-hye left the presidential residence two days after her 2017 impeachment ruling, returning to her private home in Seoul's Samseong-dong.

Yoon is likely to relocate to his private home at a residential complex in southern Seoul, where he lived before taking office in May 2022.

This file photo dated May 10, 2022, shows President Yoon Suk Yeol being sworn in as South Korea's new president during his inauguration ceremony in front of the National Assembly in Seoul. The Constitutional Court upheld the impeachment of Yoon on April 4, 2025, removing him from office over his short-lived imposition of martial law in December. (Yonhap)

At the time, he commuted from the complex for roughly six months while the Hannam-dong residence was under renovation.

Challenges, however, remain, as setting up a dedicated security annex could be difficult in the residential complex. Some sources also suggest Yoon may be considering alternative arrangements due to the presence of multiple pets.

"Once the former president decides on a new residence, we will proceed with protection measures according to the relevant law and regulation," an official of the Presidential Security Service said, adding that no formal notice of his relocation had yet been received.

Under current law, former presidents who are removed from office through impeachment are still entitled to a security detail, though other post-presidential benefits are revoked.

Meanwhile, the presidential office has yet to issue an official public statement regarding the court's decision.

On Friday, key senior aides, including chief of staff Chung Jin-suk, offered their resignations to acting President Han Duck-soo, but Han rejected them.

odissy@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Chang Dong-woo · April 5, 2025

10. A Win for Democracy in South Korea

Ms. Kim's limited reporting fails to acknowledge the strong protest against impeachment. She fails to report on the root problem with the political system - external influence.

A Win for Democracy in South Korea

The New Yorker · by E. Tammy Kim · April 4, 2025

The Daily

April 4, 2025

You’re reading The New Yorker’s daily newsletter, a guide to our top stories, featuring exclusive insights from our writers and editors. Sign up to receive it in your inbox.

South Korea’s Constitutional Court upheld the impeachment of the country’s President, removing him from office. E. Tammy Kim, who covered Yoon Suk-yeol’s brief declaration of martial law, in December, and the protests that followed, reflects on the challenges to democracy in Korea and the United States. Also in today’s newsletter:

Protesters opposed to impeached South Korean president Yoon Suk Yeol react after hearing the Constitutional Court's verdict on April 04, 2025 in Seoul, South Korea.Photograph by Chung Sung-Jun / Getty

E. Tammy Kim

Kim writes about politics, the federal government, and the Koreas.

While working on Deep State Diaries, my weekly dispatch about the Trump Administration’s attacks on the federal workforce, I’ve kept my eye on another democracy in crisis: South Korea.

In December, President Yoon Suk-yeol had attempted to thwart the country’s National Assembly, which was obstructing his agenda, by declaring martial law. He censored the media and banned large gatherings; he ordered troops and police to arrest opposition leaders and a leftist journalist. Shoot, if necessary, he demanded. As I wrote at the time, there could have been a massacre—a return to South Korea’s violent, pre-democratic past. (The country was ruled by military dictators from 1961 to 1987.) But the soldiers disobeyed, legislators pushed past guns to vote down the declaration, and thousands of protesters filled the streets. Within six hours, Yoon was forced to call off his plan.

Mass protests continued throughout the winter, calling for Yoon’s arrest and prosecution. He was eventually impeached and indicted for crimes against the state. It was a meaningful step for a relatively new democracy, I wrote. But impeachment does not automatically lead to removal from office. That would be up to the nation’s Constitutional Court, which deliberated for two and a half months. On Friday morning, the justices ruled unanimously (8–0) in favor of Yoon’s ouster. An election for a new President must now be held within sixty days.

I watched Friday’s proceedings on Korean TV: inside the courtroom, there was a quiet, bloodless recitation of treasonous acts; outside, a rowdy explosion of signs, costumes (a giant bear, a red-hatted Mario), song, and dance. Yoon was holed up in his house, where he has long been keeping out of public view. “You, the Korean people, have been through so much,” the head of the impeachment committee for the National Assembly said. He—all the speakers were men, despite the strong presence of young women in the protest movement—invoked a metaphor of rebirth: a “new, democratic spring” was here.

Shortly after the proceedings, workers took down the Presidential flag from Yoon’s official headquarters. Only the national Taegukgi flag remained. There had been a sense, in the lead-up to the court’s announcement, that removing Yoon from office would be a victory for democracy at large. South Koreans needed the win. The rest of us did, too.

Daily Cartoon

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Play today’s bite-size puzzle. A clue: Creature in an annual race with the slogan “Ready, Steady, Slow!” Five letters.

P.S. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., was assassinated on this day in 1968. “His death is difficult for us because it deprives us of the embodiment of the cause he represented for all Americans,” Jacob R. Brackman, Terrence Malick, and Renata Adler wrote at the time. “The more difficult because of the threat inherent in that deprivation.”

E. Tammy Kim is a contributing writer at The New Yorker.

11. South Korea survived this democratic challenge. What’s next?

"... a critical first step in reversing the country’s authoritarian slide."

Unless you believe that the possible election of Lee Jae Myung will not lead to authoritarian rule. You can make the case that the Democratic Party of Korea/Minjoo if elected, will be the party of authoritarianism and democracy in name only.

South Korea survived this democratic challenge. What’s next?

The impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol is a critical first step in reversing the country’s authoritarian slide.

Eun A Jo - April 4, 2025

goodauthority.org · by Eun A Jo

South Koreans turn out in December 2024 to protest President Yoon’s sudden declaration of martial law. (cc) Hashflu, via Wikimedia Commons.

On April 4, South Korea’s Constitutional Court unanimously upheld the impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol. In early December 2024, Yoon had declared martial law, promising to restore liberal democracy by first upending it. The “self-coup” only lasted six hours, foiled by a swift and unanimous legislative veto and civic activism. Yoon was later impeached and charged with insurrection – one of two crimes (treason is the other) in South Korea that do not enjoy presidential immunity. Yoon will now face a separate criminal trial on the insurrection charge.

The court’s ruling this week makes Yoon the second-ever president in South Korea to be removed from office. In 2016, President Park Geun-hye was impeached, and the Constitutional Court confirmed her impeachment in 2017. Park was later sentenced to 24 years in prison for corruption and abuses of power. In Yoon’s case, the court reasoned that the president’s exercise of emergency powers was unjustified, lacked due process, and infringed on the fundamental freedoms of South Korean citizens. The opposition Democratic Party welcomed the April 2025 verdict as a “people’s victory,” which Yoon’s ruling party “humbly” accepted.

But Yoon’s departure is unlikely to fix South Korea’s democratic crisis on its own. The problem is deeply rooted, stemming from the country’s flawed constitutional design. Increasing political polarization has exacerbated governmental dysfunction. Less than four decades after transitioning to democracy, South Korea now shows visible signs of nostalgia for the authoritarian past. Yoon is a product, rather than an engineer, of these trends. Reversing the political trends will require more than just holding him individually accountable.

The president is too strong

The most fundamental issue lies in the country’s constitutional design – what political scientist Juan Linz once referred to as the “perils of presidentialism.” In South Korea, the executive enjoys considerable powers, including the authority to appoint people, draft budgets, and shape policy. The president also reigns supreme over the courts and the legislature. This concentration of power in the presidency is a legacy of South Korea’s authoritarian rule, when other branches of the government served more symbolic roles.

Scholars and policymakers alike have long called for constitutional changes to limit presidential powers. Proposals vary widely, from adopting a parliamentary system or a semi-presidential system to replacing the single five-year presidential term with two four-year terms. But updating South Korea’s constitution is difficult, and requires both a legislative vote and a national referendum. These barriers have left the balance of constitutional powers unchanged since 1987, when the country transitioned to democracy. Any constitutional changes will require broad support across political parties and the public to pass – and, importantly, to stick.

South Korea’s parties are too divided

This leads to another problem: political polarization. South Korea has become a deeply polarized society. Given the Cold War context in which the country’s democratic struggles emerged, political ideologies have been more strongly shaped by national identity issues – concerning North Korea, Japan, and the United States – than by programmatic agendas. The result is that political parties are easily susceptible to identitarian disputes that hinder meaningful policy discussions. And in recent years, new divisions in class, gender, and regionalism have further fueled mass polarization in South Korea.

These divisions drive a penchant for zero-sum politics – the belief that any gains by the other is one’s loss. This has resulted in the rise of negative partisanship – when people act in opposition to parties they dislike rather than in support of parties they like. And voters rarely change their political loyalties. A good example: Even after Yoon’s self-coup, many conservative Koreans continued to support his party, driven by habit, and out of the fear that the opposition might seize power.

Why some South Koreans appear nostalgic for authoritarian rule

Compounding these problems is a growing nostalgia for the authoritarian past, particularly among the far right. Central to this phenomenon is Park Chung-hee, a polarizing figure and South Korea’s president from 1961 to 1979. South Koreans remember Park for his dictatorial rule and collaboration with Japan, as well as his role in driving South Korea’s economic transformation. Many view Park fondly as a national hero who led the country out of poverty, and helped create an economy surpassing that of communist North Korea. These sentiments ultimately played a role in helping his daughter Park Geun-hye win the presidency in 2012.

Today, this nostalgia has solidified into a partisan narrative that claims the country needs strong leadership to defend against communist threats. Conservative presidents have increasingly relied on this narrative to suppress political opposition, the free press, and civil society organizations such as trade unions. When Yoon declared martial law, he also cited the threats “pro-North, anti-state elements” posed within the country. These types of anti-communist appeals had surged under Yoon’s leadership as he implored the “new right” movement to whitewash – if not glorify – South Korea’s authoritarian past.

What happens now?

South Korea’s next president will now have the opportunity to begin tackling these ongoing challenges to democracy. Yoon’s formal removal from office now means South Korea must hold a new election within 60 days. Until then, Prime Minister Han Duk-soo will serve as an acting president. In South Korea, the president is elected by direct popular vote, in a single election round and on a first-past-the-post basis. This means that by June 3, 2025, we will know who will lead the country for the next five, very challenging, years.

The front-runner in this snap election is opposition leader Lee Jae-myung. The timing of the court’s ruling is critical as it allows Lee, who faces multiple legal troubles of his own, to run for office before being potentially disqualified. On March 25, 2025, he was acquitted of lying on the campaign trail about a bribery scandal. Lee had received a suspended prison sentence in November 2024 for this crime. Despite these ongoing controversies, Lee has built a loyal following of supporters who view him as a progressive icon with a compelling rags-to-riches story. Many observers expect Lee, who faces no clear challenger in the ruling party, to win the race.

Regardless of who wins the upcoming election, South Korea’s next president will face the same crucial task: rolling back the country’s authoritarian slide. This will require building bipartisan support for constitutional amendments to end the imperial presidency. South Koreans are generally supportive of such change. The bigger question is whether the ruling and opposition parties can move past their zero-sum politics to neutralize the far right and restore constitutional order. Should they fail to do so, South Korea may soon find itself in another democratic crisis.

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South Korea Park Geun-hye Yoon Suk Yeol Park Chung-hee

goodauthority.org · by Eun A Jo

12. South Korea Removes Its Impeached President and Regains Direction

Excerpts:

When the verdict came, a crowd gathered near the court erupted. Those supporting Mr. Yoon’s removal reacted with screams of delight, pumping their fists into the air and hugging each other.

“This is the day I’ve been waiting for over the past four months of protesting,” said Jang Jaeeuk, 21, who said he had stayed out on the street near the court overnight along with other students from his university, getting only three hours of sleep.

At a rally of supporters of Mr. Yoon, there was loud booing. Some people folded over in dismay, and others loudly cursed.

Ye Chung-ho, 65, had come to Seoul from Geoje Island, off the south coast of South Korea, spending two nights on the street to support Mr. Yoon.

“The constitution has collapsed,” he said after the ruling. “The decision is illegal.”

But the crowds dispersed quickly after the court’s announcement despite earlier fears of violent clashes. The police had been on their highest alert, erecting tall barricades around the courthouse. Schools in the neighborhood were closed. Businesses told employees to work from home.

...

Mr. Yoon’s ouster was a crushing blow to the country’s conservative camp: He was the second conservative president in a row to be ousted by impeachment. (The first was President Park Geun-hye in 2017.) It increased the chances of his progressive foes in the current opposition to regain power and reshape South Korea’s foreign policy.

Mr. Yoon pleased conservatives by adopting tough stances toward North Korea and China and expanding joint military drills with the United States. He also won plaudits from Washington when he improved ties with Japan to lay the ground for trilateral cooperation to deter China. His progressive rivals favor dialogue with North Korea and seek to be on good terms with both the United States, South Korea’s main military ally, and China, its biggest trade partner.

“It will be an uphill battle for the conservative party to win a snap presidential election,” said Duyeon Kim, a Seoul-based fellow with the Center for a New American Security. “If Lee wins, South Korea’s foreign policy will likely look very different from what the U.S. and like-minded countries have enjoyed during Yoon’s presidency, because of the demands of the progressive base.”

Mr. Yoon’s martial law also exposed how dangerously close the country could come to a military takeover. South Korea is grappling with a deepening political polarization, online demagoguery and the mainstreaming of a radical right wing. Its legislature is gridlocked by partisan warfare.

“Whoever wins the next election will face the daunting challenges of bringing together a deeply fractured society, as well as dealing with Trump’s tariffs,” said Mr. Hahm.

South Korea Removes Its Impeached President and Regains Direction

The country’s Constitutional Court formally ended the presidency of Yoon Suk Yeol for declaring martial law, ending months of turmoil. But the country remains deeply divided.

https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/04/world/asia/south-korea-removes-impeached-president.html?utm

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At a rally of supporters of Mr. Yoon, there was loud booing after the Constitutional Court delivered its ruling. Many of them left, dejected, soon after.Credit...Chang W. Lee/The New York Times

By Choe Sang-Hun John Yoon Yan Zhuang and Jin Yu Young

Reporting from Seoul

April 4, 2025

South Korea’s top court ended months of political turmoil when it unanimously decided to remove the impeached president Yoon Suk Yeol on Friday, clearing the way for the country to elect a new leader.

But the political crisis that Mr. Yoon triggered with his misjudged declaration of martial law in December — and his ensuing impeachment by the National Assembly — exposed a deep fissure in South Korea’s polarized politics that may prove harder to heal. For months, protesters for and against Mr. Yoon have taken over the streets in Seoul.

The country must continue without an elected leader before the elections take place, as it deals with external challenges that include the deepening military cooperation between North Korea and Russia and an upheaval in global trade ignited by President Donald J. Trump’s new tariffs.

But after months of political limbo, the ruling by the Constitutional Court on Friday finally gave South Korea a sense of direction that it has desperately needed.

Mr. Yoon, who had defiantly held onto his job despite his impeachment, is a former president now. In the coming days, he must vacate his hilltop presidential residence in central Seoul, and the government will schedule a national election because his successor must be chosen within 60 days. On Friday, officials lowered a presidential emblem in front of a building from where Mr. Yoon used to run the government. Military units began removing his portraits.

“This is a victory for South Korean democracy,” said Sung Deuk Hahm, dean of the Graduate School of Political Studies at Kyonggi University, remembering how South Koreans had sacrificed their lives to oppose military rule in the past. “It has taken time, but this time, the rule of law eventually prevailed without blood-shedding or serious violence.”

Mr. Yoon’s institution of martial law, which lasted six hours until the National Assembly voted to kill it, was the first attempt by a South Korean leader to use the military as a political tool since the country began democratizing in the 1980s.

Image

South Korea’s impeached President Yoon Suk Yeol attends a hearing of his impeachment trial at the Constitutional Court in Seoul in February.Credit...Jeon Heon-Kyun/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

In a ruling millions of South Koreans, including schoolchildren, watched on live television on Friday, the Constitutional Court found Mr. Yoon guilty of “violating the constitutional order” and “betraying the people’s trust” when he sent troops to seize the legislature during his short-lived martial law.

Hours before the ruling, supporters and opponents of Mr. Yoon gathered for rival rallies in Seoul, some camping out on the pavement overnight. As Acting Chief Justice Moon Hyungbae began reading out the 22-minute-long decision, silence fell as the crowds listened intently to every word of the ruling that would determine Mr. Yoon’s fate — and the future of South Korea’s democracy. Some clasped their hands together in prayer.

When the verdict came, a crowd gathered near the court erupted. Those supporting Mr. Yoon’s removal reacted with screams of delight, pumping their fists into the air and hugging each other.

“This is the day I’ve been waiting for over the past four months of protesting,” said Jang Jaeeuk, 21, who said he had stayed out on the street near the court overnight along with other students from his university, getting only three hours of sleep.

At a rally of supporters of Mr. Yoon, there was loud booing. Some people folded over in dismay, and others loudly cursed.

Ye Chung-ho, 65, had come to Seoul from Geoje Island, off the south coast of South Korea, spending two nights on the street to support Mr. Yoon.

“The constitution has collapsed,” he said after the ruling. “The decision is illegal.”

But the crowds dispersed quickly after the court’s announcement despite earlier fears of violent clashes. The police had been on their highest alert, erecting tall barricades around the courthouse. Schools in the neighborhood were closed. Businesses told employees to work from home.

Image

Hundreds of protesters demanding Mr. Yoon’s removal camped outside the Constitutional Court the night before the ruling.Credit...Jun Michael Park for The New York Times

“Today marks the beginning of a true South Korea,” said Lee Jae-myung, the main opposition leader, who campaigned for Mr. Yoon’s removal. Mr. Lee is expected to win the nomination of the Democratic Party, and polls have shown that he had the strongest chance to win if a presidential election were held now. No strong front-runner has emerged in Mr. Yoon’s party.

Mr. Yoon thanked his supporters and apologized to the people. But he did not comment directly on the court’s ruling, only saying: “I am regretful and sorry that I could not live up to your expectations.”

But his People Power Party said it “humbly” accepted the ruling.

Political turmoil could continue if Mr. Yoon’s hard-line supporters continue their protests. But “it won’t pose a big threat, as the People Power Party must shift its gears toward the new election,” said Ahn Byong-jin, a professor of political science at Kyung Hee University in Seoul.

Mr. Yoon plunged his country into its biggest political crisis in decades when he suddenly declared martial law on Dec. 3 at a time when many world leaders were busy preparing for Mr. Trump’s return to the White House. Instead of building bipartisan cooperation, he attempted to seize the National Assembly with troops, labeling the opposition “anti-state forces.” Citizens quickly mobilized to block the military takeover, giving lawmakers time to gather and vote down his martial law declaration. Mr. Yoon ended up getting impeached, leaving his country to face Mr. Trump — and North Korea’s leader Kim Jong-un — under an acting president with no popular mandate.

Image

Police increased security near the Constitutional Court ahead of the announcement of the ruling.Credit...Chang W. Lee/The New York Times

“South Korea has managed to avoid the worst outcomes and can see light at the end of a long political crisis,” Leif-Eric Easley, a professor of international studies at Ewha Womans University in Seoul, said about Friday’s ruling. “And not a moment too soon, given how the next administration in Seoul must navigate North Korea’s military threats, China’s diplomatic pressure and Trump’s trade tariffs.”

Mr. Yoon’s ouster was a crushing blow to the country’s conservative camp: He was the second conservative president in a row to be ousted by impeachment. (The first was President Park Geun-hye in 2017.) It increased the chances of his progressive foes in the current opposition to regain power and reshape South Korea’s foreign policy.

Mr. Yoon pleased conservatives by adopting tough stances toward North Korea and China and expanding joint military drills with the United States. He also won plaudits from Washington when he improved ties with Japan to lay the ground for trilateral cooperation to deter China. His progressive rivals favor dialogue with North Korea and seek to be on good terms with both the United States, South Korea’s main military ally, and China, its biggest trade partner.

“It will be an uphill battle for the conservative party to win a snap presidential election,” said Duyeon Kim, a Seoul-based fellow with the Center for a New American Security. “If Lee wins, South Korea’s foreign policy will likely look very different from what the U.S. and like-minded countries have enjoyed during Yoon’s presidency, because of the demands of the progressive base.”

Mr. Yoon’s martial law also exposed how dangerously close the country could come to a military takeover. South Korea is grappling with a deepening political polarization, online demagoguery and the mainstreaming of a radical right wing. Its legislature is gridlocked by partisan warfare.

“Whoever wins the next election will face the daunting challenges of bringing together a deeply fractured society, as well as dealing with Trump’s tariffs,” said Mr. Hahm.

Image

Protesters opposed to Mr. Yoon celebrating in downtown Seoul after the Constitutional Court delivered its ruling.Credit...Jun Michael Park for The New York Times

Choe Sang-Hun is the lead reporter for The Times in Seoul, covering South and North Korea. More about Choe Sang-Hun

John Yoon is a Times reporter based in Seoul who covers breaking and trending news. More about John Yoon

Yan Zhuang is a Times reporter in Seoul who covers breaking news. More about Yan Zhuang

Jin Yu Young reports on South Korea, the Asia Pacific region and global breaking news from Seoul. More about Jin Yu Young

A version of this article appears in print on April 5, 2025, Section A, Page 1 of the New York edition with the headline: South Korea Ousts Yoon, Ending Political Limbo. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper | Subscribe

13. Even if my salary increases 10 times, I can't even buy two pairs of sneakers.

This is a Google translation of an RFA report.

Even if my salary increases 10 times, I can't even buy two pairs of sneakers.

Seoul-Reporters Moon Seong-hui and Lee Ye-jin leey@rfa.org

2025.04.01

https://www.rfa.org/korean/listen/nk-latest/2025/04/01/north-korea-salary-rise-in-prices/

North Koreans look at shoes at a store on Ryomyong Street in Pyongyang in April 2017. (Reuters)

is an in-depth analysis of major internal news from North Korea reported by RFA with our reporter. This time, I'm Lee Ye-jin.

Anchor: As the cost of living in North Korea is rising, the anxiety about exchanging currency is also growing. We have more details with reporter Moon Seong-hui. Hello.

Reporter Moon Seong-hui: Hello?

Host: Inflation is a serious problem worldwide, but it doesn’t seem to be as severe as in North Korea. There are many factors that can contribute to the rise in prices in North Korea, but the increase in prices has been particularly notable since the increase in the monthly wages of workers at institutions and enterprises at the end of 2023. Reporter Moon, how much is the difference in prices before and after the monthly wage increase?

Prices Up to 5x Higher After Wage Increase

Reporter Moon Seong-hui: Yes, after the wage increase, prices in North Korea have increased by at least two times, and as much as five times. Among the necessities for food, clothing, and shelter, the one that has increased the least in price is food, but its price has also doubled compared to before the currency reform. Specifically, before the wage increase, rice was around 5,000 won (0.2 dollars) on average in North Korean currency, but after the wage increase, it has exceeded 9,000 won (0.37 dollars). The price has nearly doubled.

The same goes for corn and soybeans, which North Korean residents consume in large quantities. Corn, which used to be priced at around 2,800 won before the wage increase, is now being traded at around 6,000 won (0.25 dollars), and soybeans, which are used as raw materials for tofu and cooking oil, used to be priced at around 4,000 won (0.16 dollars) per kg before the wage increase, but have now risen to close to 8,000 won.

Food prices are said to have nearly doubled compared to before the wage increase, but compared to other daily necessities, the increase is analyzed to be not that much. Sources inside North Korea claim that prices of other daily necessities, excluding food, have increased by about five times compared to before the wage increase.

Host: That's a serious difference. But you said that the prices of daily necessities have risen much more than the prices of food. What have risen particularly the most?

Moon Seong-hui: Yes. As a specific example, I am citing Yanggang Province Dokcho cigarettes. Before the wage increase, Yanggang Province Dokcho cigarettes were worth 400,000 won (16.6 dollars) per kg in North Korean currency, but now they are worth 2.5 million won (104.1 dollars) per kg. That is more than six times the price before the wage increase. In addition, there are filtered cigarettes such as Pyongyang, Gongseong, and Mokran produced at the Pyongyang Yongsong Tobacco Factory. Before the wage increase, these cigarettes were worth 7,500 won (0.31 dollars) per pack, but now they are worth 22,000 won (0.91 dollars), which is nearly three times the price before the wage increase.

Sneaker prices have risen eightfold, but prices continue to rise

It’s not just food or consumer goods. In the past, women’s shoes made at the Hyesan Shoe Factory cost 10,000 North Korean won (0.41 dollars), but now they cost 35,000 won (1.45 dollars), a 3.5-fold increase. Men’s sneakers made at the Sinuiju Shoe Factory cost 19,800 North Korean won (0.85 dollars) before the wage increase, but now they cost 170,000 North Korean won (7.08 dollars).

In North Korea, shoes that are called sneakers in South Korea are called “European sneakers.” In North Korea, “European sneakers” cost between 450,000 won (18.75 dollars) and 600,000 won (25 dollars). It is calculated that a worker would have to save up their basic monthly salary of 30,000 won for 1 year and 3 months to buy a pair of “European sneakers.”

As prices continue to rise, residents are openly complaining, saying, “I don’t know why they raised my salary.” The problem is that the current increase in prices is not the end. The bigger problem and anxiety is that prices are already rising and we don’t know when they will stop rising.

Counterfeit shoes made by shoemakers in Sinuiju, North Korea

Counterfeit shoes made by shoemakers in Sinuiju, North Korea (RFA PHOTO)

Even if my salary increases 10 times, I can't even buy two pairs of sneakers.

Host: According to the article by reporter Moon, North Korean authorities raised the basic monthly wage of workers from 2,000 won to 30,000 won early last year, more than tenfold. The problem is that many workers do not know how much their wages have increased because they have not received their wages for a year. If this happens, won’t the gap between the rich and poor widen even further between those who receive the increased wages and those who do not?

Reporter Moon Seong-hui: Yes, the gap between the rich and the poor is widening even more. For example, in Hyesan City, the capital of Yanggang Province, there are about 300 factories and enterprises. Of these, only about 10 are in operation, but even these are not operating normally, but rather irregularly, depending on when work is available and whether raw materials, supplies, and electricity are secured. According to sources inside North Korea, workers at factories and enterprises that are producing are said to receive high wages.

In the case of the soybean paste factory at the “Hyesan Basic Food Factory” that exceeded its production plan last month, it is said that they paid their workers 112,000 won (4.66 dollars) a month. Although they received a large salary, some say that it is not even close to living expenses for a month. The cheapest shoes produced at the “Hyesan Shoe Factory” cost 70,000 won (2.91 dollars), so they cannot even buy two pairs of sneakers with their monthly salary, according to local sources in Ryanggang Province, North Korea.

Workers who are not able to produce at all are said to not know exactly how much their monthly salary is because they have not yet received their salary. As prices rise like this, it is inevitable that the livelihoods of workers who do not receive their salary will become more difficult. In short, economic polarization has become more severe.

Sources claim that if production is carried out normally, the effects of the wage increase will be seen, but if production is not possible due to a lack of raw materials, supplies, or electricity, the pain will be worse due to rising prices resulting from the wage increase.

“If you want to go to North Korea, you have to carry a backpack full of money.”

“Some North Korean workers don’t know their actual salaries”

What did the North Korean authorities do when they predicted rising prices?

Host: I don't think the North Korean authorities could have predicted the inflation and economic polarization that would result from the wage increase. What measures are the authorities taking to prevent this?

Reporter Moon Seong-hui: It is said that the North Korean authorities also anticipated that the wage increase would lead to a rise in prices. In order to prevent the rise in prices, the North Korean authorities are strictly controlling merchants in the market so that they cannot raise food prices. They are severely punishing money changers who exchange domestic currency for foreign currency.

They are also strictly controlling the use of foreign currency in markets and state-run stores. Despite this, the exchange rate is rising steadily. As of April 1, the exchange rate in Hyesan City, Ryanggang Province, is 24,000 North Korean Won to 1 US Dollar, and 3,500 North Korean Won to 1 Chinese Yuan, according to sources.

Host: In the end, the wage increase has spurred inflation, and as a result, the exchange rate has risen, causing the value of North Korean currency to fall further, and on the contrary, the demand for foreign currency has increased. It is said that the local currency is not trusted at all among the people, so has the rumor of currency exchange that was going around at the end of last year died down now?

North Korean women counting US dollar bills

North Korean women count U.S. dollar bills in Kaesong, North Korea. (Reuters)

Currency exchange rumors are becoming more prevalent among residents

Reporter Moon Seong-hui: Rumors of currency exchange in North Korea spread widely in November last year, following August, and stimulated anxiety among residents. Rumors of currency exchange spread, causing chaos in the marketplace and repeated spikes in prices. First of all, North Korean officials and residents claim that the North Korean authorities raised workers’ wages with currency exchange in mind.

The highest denomination of North Korean currency is 5,000 won, but the highest denomination when exchanging currency is 50,000 won, according to North Korean officials and residents. To this end, the North Korean authorities are weighing the appropriate time to exchange currency by issuing new 10,000 won, 20,000 won, and 50,000 won notes. However, the North Korean authorities are unable to arbitrarily exchange currency because the nightmare of currency exchange in 2009 could repeat itself.

North Korean residents say that because the currency exchange failed last year due to confusion in the market and among residents, they will push ahead with the currency exchange this year at any cost. Local sources are reporting that North Korean residents are also increasingly concerned about how to respond to this.

Host: That's all for today's news. Thank you to reporter Moon Seong-hui for joining us. This was Lee Ye-jin.

14. The Quiet Crisis in the U.S.-Korea Alliance

Excerpts:

Trump is moving at 100 miles per hour while the leaderless South Koreans are stuck in neutral. Even a relatively minor issue like the Department of Energy’s listing of South Korea on the “Sensitive and Other Designated Countries List (SCL)” proved to be a major embarrassment for the rudderless alliance. Both sides were completely caught off guard by the decision, which was made late in the Biden administration when neither side was paying attention. And the absence of a leader in South Korea to request a call with Trump to resolve this quickly allows the issue to fester.

The only foreign policy issue in South Korea, meanwhile, that is gaining momentum is one that is not in U.S. interests—that is, the growing calls for going nuclear. The combination of North Korea’s unchecked nuclear buildup and uncertainty about Trump’s commitment to South Korea’s defense has led to a groundswell of calls for South Korea’s nuclearization. According to recent polls, 66 percent of South Koreans support their country going nuclear. Prominent Korean political leaders in both the conservative and progressive camps have not ruled out such policies, with some openly supporting them.

South Korea enters the next phase of its political crisis this week, but by the time the crisis is resolved and a leader is in place, the damage to the alliance may be beyond repair.

The Quiet Crisis in the U.S.-Korea Alliance

csis.org · by Commentary by Victor Cha Published April 3, 2025

Photo: BRENDAN SMIALOWSKI/AFP via Getty Images

Remote Visualization

The Constitutional Court’s decision on impeached President Yoon Suk Yeol this week comes on the heels of 18 weeks of political turmoil in South Korea that has ground the government to a halt. While the decision closes one chapter, it opens another one of bitter polarization and political infighting. The biggest casualty of this unprecedented domestic crisis, however, may be happening across the Pacific. The confluence of months-long political stasis in Seoul and the start of the second Trump administration has precipitated a quiet crisis in the U.S.-Korea alliance that neither side will admit to.

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s first trip to reaffirm U.S. defense commitments with Indo-Pacific allies last week noticeably skipped South Korea. The apparent reason was that it made no sense to meet with his counterpart or the acting president, both of whom would not be in office in a couple of months. This bypassing of the key U.S. ally takes place at a time when Donald Trump talks openly about meeting again with Kim Jong-un and refers casually to the North Korean leader as “a nuclear power,” suggesting that the United States has given up on denuclearization. Indeed, like he has done with Russian President Vladimir Putin and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, Trump displays a tendency to negotiate with adversaries first and then present a fait accompli deal to allies. By contrast, Trump has shown no interest in talking with the interim head of state in the South, which is understandable given that any agreement reached with the acting government in Seoul wouldn’t be worth its weight in paper given the impeachment crisis at home.

Trump’s breakneck pace of rolling out new policies comes at a time when South Korea cannot respond to any of them. Following the 25 percent tariffs on steel and aluminum, which took effect on March 12, the total value of South Korea’s steel exports in March declined by 10.6 percent year-on-year. The 25 percent tariffs on the Mexico automotive sector are expected to cause a Korean automative export decline of 7–13 percent. The 25 percent tariffs on all foreign cars and the 25 percent reciprocal tariffs on all Korean exports to the United States only adds to the burden. In his Joint Address to Congress, Trump singled out South Korea as having an average tariff rate “four times higher” than those of the United States (which was technically incorrect, as the free trade agreement between the United States and Korea effectively sets the average tariff rate at 0.79 percent). But South Korea’s $66 billion trade surplus puts the country in Trump’s crosshairs of “unfair” trading partners. While other world leaders like Justin Trudeau, Claudia Sheinbaum, Shigeru Ishiba, Narendra Modi, Emmanuel Macron, and Keir Starmer have made initial visits with Trump to kiss the ring and to cut deals for tariff exemptions, the impeachment crisis has left South Korea leaderless to do the same. Bureaucrats and business leaders have come to D.C. to try to fill the void, albeit unsuccessfully.

Meanwhile, Trump continues to plow ahead with more policies likely to have major impact on Korea. As the Pentagon under Hegseth moves to realign military force postures in the Indo-Pacific to better counter the threat from China, Korea may see changes to the U.S. troop deployments on the peninsula, as well as demands that Seoul accept that the revised force presence be “strategically flexible” to move off the peninsula in case of a Taiwan fight—something Koreans have long resisted for fear of being entrapped in a U.S.-China war. During his first term, the president also made hay over South Korea’s failure to sufficiently contribute to the costs of the U.S. presence in Korea, and he is likely to throw away Biden’s five-year burden-sharing deal (ending in 2030) and try to squeeze additional billions more annually from the ally.

Trump is moving at 100 miles per hour while the leaderless South Koreans are stuck in neutral. Even a relatively minor issue like the Department of Energy’s listing of South Korea on the “Sensitive and Other Designated Countries List (SCL)” proved to be a major embarrassment for the rudderless alliance. Both sides were completely caught off guard by the decision, which was made late in the Biden administration when neither side was paying attention. And the absence of a leader in South Korea to request a call with Trump to resolve this quickly allows the issue to fester.

The only foreign policy issue in South Korea, meanwhile, that is gaining momentum is one that is not in U.S. interests—that is, the growing calls for going nuclear. The combination of North Korea’s unchecked nuclear buildup and uncertainty about Trump’s commitment to South Korea’s defense has led to a groundswell of calls for South Korea’s nuclearization. According to recent polls, 66 percent of South Koreans support their country going nuclear. Prominent Korean political leaders in both the conservative and progressive camps have not ruled out such policies, with some openly supporting them.

South Korea enters the next phase of its political crisis this week, but by the time the crisis is resolved and a leader is in place, the damage to the alliance may be beyond repair.

Victor Cha is president of the Geopolitics and Foreign Policy Department and Korea Chair at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington, D.C.

Commentary is produced by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a private, tax-exempt institution focusing on international public policy issues. Its research is nonpartisan and nonproprietary. CSIS does not take specific policy positions. Accordingly, all views, positions, and conclusions expressed in this publication should be understood to be solely those of the author(s).

Image

Victor Cha

President, Geopolitics and Foreign Policy Department and Korea Chair

15. Hyundai Motor to freeze vehicle prices in U.S. through early June despite auto tariffs

Every country and business is dealing with tariffs in different ways.

Hyundai Motor to freeze vehicle prices in U.S. through early June despite auto tariffs | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Chang Dong-woo · April 5, 2025

SEOUL, April 5 (Yonhap) -- Hyundai Motor Co. will freeze prices of all new vehicles sold in the United States through early June, a move aimed at easing consumer concerns over rising costs following Washington's imposing of 25 percent duties on all imported vehicles, the automaker's American subsidiary said.

Hyundai Motor America (HMA) said in a press release Friday (U.S. time) that any new Hyundai vehicle purchased until June 2 will be protected from Manufacturer's Suggested Retail Price (MSRP) increases regardless of changes in market conditions under the company's Customer Assurance program.

Washington's measure of imposing 25 percent tariffs on imported cars went into effect this week, part of U.S. President Donald Trump's aggressive drive to reduce America's trade deficits and bolster domestic manufacturing.

"We know consumers are uncertain about the potential for rising prices and we want to provide them with some stability in the coming months," Jose Munoz, president and chief executive officer (CEO) of Hyundai Motor, said. "Our MSRP commitment is just one part of our multifaceted effort to provide great vehicles to American consumers."

Randy Parker, CEO of Hyundai Motor North America, said the price protection measure builds on Hyundai's March and first-quarter sales momentum and reflects the company's "legacy of supporting American consumers and investing in the U.S. market."

Hyundai Motor added that the MSRP freeze is part of its broader U.S. strategy, which also includes a US$21 billion investment plan from 2025 to 2028 aimed at expanding manufacturing and technology operations and creating more than 100,000 jobs.

This photo provided by Hyundai Motor America shows a company production line in the U.S. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)

odissy@yna.co.kr

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en.yna.co.kr · by Chang Dong-woo · April 5, 2025

16. N. Korean leader inspects special operation units' training on day of Yoon's ouster

Special operations are the key military force for the Guerrilla Dynasty and Gulag State.

N. Korean leader inspects special operation units' training on day of Yoon's ouster | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Soo-yeon · April 5, 2025

SEOUL, April 5 (Yonhap) -- North Korean leader Kim Jong-un inspected training activities of special operations units earlier this week, stressing strengthening their capabilities is the key to building a strong army, Pyongyang's state media reported Saturday.

Kim visited a training base of the special operation units on Friday -- the day when South Korea's Constitutional Court upheld the impeachment of former President Yoon Suk Yeol, removing him from office.

Kim oversaw the general tactical training and small-arms shooting contest conducted by the units' combatants, according to the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA).

"The actual war capability for guaranteeing victory in the war field is bolstered up through intensive training and it is the most vivid expression of patriotism and loyalty to the country," Kim was quoted as saying by the KCNA.

The North's leader noted that the "strengthening of the special operation forces constitutes a major component of the army building strategy at present," the report said.

The KCNA said Kim also laid out "crucial" tasks to put the special operation units' capability on "a highly-developed" basis, but it did not disclose details.

Without referring to his name, the KCNA reported the first vice defense minister was among top military officials who greeted Kim at the base. KCNA photos showed former Defense Minister Kang Sun-nam carrying the name tag of the first vice defense minister.

This photo, carried by North Korea's official Korean Central News Agency on April 5, 2025, shows the North's leader Kim Jong-un (C) inspecting training activities of special operation units the previous day. (For Use Only in the Republic of Korea. No Redistribution) (Yonhap)

This photo, carried by North Korea's official Korean Central News Agency on April 5, 2025, shows the North's leader Kim Jong-un inspecting training activities of special operation units the previous day. (For Use Only in the Republic of Korea. No Redistribution) (Yonhap)

sooyeon@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Soo-yeon · April 5, 2025

17. U.N. chief voices 'full' confidence in S. Korea's commitment to democratic principles after Yoon's ouster

U.N. chief voices 'full' confidence in S. Korea's commitment to democratic principles after Yoon's ouster | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Song Sang-ho · April 5, 2025

By Song Sang-ho

WASHINGTON, April 4 (Yonhap) -- U.N. Secretary General Antonio Guterres has expressed "full" confidence in South Korea's commitment to democratic principles, his spokesperson said Friday, after the ouster of former President Yoon Suk Yeol this week.

Seoul's Constitutional Court unanimously upheld the impeachment of Yoon on Friday (Korea time), removing him from office over his short-lived imposition of martial law in December and setting the stage for a snap presidential election likely in early June.

"We are very much aware of the developments in the Republic of Korea," Stephane Dujarric, the spokesperson, said during a press briefing, referring to South Korea by its official name.

"I can tell you that ... the secretary general's full confidence in the Republic of Korea's commitment to democratic principles and a peaceful and stable path forward, and the institutions of that country," he added.

This photo, released by EPA, shows U.N. Secretary General Antonio Guterres speaking to the media as he arrives for a European Council summit in Brussels, Belgium on March 20, 2025. (Yonhap)

sshluck@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Song Sang-ho · April 5, 2025

18. U.S. 'America First' policy report stresses 'significant scope' to improve existing U.S. trade pacts

U.S. 'America First' policy report stresses 'significant scope' to improve existing U.S. trade pacts | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Song Sang-ho · April 5, 2025

By Song Sang-ho

WASHINGTON, April 4 (Yonhap) -- A U.S. government policy report has underscored the need to enhance existing U.S. trade pacts, fueling speculation that President Donald Trump's administration could seek an overhaul of the free trade agreement (FTA) with South Korea in line with its "America First" policy.

On its website Thursday, the White House released an executive summary of the report to the president on America First trade policy following a review of 14 comprehensive trade agreements that are currently in force with 20 U.S. trading partners.

The release came amid expectations that Trump could seek a revision to the South Korea-U.S. FTA or possibly a new trade deal as his administration put South Korea on the "worst offenders" list subject to reciprocal tariffs set to take effect next Wednesday.

"There is significant scope to modernize existing U.S. trade agreements so that trade terms are aligned with American interests while addressing underlying causes of imbalances," the summary read.

It enumerated a series of areas where trade pacts can be modernized.

"This includes lowering foreign tariff rates for American exporters, improving transparency and predictability in foreign regulatory regimes, improving market access for U.S. agricultural products, strengthening rules of origin to ensure the benefits of the agreement appropriately flow to the parties, and improving the alignment of our trading partners with U.S. approaches to economic security and non-market policies and practices," it said.

On Wednesday, Trump announced reciprocal tariffs, including 25 percent duties for South Korea, as Seoul and other governments have been seeking to cut deals for tariff exemptions or at least to minimize the impact of the growing list of new U.S. levies.

U.S. President Donald Trump delivers remarks on tariffs in the Rose Garden at the White House in Washington on April 2, 2025, in this photo released by Reuters. (Yonhap)

The report also took issue with the United States' "reciprocal defense procurement" (RDP) agreements, known as free trade pacts in the defense industry sector.

It noted that while defense procurement is closed to partners of the World Trade Organization's Agreement on Government Procurement, the Pentagon still gives countries access to the U.S. defense procurement market by negotiating RDP agreements.

"Shockingly, these RDPs not only open our market to foreign suppliers, but also require U.S. firms to move industrial capacity offshore as a condition of access to the markets of partner countries. These RDPs must be reviewed to ensure they put America First," it said.

Seoul has been pushing to sign a RDP agreement with the U.S. to reduce trade barriers and boost bilateral exchanges.

sshluck@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Song Sang-ho · April 5, 2025

19. Next president should build personal diplomacy with Trump immediately: experts

Next president should build personal diplomacy with Trump immediately: experts

https://www.koreatimes.co.kr/foreignaffairs/20250405/next-korean-president-should-build-personal-diplomacy-with-trump-immediately-experts

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Then-President Yoon Suk Yeol boards the presidential jet at Seoul Air Base in Seongnam, Gyeonggi Province, Nov. 14, 2024, as he departs on a trip to Peru and Brazil to attend the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and G20 summits. Korea Times photo by Wang Tae-seog

By Lee Hyo-jin

Published Apr 5, 2025 4:40 pm KST
Updated Apr 5, 2025 8:36 pm KSTYoon Suk Yeol's ouster leaves South Korea's diplomacy at crossroads

20Korea's next president, whoever it will be, should try to talk with U.S. President Donald Trump as soon as possible and build personal ties with him, as the removal of Yoon Suk Yeol from the presidency has thrown Korea’s foreign policy into a new period of uncertainty amid a rising global trade war.

During his nearly three years in office, Yoon sought to elevate South Korea’s role on the global stage, promoting a "global pivotal state" vision centered on strengthening ties with the United States and deepening cooperation with Japan.

His impeachment, upheld by the Constitutional Court on Friday, has abruptly halted this agenda, leaving Seoul’s diplomacy in limbo until a new leader is elected in the next two months.

Foreign affairs analysts told The Korea Times that while Yoon's ouster has resolved the nation's immediate political crisis, it offered little clarity on how the country will navigate growing global uncertainties in the face of an escalating trade war initiated by U.S. tariffs.

"The Constitutional Court's unanimous 8-0 vote and detailed rationale for upholding the impeachment has sent a strong domestic and international message: any political debate and divide that may exist in South Korea needs to be resolved within the existing constitutional and legal framework," said Ramon Pacheco Pardo, professor of international relations at King’s College London.

"This is a powerful message that brings certainty to the political situation in South Korea."

But still, Seoul’s diplomatic footing remains fragile. Officials are scrambling to shield the export-reliant economy from the impact of the Trump administration's imposition of "reciprocal" tariffs on U.S. trade partners, including 25 percent duties for South Korea.

"South Korea needs to deal with a Trump administration engaging in transactional relations, a China that still doesn't budge when it comes to its core interests, and a crumbling global governance system. The interim administration and the next president will have to deal with all these issues," Pacheco Pardo said.

U.S. President Donald Trump steps off Air Force One upon arrival at Palm Beach International Airport in West Palm Beach, Fla., Thursday (local time). AFP-Yonhap

Some analysts say serious diplomatic engagement between Seoul and Washington is unlikely in the near future, as Trump's attention remains razor-focused on tariffs.

"Right now, the last thing on Trump's mind is South Korea — beyond tariffs and getting what he thinks are his rightful economic dues. The only thing Trump wants to hear from Seoul is that they will give him what he wants on tariff policy," said Harry Kazianis, head of the Rogue States Project, a security think tank.

"Currently, ensuring the economy is stable in the face of Trump's tariff war is the item Seoul must care about the most. Whoever becomes president should come to Washington immediately and try to work out a compromise with Trump," Kazianis added. "Personal diplomacy with Trump is the best diplomacy."

Sean King, senior vice president of the New York-based consulting firm Park Strategies, also viewed that Trump is not closely following the political situation in Seoul.

However, he warned that Yoon’s martial law imposition and subsequent impeachment may have made Washington more cautious in making major security decisions regarding the Korean Peninsula. In particular, King pointed to bilateral negotiations on transferring wartime operational control, also known as OPCON, possibly facing hesitation by U.S. officials.

"This episode should give many in Washington reason for pause when it comes to giving South Korea OPCON. The martial laws suggests Seoul may not be ready for prime-time. So long as U.S. forces are on the peninsula, does Washington really want to risk OPCON transfer if a future Korean president could pull another such short-sighted, megalomaniac martial law stunt as Yoon did?" he said.

Following Yoon's removal, the U.S. State Department said it "looks forward to a future of close cooperation that brings security and prosperity to both nations."

"The United States respects the ROK's democratic institutions, its legal processes and the decision of the Constitutional Court," a State Department spokesperson was quoted as saying by Yonhap News Agency, Saturday. ROK stands for the Republic of Korea, South Korea's official name.

Then-President Yoon Suk Yeol and Japan's Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba attend a G20 Summit in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, Nov. 18, 2024 (local time). AP-Yonhap

Meanwhile, Seoul's relations with neighboring Asian countries could also shift depending on who succeeds impeached Yoon. Japan, in particular, may view the upcoming leadership change with concern.

"Tokyo can’t be happy, as Yoon Suk Yeol was Japan’s biggest Korean booster," King said.

During his term, Yoon had made restoring ties with Japan a key pillar of his foreign policy, seeking to move beyond long-standing historical grievances stemming from Japan’s colonial rule of Korea (1910-45). Such a stance was sharply criticized by his political opponents, who accused him of being overly conciliatory to Japan on historical issues.

But now with Yoon gone, the progress he made with Tokyo — including joint military efforts to counter North Korea’s provocations — may lose momentum, particularly if a liberal leader succeeds him. Rep. Lee Jae-myung, the presidential frontrunner from the main opposition Democratic Party of Korea, has previously denounced trilateral military drills with the U.S. and Japan, criticizing Yoon for building military ties with Korea’s former colonial ruler.

Lee Hyo-jin

I cover South Korea's foreign policy, defense and security issues on the Korean Peninsula. Before that, I reported on immigration policies and human rights — topics I continue to follow closely. I strive to gain an accurate understanding of the issues I cover and am particularly interested in stories that amplify often overlooked voices. Tips and story ideas via email are always welcome.

lhj@koreatimes.co.kr

20. Seoul’s pivot after Yoon's removal could prove a win for China

Like who lost China in 1949 will we be asking who lost South Korea in 2025?

Seoul’s pivot after Yoon's removal could prove a win for China - Asia Times

Beijing sees a rare strategic opening, Washington remains resentful and South Korea’s future hangs in the balance

asiatimes.com · by Hanjin Lew · April 4, 2025

The Constitutional Court’s finalization of the impeachment of South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol on April 4 has sent shockwaves through the Korean Peninsula and beyond. With opposition leader Lee Jae-myung now favored to win the presidency in a likely snap election, South Korea stands at a geopolitical crossroads – precariously perched between its democratic allies and an increasingly assertive China.

This is not merely a domestic crisis. It’s a moment of strategic vulnerability. Beijing, for one, is watching with quiet satisfaction. China sees an opportunity to reclaim influence long denied; the US, disillusioned with an ally it increasingly sees as ungrateful, questions the very value of its commitments on the peninsula.

Lee Jae-myung – known for his conciliatory stance toward Beijing and Pyongyang – may tilt South Korea toward a new kind of alignment, one far more palatable to Xi Jinping than to Washington.

China’s long game: a tributary state reimagined

Beijing has never shed its historical vision of Korea as a subordinate – an obedient tributary nestled under the Middle Kingdom’s shadow. From the diplomatic rituals of the Joseon Dynasty to Mao Zedong’s Cold War framing of Korean deference, the narrative has remained strikingly consistent: keep Korea close, compliant and within China’s sphere.

Xi Jinping’s modern strategy echoes that traditional ambition. Today, with South Korea politically shaken and economically anxious, Beijing sees a rare opening. Yoon’s ouster undermines the pro-US camp, while China’s economic leverage grows ever more potent – over 25% of Korean exports still flow to China.

Through trade dependency, technological entanglement, and cultural diplomacy, Beijing is well-positioned to reassert dominance.

For China, the goal is clear: a South Korea that no longer functions as a forward base for American power but, instead, becomes a neutralized buffer – or, better yet, a pliant partner to counterbalance US influence in Northeast Asia. The vassal-state vision never died. It simply evolved.

Lee Jae-myung may be Beijing’s best bet

Enter Lee Jae-myung: a populist firebrand known for bucking convention and challenging Washington’s strategic expectations. As governor of Gyeonggi Province, Lee championed engagement with China through initiatives such as the “Korea-China Friendship City,” while minimizing US contributions to Korean security.

Lee’s calls for a “balanced diplomacy” are widely interpreted as code for downgrading the US alliance in favor of warmer ties with Beijing. If he takes power, Lee may revive inter-Korean projects such as the Kaesong Industrial Complex, welcome Chinese investment in sensitive sectors or edge Seoul away from the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy.

In Lee, China sees a leader unlikely to resist its ambitions and more than willing to lead Korea out from under Washington’s shadow.

US view: strategic ally or security freeloader?

Washington, meanwhile, is growing increasingly impatient. For years, US policymakers –especially on the right – have accused Seoul of free-riding on American security guarantees.

That frustration flared again on April 3, when the Trump administration abruptly slapped a 25% tariff on South Korean export materials – just one day before the court ruling removing Yoon.

Justified as a matter of economic self-defense, the tariff decision undermines the strategic trust that anchors the alliance. And in light of Cold War precedent, it looks dangerously shortsighted.

In the 1960s, the Kennedy and Johnson administrations saw Japan’s economic rise as vital to regional stability. In a now-declassified 1964 memo, the State Department urged “firm Executive Branch resistance of American industry demands for curtailment of Japanese imports” and supported Japan’s growth – even at the cost of short-term US trade interests.

This tacit bargain – security in exchange for economic leniency – enabled Japan’s postwar ascent and kept the country from falling into Soviet hands.

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Today, the inverse seems to be happening. Rather than shielding South Korea from external pressure, Washington’s punitive posture threatens to drive a strategically vital ally toward Beijing just as China’s influence expands.

Resentment on both sides

Anti-American sentiment, long simmering within Korea’s leftist circles, may now return with renewed vigor. Lee’s political base – animated by economic frustration and nationalist pride – has long bristled at US military exercises and the continued presence of American forces.

Ironically, Washington’s complaints about “unfairness” may only hasten the strategic drift that Beijing hopes to exploit. Impatience in Washington and indignation in Seoul now reinforce each other.

A precarious balancing act

For South Korean conservatives – those of us who’ve worked to keep Korea aligned with the liberal democratic order – this is a nightmare scenario unfolding in real time.

The coming months will determine whether Seoul remains a steadfast partner of the West, or drifts toward a new geopolitical reality, one shaped not in Seoul or Washington but in Beijing.

Hanjin Lew is a former international spokesman for South Korean conservative parties.

asiatimes.com · by Hanjin Lew · April 4, 2025

De Oppresso Liber,

David Maxwell

Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy

Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation

Editor, Small Wars Journal

Twitter: @davidmaxwell161

Phone: 202-573-8647

email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com

De Oppresso Liber,

David Maxwell

Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy

Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation

Editor, Small Wars Journal

Twitter: @davidmaxwell161

email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com

If you do not read anything else in the 2017 National Security Strategy read this on page 14:

"A democracy is only as resilient as its people. An informed and engaged citizenry is the fundamental requirement for a free and resilient nation. For generations, our society has protected free press, free speech, and free thought. Today, actors such as Russia are using information tools in an attempt to undermine the legitimacy of democracies. Adversaries target media, political processes, financial networks, and personal data. The American public and private sectors must recognize this and work together to defend our way of life. No external threat can be allowed to shake our shared commitment to our values, undermine our system of government, or divide our Nation."

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