Informal Institute for National Security Thinkers and Practitioners

Quotes of the Day:

"The writer is delegated to declare and to celebrate man's proven capacity for greatness of heart and spirit—for gallantry in defeat, for courage, compassion and love. In the endless war against weakness and despair, these are the bright rally flags of hope and of emulation. I hold that a writer who does not believe in the perfectibility of man has no dedication nor any membership in literature."

John Steinbeck

"Don't worry about siding for or against the majority. Worry about taking up any of their irrational beliefs."

- Marcus Aurelius

"Anyone who has the power to make you believe absurdities has the power to make you commit atrocities."

- Voltaire

1. North Korea’s New Solid Fuel ICBM: A Game Changer?

2. U.S. F-16 jet crashes into farmland near Osan Air Base

3. Satellite imagery suggests new construction near N. Korea's satellite launch station

4. Sohae Satellite Launching Station: New Construction Appears Along Coast

5. Washington Declaration goes beyond 'nuclear-sharing': U.S. official

6. S. Korean Embassy in China lodges complaint with newspapers over Yoon criticism

7. Yoon's Japan Outreach Faces Bleak Future Without Japan Reciprocation, Warn Analysts

8. Five long-standing problems for Japan-South Korea ties

9. Column: South Korea president’s Washington visit underscores importance of relationship with the U.S.

10. America’s closest Indo-Pacific allies are cosying up

11. North Korea’s Submarine Fleet: Could It Sink the U.S. Navy In a War?

12. ＜Investigation＞ The authorities start crackdowns based on the Pyongyang Cultural Language Protection Act (1)

13. ＜Investigation＞ The authorities start crackdowns based on the Pyongyang Cultural Language Protection Act (2)

14. How YouTube became a force for free speech in South Korea

15. My remarks ar the Peaceful Unification Advisory Council

16. [WHY] Why do Korean restaurants serve so many side dishes?

1. North Korea’s New Solid Fuel ICBM: A Game Changer?

From someone who knows about these things.

North Korea’s New Solid Fuel ICBM: A Game Changer?

The North Korean threat is real. Pyongyang has proven in recent years that the DPRK intends to not only expand but modernize both its nuclear weapons and the platforms that will carry them.

19fortyfive.com · by Bruce E. Bechtol Jr. · May 5, 2023

Last week, the United States and South Korea issued a very important joint statement as a result of meetings between Presidents Yoon and Biden. The statement has come to be known as the “Washington Declaration.”

The document is important because it outlines the initiatives that the United States and South Korea will conduct in order to continue to ensure extended deterrence for our important ally in Asia in the case of nuclear weapons use by the North Koreans. It also outlines important new actions Washington and Seoul will take to ensure North Korea is deterred from ever using nuclear weapons in a conflict.

This document and the talks surrounding it became necessary because of North Korea’s recent actions to enhance and enlarge its nuclear weapons program and the key platforms that carry those weapons – ballistic missiles. For a good example of why this is so important, one has only to turn to the recent successful ballistic missile test launch of what the North Koreans call the “Hwasong-18,” Pyongyang’s first solid fuel ICBM, and a missile most analysts assess to be capable of hitting the continental United States.

North Korea’s Tests and Threats

The rapid development and unveiling of the Hwasong-18 has been well documented. A static engine test was conducted in December 2022. The missile was also exhibited in a military parade on February 8. The actual test launch of the missile then occurred on April 14. The three-stage missile flew successfully on the typical trajectory the North Koreans have tested their long-range missiles on in recent years, in other words, it was not tested to show its “full range” if deployed in combat but rather, flew at an angle almost straight up into the air to show what that range could be while landing in an area fairly close to Japan.

All of these events were lauded in North Korean propaganda. The important aspect of this missile is that it uses solid fuel propellant. Solid fuel missiles have less of a logistics chain than liquid fuel missiles, can be pre-loaded and moved much more safely – meaning fueling of the missile becomes far less of an impediment to denial and deception of South Korean and U.S. intelligence collection – and thus could potentially be launched with a significantly reduced warning than the liquid fuel ICBM’s that North Korea has previously tested.

Without Warning System

Because the North Koreans have hailed this as an incredible new weapon, and because many analysts in recent weeks have lauded this as a system that could potentially be a game changer, it is important to examine exactly what new capabilities this brings to the DPRK. It is true that the North Koreans would be able to conceal this system more easily and load it more efficiently than their other successfully tested (several times) ICBM (the Hwasong-15) that poses a threat to the continental United States. But the North Koreans are among the best in the world at cover and concealment, and this no doubt would also apply to the Hwasong-15.

It is important to note that the North Koreans have wanted us to see nearly all of their ICBM launches. In a situation where they did not want us to see preparations or fueling it is very likely they would be able to conceal those from South Korea/United States collection systems. And it is important to note that these are all road-mobile systems. Thus, while the Hwasong-18 will be easier for the North Koreans to provide cover and concealment for than the Hwasong-15, it does not mean allied collection would be able to easily detect the launch preparations for a Hwasong-15.

So the question then becomes, what does this new missile add to the threat? For one thing, because of the efficiency that it gives the North Koreans, it is an improvement over other systems. For another thing, once this missile is fully tested – and there will need to be more tests – and put into production, it will add to the arsenal of weapons that North Korea can arm and target the United States with. These are not small things. The more ICBM systems the North Koreans have, the harder it will be to take all of them out with ballistic missile defense when they are launched. North Korea already had the capability to launch an ICBM at the United States and proved it for the first time in 2017 with the successful launch of the Hwasong-15. Thus, this potentially adds to the number of systems Pyongyang can threaten the United States with and shows that North Korea remains on track to “modernize” its ballistic missile arsenal.

The question arises of where North Korea got this system. The answer is actually far more simple than many analysts want to acknowledge. The evidence is out there and has been for several years.

The Russians appear to be providing technology and parts (at the very least) to the North Koreans for a variety of ballistic missile systems. This appears to have been going on, from what we could see, since at least 2018. In fact, Russian companies have been sanctioned (several times) by the United States for providing materials to the North Koreans.

Technical support and perhaps even whole systems have likely also been provided. Anyone who thinks the North Koreans just rolled out of bed one morning and came up with solid-fuel technology for a three-stage ICBM needs to go back and do some research. This is important because it is possible, in fact likely, that the Russians, or “Russian companies,” will continue to support North Korea’s ballistic missile programs, and in fact, may assist them as they continue to roll out new systems.

The North Korean threat is real. Pyongyang has proven in recent years that the DPRK intends to not only expand but modernize both its nuclear weapons and the platforms that will carry them. They have done this with many of their systems – not just their ICBM fleet. Thus, the concern that South Korea’s government has shown over the expanding North Korean threat is credible. The latest launch of an ICBM with new technology is only the latest example of what there is likely to be more of as we watch the North Koreans continue to build up and modernize both their tactical and strategic combat capabilities. The Hwasong-18 may not be a “game-changer,” but it certainly adds to the complexity of the threat that we continue to face from Pyongyang.

Dr. Bruce E. Bechtol, Jr. (Ph.D. Union Institute), is an award-winning professor of political science at Angelo State University and a retired Marine. The author of five books on North Korea, he is also the current President of the International Council on Korean Studies. He specializes in North Korean military and counter-proliferation issues. Bechtol is a 19FortyFive contributing editor.

19fortyfive.com · by Bruce E. Bechtol Jr. · May 5, 2023

2. U.S. F-16 jet crashes into farmland near Osan Air Base

Fortunately it missed civilians on the ground and that the pilot ejected safely

U.S. F-16 jet crashes into farmland near Osan Air Base | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by 채윤환 · May 6, 2023

SEOUL/PYEONGTAEK, South Korea, May 6 (Yonhap) -- A U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) F-16 fighter jet crashed into farmland near Osan Air Base on Saturday, officials said, with the pilot having escaped safely and no civilian casualties reported.

According to local firefighting and police authorities, the accident occurred at about 9:30 a.m. in Pyeongtaek, 60 kilometers south of Seoul.

The jet crashed into a field and caught fire, resulting in the aircraft being mostly destroyed. But no casualties or civilian damage were reported as there were no houses fortunately nearby, they said.

The U.S. 51st Fighter Wing later announced the crash occurred at about 9:45 a.m. in a field near Osan Air Base, with the pilot having safely ejected and transported to a nearby medical facility.

It said the pilot was taking part in a routine training sortie and that the accident is under investigation.

This undated file photo shows a U.S. Forces Korea F-16 fighter jet. (Yonhap)

yunhwanchae@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by 채윤환 · May 6, 2023

3. Satellite imagery suggests new construction near N. Korea's satellite launch station

Satellite imagery suggests new construction near N. Korea's satellite launch station | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by 채윤환 · May 6, 2023

SEOUL, May 6 (Yonhap) -- Recent commercial satellite imagery indicates new construction is taking place at North Korea's major rocket launching site in a move likely aimed at modernizing the facility, according to a recent report from a U.S. think tank.

A coastal area previously used for agricultural purposes near the Sohae Satellite Launching Station in the country's northwestern province of North Pyongan appears to be undergoing construction based on the satellite imagery taken Sunday, according to the 38 North report released Friday (U.S. time).

The rocket launching facility in Tongchang-ri is the site where North Korea conducted tests for its major weapons systems, including a high-thrust solid-fuel rocket engine last December.

The report said agricultural buildings at the site were demolished about two to three weeks earlier, with new construction starting sometime between April 19 and 30.

"It is unclear what this new construction will amount to but it is likely part of the overall effort to modernize and enhance the satellite launch facility, per Kim Jong-un's goals set forth in March 2022," the report read.

At the time, the North's leader made an on-site inspection of the facility and called for its modernization, according to state media.

This file photo released by the North's Korean Central News Agency shows a ground test of a "high-thrust solid-fuel motor" being conducted at Sohae Satellite Launching Ground in Cholsan, North Pyongan Province, North Korea, on Dec. 15, 2022. (For Use Only in the Republic of Korea. No Redistribution) (Yonhap)

yunhwanchae@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by 채윤환 · May 6, 2023

4. Sohae Satellite Launching Station: New Construction Appears Along Coast

Imagery at the link below.

Sohae Satellite Launching Station: New Construction Appears Along Coast

BY: JACK LIU, OLLI HEINONEN, PETER MAKOWSKY AND SAMANTHA J. PITZ
MAY 5, 2023

https://www.38north.org/2023/05/sohae-satellite-launching-station-new-construction-appears-along-coast/

Recent commercial satellite imagery of the Sohae Satellite Launching Station indicates new construction is taking place at an area along the coast previously used for agricultural purposes. It is unclear what this new construction will amount to but it is likely part of the overall effort to modernize and enhance the satellite launch facility, per Kim Jong Un’s goals set forth in March 2022.

Construction continues on the infrastructure connecting the secure launch facility down to the new port area, while work on the launch pad does not appear to be moving forward, at least not on anything observable.

New Construction

The new construction site is about one kilometer north-northwest of the jetty construction that has been ongoing since October 2022. When finished, this new port area will likely be used to receive materials to be brought into a secure launch facility via a new roadway and underground tunnel.

At this new construction site, the agricultural buildings were razed about two-three weeks ago, and new construction began between April 19 and April 30. A little more than a week later, the first floor of one building appears nearly complete. Temporary worker barracks are also in place.

On April 30, several trucks were visible, hauling building material to the construction sites. Some trucks may be traveling from the building material piled on the apron of the Vertical Engine Test Stand (VETS) to the new construction site.

The specific purpose of this new construction is unclear. The shallows are exposed at low tide and extend 200 meters from the shore, so accommodating vessel traffic would be questionable and require considerable dredging.

Expand

Figure 3c. Close up of construction work near jetty on imagery from April 30, 2023. Image © 2023 Planet Labs, PBC cc-by-nc-sa 4.0. For media licensing options, please contact thirtyeightnorth@gmail.com.

Figure 3a. Close up of construction work near jetty on imagery from March 1, 2023. Image Pleiades NEO © Airbus DS 2023. For media options, please contact thirtyeightnorth@gmail.com.

Figure 3b. Close up of construction work near jetty on imagery from April 19, 2023. Image © 2023 Planet Labs, PBC cc-by-nc-sa 4.0. For media licensing options, please contact thirtyeightnorth@gmail.com.

Figure 3a. Close up of construction work near jetty on imagery from March 1, 2023. Image Pleiades NEO © Airbus DS 2023. For media options, please contact thirtyeightnorth@gmail.com.

Other Activity

Construction of the underground tunnel continues, and several vehicles are observed outside the East and West Tunnel entrances. The support building at the West Tunnel entrance has a visible foundation along with walls and internal structures.

Between January and April 2023, no substantial developments have been observed at the launch pad. The gantry tower and wall sections remain stored on the pad awaiting installation, as they have been for several months now. Only minor vehicle and construction activity is noted at the Vertical and Horizontal Engine Test Stands.

Expand

Figure 5b. Overview of Vertical Engine Test Stand and Horizonal Engine Test Stand. Image © 2023 Planet Labs, PBC cc-by-nc-sa 4.0. For media licensing options, please contact thirtyeightnorth@gmail.com.

5. Washington Declaration goes beyond 'nuclear-sharing': U.S. official

There is potential for real combined war planning to include the integration of nuclear weapons.

Washington Declaration goes beyond 'nuclear-sharing': U.S. official | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by 변덕근 · May 6, 2023

By Byun Duk-kun

WASHINGTON, May 5 (Yonhap) -- The recent agreement reached by South Korea and the United States on enhancing U.S. extended deterrence is a historic step that goes beyond "nuclear-sharing," a U.S. administration official told Yonhap News Agency on Friday.

The remark follows some ambiguity over whether the agreement, dubbed the Washington Declaration, is a nuclear-sharing agreement.

"The declaration moves beyond what could be characterized as nuclear sharing ... to address the more fundamental goal of developing a joint approach to military planning for, and operating in, nuclear contingencies, including through new exercises and simulations to improve operational readiness," the official said, asking not to be identified.

South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol (L) shakes hands with U.S. President Joe Biden during a joint news conference after their summit at the White House in Washington, D.C., on April 26, 2023. (Yonhap)

The declaration was signed last week by South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol and U.S. President Joe Biden during Yoon's six-day state visit to the U.S.

It was partly viewed as an attempt to end an ongoing debate in South Korea on whether the country should consider arming itself with its own nuclear weapons in the face of North Korea's escalating missile provocations and nuclear rhetoric.

The Washington Declaration states that Seoul has reaffirmed its nonproliferation obligations under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT).

Controversy broke out when South Korea's deputy national security adviser, Kim Tae-hyo, insisted that the agreement should make South Korean "feel that they are sharing nuclear weapons with the United States."

Edgard Kagan, special assistant to the president and senior director for East Asia and Oceania of the National Security Council (NSC), quickly dismissed the notion of the Washington Declaration being a "nuclear-sharing" arrangement, prompting speculations that the allies may hold different views of the joint declaration from the very start.

The administration official, who spoke to Yonhap via email, said the U.S. is unable to call it a nuclear-sharing agreement simply because the term "refers to arrangements within NATO for the transfer of nuclear weapons."

"The Washington Declaration is the strongest U.S. extended deterrence commitment to date with the Republic of Korea (ROK)," the U.S. official said, referring to South Korea by its formal name.

"The Washington Declaration should be viewed as a historic step that the United States and the ROK are taking, and one that will enable us to consult on and pursue additional improvements to strengthen extended deterrence as necessary," the official added.

For instance, the official explained, the allies will build joint training and education programs to develop "a cadre of ROK officials and officers who will become experts on how the alliance applies nuclear deterrence to the DPRK threat."

DPRK stands for the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the North's official name.

In addition, the new Nuclear Consultative Group (NCG), which will be established under the joint declaration, "specifically will engage in nuclear and strategic planning," the official added.

The NCG will also work to develop South Korea's support for U.S. nuclear operations, using the country's conventional military capabilities and respecting Seoul's commitment to the NPT, according to the official.

South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol addresses a joint session of Congress in the House Chamber of the U.S. Capitol in Washington on April 27, 2023, with U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris (L, in back) and Speaker of the House Kevin McCarthy sitting behind him. (Yonhap)

"The declaration provides the ROK public with a window into the magnitude of the new efforts underway to upgrade extended deterrence as well as a clear and unambiguous statement that the U.S. commitment is backed by the full range of U.S. capabilities, including nuclear," said the official.

The official noted some of the efforts to be undertaken under the Washington Declaration will deal with "extremely sensitive U.S. information on nuclear weapons."

"The U.S.-ROK alliance has not previously worked jointly on these efforts," the official said.

"As a result, some of the new cooperation we undertake with the ROK will be confidential. When possible, the alliance will disclose information about certain activities to better reassure the ROK public and deter the DPRK."

bdk@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by 변덕근 · May 6, 2023

6. S. Korean Embassy in China lodges complaint with newspapers over Yoon criticism

There should be no doubt that China was upset by the Yoon-Biden summit.

S. Korean Embassy in China lodges complaint with newspapers over Yoon criticism | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by 유지호 · May 5, 2023

BEIJING, May 5 (Yonhap) -- The South Korean Embassy in China said Friday it has lodged a complaint with Chinese state newspapers for their "unfounded" criticism of South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol, following his recent trip to the United States, taking particular umbrage at the use of inappropriate language in their op-ed pieces.

The embassy said it sent letters to editors at Huanqiu Shibao, a newspaper under the auspices of the Chinese Communist Party's flagship paper, the People's Daily, and at the Global Times, its English edition.

"By using sensational, provocative and inappropriate language, your papers disparaged our president as well as the foreign policy of our government aimed at bringing peace and stability to the region, and did so from an extremely biased viewpoint without objective evidence," the embassy said in the letters.

This file photo from Oct. 11, 2022, shows South Korean Ambassador to China, Chung Jae-ho. (Pool photo) (Yonhap)

"Some of the criticism levied at our president, using words so vulgar that they are barely repeatable, will make one wonder if they even come from news media at all," the embassy added. "You have to put yourself in our shoes, and imagine how the Chinese public would react if South Korean media were to criticize the Chinese leader in similar ways."

The embassy said the newspapers' criticism doesn't help South Korea-China ties and called on them to exercise more caution on what goes into print.

"Your newspapers are entirely responsible for any negative influence that such reporting may cause to the South Korea-China relations," the embassy said.

While overseas missions may raise issues with media coverage in their host countries and respond to factual errors, it is considered highly unusual for an embassy to publicly disclose contents of its letters to editors at newspapers in their host nations.

Huanqiu Shibao and the Global Times are regarded as nationalistic and hawkish.

On April 23, the Global Times published an editorial headlined "South Korean diplomacy's 'national dignity' in tatters over Taiwan remarks," taking shots at Yoon's opposition to China's attempts to alter the status quo of the Taiwan Strait by force.

In another editorial five days later, the Global Times noted that the Yoon administration "may be the least independent-minded toward the U.S." and claimed that his state visit to Washington "undoubtedly confirms this evaluation."

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by 유지호 · May 5, 2023

7. Yoon's Japan Outreach Faces Bleak Future Without Japan Reciprocation, Warn Analysts

Can Kishida demonstrate political courage equal to Yoon?

Yoon's Japan Outreach Faces Bleak Future Without Japan Reciprocation, Warn Analysts

May 05, 2023 9:03 AM

William Gallo

voanews.com

SEOUL, SOUTH KOREA —

When it comes to his country’s ties with Japan, South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol wants to look to the future. But if South Korean public reaction is any indication, that may be difficult without further moves by Japan to address the past.

Yoon in March took unilateral steps to improve relations between South Korea and Japan, which had sunk to their lowest point in decades over a dispute related to Japan’s use of forced labor during its brutal 1910-1945 occupation of the Korean Peninsula.

Under a proposal unveiled by Yoon, Korean forced labor victims will receive compensation via a private foundation. Crucially, the foundation will be funded by South Korean companies, rather than Japanese businesses, as mandated by a 2018 ruling by South Korea’s Supreme Court.

Japan welcomed the move; so did the United States, which has long urged the two countries to resolve their differences and work together on shared challenges, such as North Korea and China. But the reaction was much harsher in Seoul.

About 60% of South Koreans oppose Yoon’s Japan approach, opinion polls suggest. Many forced labor victims and their families, as well as the country’s liberal opposition, accuse Yoon of diplomatic surrender, saying he should instead demand reparations and an apology from Japan.

Such touchy historical issues are likely to come up during Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida’s two-day visit to Seoul, which begins Sunday. But Tokyo has given no indication it will make any concessions on the forced labor issue, raising questions about whether Yoon’s outreach will outlast his presidency.

“I’m very doubtful,” said Moon Chung-in, a Seoul-based international relations scholar and former adviser to multiple left-leaning South Korean governments. “Because President Yoon has not really built up the national consensus to conduct this diplomatic initiative toward Japan.”

Closely watched visit

Kishida’s stop in Seoul – the first by a Japanese prime minister in five years – follows Yoon's visit to Tokyo in March.

During that visit, the two leaders announced a series of measures aimed at improving cooperation on trade, security, and diplomacy. Similar steps may be announced during Kishida’s visit.

But without progress on sensitive historical issues, many analysts warn it may be impossible to place Yoon’s outreach on a more stable footing at home.

“What is somewhat frustrating … is actually how little Kishida would have to do to put a solid floor under these attempts to improve relations,” said Daniel Sneider, lecturer of international policy at Stanford University. “That starts with whatever language he uses when he’s in Seoul to talk about the past.”

South Korean desires

During Yoon’s visit to Tokyo, Kishida did not offer a new apology for Japan’s wartime history. Instead, he reaffirmed that Tokyo upholds the position of previous governments, including a 1998 declaration that included an apology.

That was not nearly enough for many South Koreans – including even some of Yoon’s conservative allies, who had urged Kishida to express his own heartfelt remorse.

“To use his own words – to speak with some degree of individual sincerity and responsibility about the past – I think that can make a big difference,” Sneider said.

Many South Koreans hope Kishida will also encourage, or at least speak positively about, the idea of Japanese companies contributing to the South Korean forced labor fund.

Japan’s position

But none of that is likely, says Tetsuo Kotani, senior fellow at the Japan Institute of International Affairs.

FILE - South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol, left, and Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, right, shake hands following a joint news conference at the prime minister's office in Tokyo, Japan, March 16, 2023.

“Prime Minister Kishida repeated our past statements on history, and this is the maximum that a current Japanese political leader can do,” Kotani said. “If any Japanese prime minister says something beyond that, then Japanese conservative politicians could make a lot of noise.”

Many Japanese conservatives doubt Yoon can deliver on his promise to improve relations. In the past, conservative South Korean presidents have attempted to strengthen ties, only to criticize Japan once their approval ratings sank, said Kotani.

Just one year into his single, five-year presidential term, Yoon’s approval rating is already very low and South Korea’s liberal opposition dominates the country’s legislature. If his political fate worsens, Japanese conservatives fear Yoon will "play the Japan card” and try to exploit historical grievances, Kotani said.

Japan insists the forced labor and all other compensation issues were resolved by a 1965 treaty that established bilateral relations and offered South Korea economic help. Additionally, multiple Japanese governments have issued apologies.

The extent of Japan’s colonial abuses, however, was only discovered decades later in some cases, leading to a wave of South Korean demands for individual compensation.

Additionally, many South Koreans say that Japan’s apologies were insincere, given later attempts by prominent Japanese conservatives to deny or downplay colonial-era atrocities.

In this photo provided by South Korea Presidential Office, Takeo Akiba, Japan's National Security Adviser, left, meets with Cho Tae-yong, South Korean National Security Adviser, right, in Seoul, South Korea, May 3, 2023.

Forward looking

Though Yoon faces enormous political pressure to take a tougher stance on Japan, so far there are no signs he will give in.

During his Tokyo summit, Yoon said he has no plans to seek reimbursement from Japan after compensating forced labor victims.

In an interview with The Washington Post last month, Yoon said he cannot accept the notion that Japan "must kneel [for forgiveness] because of our history 100 years ago."

Instead, Yoon has argued, “future-oriented” cooperation with Japan is necessary to preserve freedom, peace and prosperity in northeast Asia.

But even if Koreans agree with Yoon on the need for a closer strategic relationship with Japan, they are not ready “to just throw the past aside,” according to Sneider, who urges Kishida to use the upcoming visit to take a conciliatory approach to historical issues.

“This is not hard to do. Not hard. And it’s the right thing to do,” Sneider said. “It’s the morally, politically, geo-strategically right thing to do.”

voanews.com

8. Five long-standing problems for Japan-South Korea ties

The five:

– ‘Comfort women’ –

– Forced labour –

– Dokdo/Takeshima – (or as the US calls them, Liancourt Rocks)

– Trade dispute –

– Military intelligence –

Five long-standing problems for Japan-South Korea ties | The Citizen

citizen.co.za · by AFP · May 4, 2023

Japan’s Prime Minister Fumio Kishida is set to visit Seoul on Sunday, as the allies look to bury the historical hatchet and boost ties.

It will be the first official bilateral visit by a Japanese leader to South Korea in over a decade, but what exactly are the problems that have bedevilled relations between the two East Asian countries?

AFP takes a look at what we know:

– ‘Comfort women’ –

“Comfort women” is a euphemistic term referring to women who were forced into sexual slavery by the Japanese army during World War II.

The Japanese government denies direct responsibility for the abuses that as many as 200,000 women suffered, maintaining that they were recruited by civilians and that the brothels were commercially operated.

The practice shot to public attention when South Korean victim Kim Hak Sun came forward in 1991 to testify about her experience, inspiring hundreds of victims from South Korea, China, the Philippines and elsewhere to speak out.

US cops in hot water for selling meth to suspected trafficker in sting operation

The two governments agreed on a fund to compensate victims in 2015, but it was torn up three years later by a new administration in Seoul.

Victims groups are still fighting for an official apology, and have funded statues of a young victim, including one that stands in front of the Japanese embassy in Seoul.

– Forced labour –

Around 780,000 Koreans were conscripted into forced labour during Japan’s colonial rule from 1910 to 1945, when Tokyo controlled the entire Korean peninsula, Seoul’s data shows.

South Korea’s Supreme Court ordered a Japanese firm to pay compensation in 2018, triggering a years-long dispute that expanded to economic and military ties.

South Korea’s President Yoon Suk Yeol announced a plan in March to compensate victims without Tokyo’s direct involvement, a move unpopular with both victims and the Korean public.

Japanese media reports suggest Kishida may reaffirm Tokyo’s previous statements of apology for its wartime aggression during his visit.

“The best possible scenario from the Korean perspective is for Kishida to apologise in his own words,” Benjamin A. Engel, research professor at the Institute of International Affairs at Seoul National University, told AFP.

“Even then it probably won’t be enough for many Koreans, but if Kishida has nothing new to say compared with the previous meeting the summit will not be well received in Korea.”

– Dokdo/Takeshima –

The two countries have a long-standing territorial dispute over small rocky islands off South Korea’s eastern coast, known as Dokdo in Korean and Takeshima in Japanese.

The islands have been administered by Seoul since 1945, when Japan surrendered at the end of World War II, liberating Korea from colonial rule. Japan also claims them.

A visit to the islands by a South Korean lawmaker this week drew a diplomatic protest from Tokyo. Seoul rebuffed the protest, saying Tokyo’s “claims about our territory cannot be accepted”.

Choi Gi-il, professor of military studies at Sangji University, said the issue is “very sensitive” and may be a tricky one for Yoon to navigate at the upcoming summit with Kishida.

“I expect him to avoid or tone down the subject,” he told AFP.

– Trade dispute –

Seoul and Tokyo have been embroiled in a bitter trade dispute since 2019 stemming from the spat over forced labour.

The economic tit-for-tat measures saw South Korean tech firms such as Samsung scrambling to find alternative suppliers, while Japan’s economy took a hit from Seoul’s boycott of Japanese products.

But the two countries are trying to resolve things.

Seoul restored Tokyo to its “white list” of trusted trade partners last week, with Japan expected to reciprocate soon.

Following Yoon’s visit in March, Tokyo lifted export controls on materials needed for South Korean semiconductors, while Seoul dropped a WTO complaint against Japan.

“It’s a return to the normal,” said Choi Eunmi, a researcher at the Asan Institute for Policy Studies.

“Things that were suspended for a while are being restored.”

– Military intelligence –

A military intelligence-sharing pact between South Korea and Japan is a key focal point of defence cooperation.

The two US allies have been able to share military secrets, particularly involving North Korea’s nuclear and missile capacity, under the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) since 2016.

But it became subject to political repercussions when the then-left-leaning Moon Jae-in government threatened to terminate it in 2019 as relations with Tokyo soured.

Yoon moved to normalise the pact in March. The two neighbours also staged joint naval exercises with the United States this year off the Korean peninsula.

The drills also underscored historical sensitivities: official photos of the exercises released by Seoul do not show the ensign of Japan’s naval force, known as the rising sun, which is associated with colonial rule in Korea.

citizen.co.za · by AFP · May 4, 2023

9. Column: South Korea president’s Washington visit underscores importance of relationship with the U.S.

Excerpts:

The original vision of the United Nations combined competing goals of favoring the most powerful nations and inclusive global representation. Kim and former UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon personify South Korea’s significant expanding role as a bridge between developed and developing nations.

Market economies and reasonably representative governments now characterize a steadily increasing share of the world’s developing nations. In short, South Korea is positioned to lead developing nations toward prosperity.

The United Nations today is strong. UN and U.S. decisions in 1950 to defend South Korea were vital to this success.

President Yoon has the opportunity to develop a starring global leadership role, with noisy North Korea shunted off to stage left. At the state dinner, President Yoon sang lines from Don McLean’s 1971 song “American Pie.”

Column: South Korea president’s Washington visit underscores importance of relationship with the U.S.

Chicago Tribune · by Arthur I. CyrLake County News-Sun•May 03, 2023 at 10:44 am

President Yoon Suk Yeol of South Korea has just completed a six-day visit to Washington D.C. The relatively lengthy visit by the head of government underscores both the international influence of his nation, and the high priority of the alliance with the United States.

The visit marks the 70th anniversary of the vital alliance between South Korea and the United States.

This is the second summit, and fifth meeting in total, between President Joe Biden and President Park in less than a year. The packed itinerary included an address to a joint session of Congress, a visit to the Goddard Space Center of NASA, an important stop at the Pentagon, an assembly of South Korean and U.S. business representatives hosted by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, and a state dinner at the White House.

The long-term increase in tensions with the surviving communist regime in North Korea, which includes Pyongyang’s expanding nuclear weapons program, adds significance to the visit and the relationship.

As recently as the early 1960s, South Korea was one of the poorest economies in the world. Still a peasant society, the entire Korean peninsula was terribly devastated by the Korean War of 1950-53. Yet today, the Republic of Korea ranks among the top 20 economies in the world, holding leadership roles in the automobile, advanced electronics, shipbuilding and other industries.

Rapid industrialization and economic modernization have been complemented by striking transition from dictatorship to democracy. President and General Park Chung-hee, stifled incipient democracy and imposed extremely harsh military authoritarianism for nearly two decades. He was assassinated in 1979 by the head of the KCIA, the national intelligence agency. In Korean memory, he remains a respected symbol of strength and effectiveness for many, though with progress and the passage of time that fades.

General Park was succeeded as chief executive by two more generals, Chun Doo Hwan and Roe Tae Woo, but growing pressure for true democratic representation proved insurmountable.

The capstone of transition to democracy was the election of Kim Dae-jung as president in 1998. He completed his five-year term without interruption, and in 2000 received the Nobel Peace Prize.

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A public symbol of opposition to Park’s dictatorship, he was imprisoned for several years. On another occasion, KCIA agents kidnapped him and planned to kill him. Only the intervention of senior U.S. CIA official Don Gregg saved his life.

South Korea’s remarkable domestic accomplishments have unfolded while the country becomes increasingly influential in global arenas. In 2012, the Obama administration shrewdly nominated President Jim Yong Kim of Dartmouth College, who was born in Seoul Korea, as president of the World Bank.

The original vision of the United Nations combined competing goals of favoring the most powerful nations and inclusive global representation. Kim and former UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon personify South Korea’s significant expanding role as a bridge between developed and developing nations.

Market economies and reasonably representative governments now characterize a steadily increasing share of the world’s developing nations. In short, South Korea is positioned to lead developing nations toward prosperity.

The United Nations today is strong. UN and U.S. decisions in 1950 to defend South Korea were vital to this success.

President Yoon has the opportunity to develop a starring global leadership role, with noisy North Korea shunted off to stage left. At the state dinner, President Yoon sang lines from Don McLean’s 1971 song “American Pie.”

Arthur I. Cyr is the author of “After the Cold War — American Foreign Policy, Europe and Asia” (NYU Press and Palgrave/Macmillan; Korean language edition by Oruem Publishing). He can be reached at acyr@carthage.edu.

Chicago Tribune · by Arthur I. CyrLake County News-Sun•May 03, 2023 at 10:44 am

10. America’s closest Indo-Pacific allies are cosying up

Political courage is necessary to put national security and national prosperity ahead of historical issues.

Conclusion:

Moving beyond the cycles of recrimination will require a willingness to speak about the past and future simultaneously, rather than viewing troubled history as a problem to be fixed and forgotten. “You can’t just put a bow on it and move away from history,” argues Tom Le of Pomona College in California. Instead, South Korea and Japan must find ways to “move with history”. The future of their region depends on it

America’s closest Indo-Pacific allies are cosying up

But the rapprochement between South Korea and Japan is brittle

The Economist

WHEN Kishida Fumio arrives in Seoul on May 7th, he will become the first Japanese prime minister to make an official visit to South Korea in more than a decade. His trip is testament to how fast the testy relationship between the neighbours and American allies has improved since early March, when Yoon Suk-yeol, South Korea’s president, announced a plan to end a festering dispute over Japanese wartime forced labour and then jetted to Tokyo for a summit.

After bonding over omurice, a nostalgic Japanese egg dish, the two leaders set to work. Their governments revived an intelligence-sharing agreement signed in 2016 but put on ice under Mr Yoon’s predecessor. They lifted export controls and trade barriers imposed when the forced-labour dispute heated up. A bilateral security dialogue took place last month for the first time in five years; the two countries’ finance ministers met this week for the first time in seven years. Japanese and South Korean tourists are flocking to each other’s countries.

The improvement in two-way ties has enabled closer three-way co-operation with America. That is why President Joe Biden, who desperately wants his allies to stop bickering about the past and focus on present-day challenges from China and North Korea, hailed Mr Yoon’s plan as “groundbreaking”. A trilateral defence dialogue restarted last month after a three-year hiatus; two days later, the three countries’ navies staged exercises in international waters between South Korea and Japan. Mr Kishida’s trip to Seoul serves as a prelude to a trilateral leaders’ summit during the G7 gathering in Japan later this month, which Mr Yoon will attend as a guest. If America, Japan and South Korea could co-operate effectively, it would have big implications for the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific.

Yet the rapprochement rests on shaky foundations. Diplomatic sources rate the negotiations over the forced-labour dispute a clear win for Japan—an unfortunate impression given that compromise is essential. Mr Yoon’s plan aims to avert a threatened liquidation of Japanese assets seized by South Korean courts. It involves creating a South Korean government-backed fund to compensate Koreans forced to work in Japanese factories during the colonial era. South Korean officials hoped Japan would apologise anew to the victims and encourage its firms to chip in to the fund, even though Japan considers the matter settled by a treaty signed in 1965. Mr Kishida, hesitant to upset the right of his party, did not budge. So Mr Yoon decided to “take the initiative, and let Japan respond,” says Park Cheol-hee of the Korean National Diplomatic Academy.

The result is that 60% of Koreans oppose the plan. Only ten of the 15 families involved in the main court case on the issue have accepted money from the new fund; all three living victims have refused it. Mr Yoon reinforced a perception that he truckles to Japan when he told the Washington Post that his country’s former colonial ruler should not have to “kneel” for forgiveness “because of our history 100 years ago”. Critics in Seoul call Mr Yoon “Japan’s number one salesman”, a riff on his pledge to be “South Korea’s number one salesman”.

Mr Kishida has a chance to steady the foundation during his visit. Yet the two sides have different views of what constitutes a “sincere” offering, says Nishino Junya of Keio University in Tokyo. Mr Kishida may bring nothing more than a decision to restore South Korea to Japan’s preferred trading-partners list. That would dismay many Koreans, who will be judging what he says about history, says Choi Eun-mi of the Asan Institute for Policy Studies, a think-tank in Seoul. At the least, Mr Kishida should offer the victims “words of comfort”.

Officials in Tokyo, Seoul and Washington hope to overcome any disappointment. China’s rise and North Korea’s sabre-rattling are powerful reasons to get along. Mr Yoon, who will be in office until 2027, is committed to his policy on Japan. Yet there are plenty of potential flashpoints, from territorial disputes to controversies over textbooks. Another of the forced-labour cases is making its way through South Korean courts.

Moving beyond the cycles of recrimination will require a willingness to speak about the past and future simultaneously, rather than viewing troubled history as a problem to be fixed and forgotten. “You can’t just put a bow on it and move away from history,” argues Tom Le of Pomona College in California. Instead, South Korea and Japan must find ways to “move with history”. The future of their region depends on it.■

Read more from Banyan, our columnist on Asia:

Also: How the Banyan column got its name

The Economist

11. North Korea’s Submarine Fleet: Could It Sink the U.S. Navy In a War?

North Korea’s Submarine Fleet: Could It Sink the U.S. Navy In a War?

19fortyfive.com · by Christian Orr · May 5, 2023

North Korea’s Submarine Fleet: Just How Dangerous? If the Korean War were to resume – remember, technically the war never actually “ended” in the first place – naval war planners will need to consider just what sort of challenges are posed by North Korea’s subs. Let’s take a look, one species at a time.

Sang-O-Class Diesel-Electric Coastal Submarine

Out of the estimated 64 to 86 total number of submarines in the Korean People’s Navy (KPN), the Sang-O-class boats comprise the biggest chunk, with 40 believed to be in service. The original Sang-O variant – which debuted in 1991 – features a top speed of 9 knots, a hull length of 111 feet (34 meters), a beam width of 12.4 feet (3.8-meters), and a surface displacement of 275 tons.

The 2005-vintage Sang-O II-class is slightly longer, faster, and heavier than its predecessor, with a top speed of approximately 15 knots, a 127-foot (39 meters) length, and 340-ton displacement.

The older Sang-O class was involved in one of the most infamous incidents in the post-Cold War history of the Korean Peninsula, an incident that could’ve conceivably re-sparked a full-scale shooting war: the Gangneung submarine infiltration incident of September 18, 1996, in which one of the boats was used in an effort to infiltrate 26 North Korean Gongbi (communist guerrilla) into the ROK to attempt an assassination against then-South Korean President Kim Young-sam.

Fortunately, the mission failed. In the aftermath 24 Communists died, one went MIA, and one was captured.

Romeo-class Type 033 Diesel-Electric Submarine

With a guesstimated 20 in-service, this is the second-most numerous boat in the KPN’s submarine fleet.

The Type 033 is the Chinese-built variant of the Soviet-designed Project 633 (NATO reporting name “Romeo”), produced between 1962 and 1984. The Romeos displace 1,475 tons whilst surfaced, are 251 feet (76.6 meters) in length, and 22 feet (6.7 meters) wide at the beam and are the KPN’s only submarines capable of long-range patrols.

This sub would presumably be used by North Korean Special Operation Forces – considered by some experts to be the toughest SOF units in the world – for special maritime missions.

In addition, back on October 2021, naval analyst H.I. Sutton made reference to a so-called “ROMEO-Mod” ballistic model submarine: “First revealed on July 23, 2019, it is unclear whether this boat has been launched yet (at the time of writing). Footage has shown Kim Jong Un inspecting the submarine, probably in Sinpo on the east coast. Although described as ‘newly built’ in propaganda, it is clearly a rebuilt ROMEO class submarine. Three missile tubes have been added to a new sail.”

Yugo and Yono-Class Diesel-Electric Midget Submarine

Whilst the term “midget” is nowadays considered to be too politically incorrect to be used for vertically-challenged people in America, evidently, it remains acceptable to apply the label to nonhuman objects. In any event, the KPN has anywhere from five to 20 of these mini-subs in its arsenal, which were based on Yugoslavian designs of the 1960s.

Displacing 76 to 95 tons surfaced, 65 to 72 feet (20 to 22 meters) long, and 9 feet (2.75 meters) beam, one of these boats is strongly suspected to have been the culprit in the March 26, 2010 sinking of the ROK Navy Pohang-class corvette Cheonan.

Sinpo/Gorae (“Whale) Class Diesel-Electric Submarine

This “Whale” is the newest and largest submarine designed and built for the KPN, launched in 2014. According to the Nuclear Threat Initiative (NTI), this metaphorical new kid on the block “likely features diesel-electric propulsion, but does not feature an Air-Independent Propulsion (AIP) system.

This limits the Gorae’s capability as a survivable, second-strike nuclear deterrent, as it cannot remain submerged for more than a few days without surfacing.” The boat boasts a top speed of 10 knots, a length of 219 feet (66.75 meters), a beam width of 22 feet (6.7 meters), and a surfaced displacement of 1,455 tons.

Most significantly, back on October 22, 2021, the DPRK used its new Gorae to conduct a much-ballyhooed launch of a KN-23 short-range ballistic missile (SRBM). Vann H. Van Diepen of the Henry L. Stimson Center’s 38 North project opines that “The launch and associated announcements have much greater political than military significance.”

However, it’s not something that can be simply blown off altogether.

Bottom Line

The KPN submarine fleet may not have the numbers or technological capabilities that PRC’s PLA Navy does. But the Hermit Kingdom’s subs are still quite lethal, and any USINDOPACOM naval war planner who chooses to take them lightly does so at his/her own peril.

Christian D. Orr is a former Air Force Security Forces officer, Federal law enforcement officer, and private military contractor (with assignments worked in Iraq, the United Arab Emirates, Kosovo, Japan, Germany, and the Pentagon). Chris holds a B.A. in International Relations from the University of Southern California (USC) and an M.A. in Intelligence Studies (concentration in Terrorism Studies) from American Military University (AMU). He has also been published in The Daily Torch and The Journal of Intelligence and Cyber Security. Last but not least, he is a Companion of the Order of the Naval Order of the United States (NOUS). In his spare time, he enjoys shooting, dining out, cigars, Irish and British pubs, travel, USC Trojans college football, and Washington DC professional sports.

19fortyfive.com · by Christian Orr · May 5, 2023

12. ＜Investigation＞ The authorities start crackdowns based on the Pyongyang Cultural Language Protection Act (1)

Again, KJU is more afraid of the Korean people (especially when they are armed with information) than he is of the ROK/US military. We should consider what that means for our strategy going forward.

＜Investigation＞ The authorities start crackdowns based on the Pyongyang Cultural Language Protection Act (1)… “Eliminate South Korean speech, dialects, and loanwords”… The maximum punishment is execution

asiapress.org

(Photo) A policeman keeps a close eye on a checkpoint. Photographed by Kim Dong-chul in South Pyongan Province in January 2011 (ASIAPRESS).

◆ Major crackdowns begin in April

We now have more clarity about the provisions and usages of the “Pyongyang Cultural Language Protection Act,” which was enacted by North Korea’s Kim Jong Un regime in January. The act calls South Korea a “puppet,” and demands that all North Koreans turn away from using South Korean style language. People who use or spread the language face a maximum punishment of the death penalty. In April, the authorities started a campaign throughout the country to crackdown on the use of not only the South Korean language, but also the use of loan words from Japanese. Through a three-part series, ASIAPRESS will report on what is happening inside North Korea. (ISHIMARU Jiro / KANG Ji-won)

◆ Severe punishment for using and spreading South Korean style language, with a maximum punishment of the death penalty

The Pyongyang Cultural Language Protection Act is an excessive law. It was enacted on January 18 by the Supreme People’s Assembly, which is akin to South Korea’s National Assembly, but its provisions were not made public. A South Korean media outlet focused on North Korea, Daily NK, recently acquired the full text of the law and published it.

Article 1 of the law lays out the purpose of the law as follows:

To the protection and active revival of the Pyongyang Cultural Language by completely eliminating the use of the puppet language,　denouncing abnormal language elements, and establishing a socialist language lifestyle throughout the entire society.

The law explicitly states that anyone using or spreading South Korean style language will face fines, reform through labor, and even execution.

Article 58. The Crime of Using the Puppet Language

Any persons found to be speaking, writing, sending messages, or exchanging emails in the puppet language or creating printed materials, video recordings, compilations, pictures,

photographs, or scrolls using the puppet language’s writing style shall be sentenced to six years or more of reform through labor. If the severity of the crime is deemed high, the offender shall be sentenced to a lifetime sentence of reform through labor or the death penalty.

Article 59. The Crime of Propagating the Puppet Language

Any persons found to be teaching the puppet language to　others　or　circulating　printed　materials, video recordings, compilations, pictures, photographs or scrolls using the puppet language writing style shall be sentenced to ten years or more of reform through labor. If the severity of the crime is deemed high, the offender shall be sentenced to a lifetime sentence of reform through labor or the death penalty.

※ ASIAPRESS’s analysis of the Pyongyang Cultural Language Protection Law will be published in a three-part series.

The cover page of a North Korean document obtained by ASIAPRESS in 2020. The underlined part says, “Sniping Operations, Pursuit Operations, Search Operations, and Cleanup Operations, while the bottom part is a statement made by Kim Jong-un that says, “A report on the extremely serious issue of the phenomenon of (people) copying or imitating the puppet language.” (ASIAPRESS)

◆ What are the crackdowns like?

After the enactment of the Pyongyang Cultural Language Protection Law, North Korean state-run media never mentioned specifics about how the law is being implemented. In April, however, reporting partners in the northern region of the country told ASIAPRESS that the authorities have started a severe crackdown and social campaign targeted at the use of South Korean style expressions, foreign loan words, and words taken from Japanese.

ASIAPRESS began an investigation into conditions in North Hamgyung Province and Yanggang Province. “A,” a party member working at a state-run company in North Hamgyung Province, told ASIAPRESS the following:

“People in the city I live in have had to participate in a lot of meetings and lectures telling attendees to use the Pyongyang Cultural Language. Party meetings are generally just formalities, but they emphasized that the Pyongyang Cultural Language Protection Act deals with a particularly severe issue and that all organizations and companies must move forward to achieve its aims until the end.

“Young people in particularly are being told to stand at the forefront in the fight against the use of foreign loan words, dialects and South Korean style speech. The authorities are raising an issue about the use of South Korean speech in emails and text messages as well.

“For example, the authorities do not tolerate any South Korean style speech, abbreviations or even the word ‘OK’ in text messages. The Socialist Patriotic Youth League is emphasizing every day about how important the Pyongyang Cultural Language is.

(※ The Socialist Patriotic Youth League is an organization for young people under the Workers’ Party of Korea. Broadly speaking, the organization is made up of laborers and students under the age of 30.)

“People are being told to find examples of others not using the Pyongyang Cultural Language or violating the Pyongyang Cultural Language Protection Act and expose them at youth league struggle sessions held every Saturday. They are also being told to collect all of the abnormal pronunciations in use around them and submit these examples as well.”

A North Korean document acquired by ASIAPRESS in 2020. The underlined part of the document is an order instructing the authorities to ensure all returnees from abroad must be inspected, while the bottom part of the document orders the authorities to inspect the personal possessions of students. (ASIAPRESS)

◆ Crackdowns will continue until the South Korean language is no longer used

“The elder generation uses the words they’ve always used without worrying about it, but young people who hear those words are having to tell them ‘not to use that kind of speech.’ The law is used to criticize people in this way, so nobody can go against it. The crackdowns are so severe that people complain that they can’t speak the way they want to anymore because they’re afraid of what people will think.”

The authorities say they will conduct crackdowns until they have eliminated people using South Korean speech. There have been a lot of people who have been reported on and taken away for using South Korean expressions. People are called in for saying words with intonations that are deemed too high or too low. It’s serious.

“They’ve never cracked down so severely on the use of speech like this before, and I’m surprised that they’re going to this extent. They’re cracking down so hard because North Korean speech in text messages, emails and even daily speech uses a lot of South Korean style expressions. People use a lot of code-like abbreviations in text messages and emails. Amongst themselves, young people who can’t imitate South Korean style speech are treated like fools. The authorities aim to do whatever it takes to eliminate the use of South Korean style speech.” ( Continued in the next installment 2 >> )

※ ASIAPRESS communicates with its reporting partners through Chinese cell phones smuggled into North Korea.

A map of Yanggang Province (ASIAPRESS)

asiapress.org

13. ＜Investigation＞ The authorities start crackdowns based on the Pyongyang Cultural Language Protection Act (2)

Draconian population and resources control measures by the most brutal authoritarian regime in the modern era.

＜Investigation＞ The authorities start crackdowns based on the Pyongyang Cultural Language Protection Act (2) “People using South Korean style speech are being arrested”…ASIAPRESS asks its reporting partners about the crackdown

asiapress.org

A bunch of North Korean leaflets that insult South Korea and President Moon Jae-in. Originally published in the Rodong Sinmun in June 2021. It was from this point in time that North Korea revealed its hostility toward South Korea.

＜Investigation＞ The authorities start crackdowns based on the Pyongyang Cultural Language Protection Act (1)… “Eliminate South Korean speech, dialects, and loanwords”… The maximum punishment is execution

◆ Law stipulates the death penalty as the maximum punishment

The Kim Jong-un regime enacted the “Pyongyang Cultural Language Protection Act” in January of this year. In April, the regime began a campaign to crackdown on language impurities at companies and social organizations. The campaign is aimed at ensure no one uses South Korean style speech, foreign loan words, Japanese loan words, and dialects, and people who violate the law are being reported to the police and investigated. The maximum punishment stipulated by the new law is the death penalty. ASIAPRESS heard about the situation on the ground from a reporting partner in the northern part of the country. (ISHIMARU Jiro / KANG Ji-won)

◆ New law bans use of “oppa” and “nim”

The text of the Pyongyang Cultural Language Protection Act is astonishing. The law is full of statements calling South Korea a puppet. Daily NK, a North Korea-focused outlet based in South Korea, acquired the full text of the law in March. Here, we present several of the articles of the law.

※ Translations of the law will be published through a three-part series.

Article18. Basic Requirements for Exterminating the Remnants of the Puppet Language

The extermination of the remnants of the puppet language is a critical requirement to better adhere to our socialist system and our people’s spiritual and cultural life and more firmly establish the revolutionary and class strong holds. With a clear concept of hostility, institutions, enterprises, organizations and citizens shall mercilessly eliminate the remnants of the puppet language that has infiltrated our language domain through a nationwide struggle.

Article 19. Ban on Imitating Puppet Style Titles

Citizens shall not imitate the use of titles in the puppet style,such as young people calling non-relatives “Oppa” or adding “Nim”at the end of their time in the Korean Children’s Union, but starting from their time in the Socialist Patriotic Youth League, they must use the titles “Dongji” and “Dongmu.

“Oppa” refers to a term commonly used by South Korean girls and women to call their older brothers or boyfriends. Even in South Korean dramas, women frequently call their older boyfriends oppa. “Nim” is a particle attached to names and titles in South Korea to show respect toward others.

All students from the second year of elementary school to the third year of middle school join the Korean Children’s Union. Starting from the first year of high school, students join the Socialist Patriotic Youth League. The law stipulates that it’s ok for children to say these words, but when they become part of the youth league, they are required to say “comrade.” (North Korea’s compulsory education system is 12 years, including one year in kindergarten, five years in elementary school, three years in middle school, and three years in high school)

The main text of a document marked “top secret.” The underlined portion says that words like“oppa” and “dongsaeng” (younger sibling) are “abnormal puppet words and speech chronically prevalent in the society.” Taken from a speech made by Kim Jong-un in September 2020. (ASIAPRESS)

◆ Ban on people giving their children South Korean style names

The law even slaps bans on specific uses of South Korean style speech.

Article 20. Ban on Imitating Expressions in the Puppet Style

Citizens shall not imitate puppet style expressions in their linguistic lives.

Article 21. Ban on the Use of the Puppet Writing Style and Grammar

Citizens shall not write text or create documents using the writing style or grammar of the puppet language.

Article 22. Ban on the Imitation of Puppet Style Intonation.

Citizens shall not imitate puppet style intonation by raising and lengthening their intonation at the end of a phrase in an obsequious, lilting and nauseating way.

※ Cell phones are referred to as “hand phones” in North Korea, while “computer networks” refers to the country’s Intranet.

◆Investigating the use of South Korean style speech

Starting in late April, ASIAPRESS inquired about the authorities’ efforts to crackdown on certain kinds of speech to reporting partners in North Hamgyung Province and Yanggang Province. In this installment, we provide information gleaned from a reporting partner in Yanggang Province who is a housewife also involved in a wide range of business activities.

―― Are the crackdowns on speech conducted in an organized fashion？

The Socialist Women’s Union of Korea, companies and organizations are being ordered to crackdown on the use of South Korean speech, loan words, and Japanese words. People report on others, and everyone is being instructed to stop using dialects, foreign loanwords, and South Korean speech. If someone is accused of using South Korean speech, they face an investigation into where/from whom they learned the speech.

―― Can you give us a specific example of how the crackdowns are taking place？

The authorities are demanding that people use the words for comrade (dongji, dongmu). They are threatening that using the particle nim will be investigated, so everyone is being careful about what they say. They are also emphasizing that cadres need to do careful preparations for speeches they make.

Even kids are being careful about using the word oppa to call their own older brothers; that’s how serious the crackdown is. They are watching each other to figure out what to call each other. There’s a lot of people who have been taken away by the police after being reported for using South Korean style speech.

◆ Even Japanese and other foreign loan words are banned

People are even being told to fix the language they use for tools at factories. “Penchi” (pinchers) have to be called “chipgae,” while “doraiba” (screw drivers) have to be called “nasapulgae” (literally tool to loosen screws). Other words such as “geuruma” (wheelbarrow) and “daesakeu” (backpack) are also banned. Officials have put together lists of all the improper words used in the workplace to memorize during morning reading periods and education periods so they are not used ever again.

One work unit leader used a foreign loanword while handing down a task to his work unit and faced a struggle session. The Youth League doesn’t allow people to go home until they memorize the Pyongyang Cultural Language words after work.

The party committee has called for the crackdown on speech to continue to the very end given it is based on instructions from the Workers’ Party, and that the struggle must continue until all the South Korean style speech and foreign loanwords remaining in society have been eliminated.

―― What is the response shown by people to all of this？

For us, many people think that all the words are all the same. Young people like using new words, so the authorities can just crackdown on them. People are unhappy about why the authorities are pushing to correct the speech of even old people whose way of speaking has been entrenched.

North Korea’s crackdown on improper forms of speech did not start this year; crackdowns began from January 2020 on orders from Kim Jong-un. The authorities have called for a stop to the increasing tendency to give children South Korean style names, calling them “rashly created names” and ordering for kids with these names to obtain new names. However, many people are upset about this, questioning why the authorities are getting involved in how people name their own children. (to be continued in the next installment)

※ ASIAPRESS communicates with reporting partners through Chinese cell phones smuggled into North Korea.

asiapress.org

14. How YouTube became a force for free speech in South Korea

How YouTube became a force for free speech in South Korea | CNN Business

CNN · by Yoonjung Seo,Andrew Raine · May 5, 2023

Seoul CNN —

YouTube’s most watched daily live program in South Korea might surprise you. It is not about K-pop, it is not a K-drama, and has nothing to do with BlackPink.

It is a provocative current affairs talk show called “Gyeomson (Modesty) is Nothing,” fronted by an irreverent host, Kim Ou-joon, whose lack of deference to authority is making waves in a country where traditional media has a reputation for respectful coverage.

Kim’s style is reminiscent of a US late-night chat show host. Openly partisan, he says his aim is to counter-balance what he sees as a bias toward the conservative government with a liberal voice.

“Conservative media are actively making biased reports, and I think they can do that based on their political stance,” Kim told CNN. “The problem here is that they’re pretending to be fair, hiding behind the mask of fairness.”

Kim’s brash style stands out all the more given recently raised concerns by the US Department of State that South Korean officials are using defamation lawsuits to restrict freedom of expression.

It highlighted in a March human rights report the case of broadcaster MBC, which is being sued by the Foreign Affairs Ministry for a story in which it claimed the South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol had been caught on a hot mic making less-than complimentary remarks about US lawmakers.

The presidential office has criticized the State Department report for “a lack of accuracy,” claiming it had “simply collected and announced the claims of civic groups or media reports.”

Kim Ou-joon, the presenter and creator of the YouTube show "Modesty is Nothing," in his studio in Seoul.

Courtesy Kim Ou-joon

But taking on the conservative administration doesn’t faze Kim, who has been sued for defamation on several occasions.

Kim’s critics meanwhile say his taste for controversy goes only one way, accusing him of paying less attention to reports involving the liberal Democratic Party.

Political influencers

Still, the show’s reputation for daring to go where others fear to tread has done wonders for its viewing figures. Every morning at 7:05 a.m., about 160,000 people tune in to hear Kim’s takes on the biggest issues of the day.

Industry observers say the program’s popularity – it has more than 1 million subscribers and can rake in donations of 90 million won ($70,000) a day – reflects a changing media landscape.

Increasingly, they say, current affairs programs are turning to YouTube to disseminate their content, drawn both by large audiences and the perception that the online arena grants greater space for freedom of expression.

“Modesty is Nothing,” for instance, is the reincarnation of a radio show called “News Factory” that was taken off air after a row with the government.

YouTube has a high penetration in South Korea. According to Statista, a market and consumer data statistics site, there were over 46 million YouTube users in South Korea as of January this year – more than 90% of the population (compared to over 70% in the United States).

Most traditional media outlets now run their own YouTube channels, as do an increasing number of smaller, independent companies, of all political persuasions – like the right-wing Tubeshin (1.46 million subscribers) and the left-wing Newstapa (over 1 million).

YuMi visited the Rungna People's Pleasure Park in Pyongyang, North Korea, in a YouTube video uploaded on September 1, 2022.

Olivia Natasha-YuMi Space DPRK daily/YouTube

They eat ice cream and read 'Harry Potter,' but these North Korean YouTubers aren't what they seem

YouTube’s growing influence was demonstrated in the run-up to last year’s general election, when Yoon – then a candidate for the People Power Party – saw his popularity fall following a stumbling performance in a Christmas Day YouTube interview with 3ProTV.

Before the show he had been neck-and-neck with opponent Lee Jae-myung from the (then ruling) Democratic Party of Korea; soon after a Gallup survey showed him trailing by around 8% points.

The clout of both right and left-wing channels has also been shown in recent movements. Right-wing channels fueled rallies in support of the former President Park Geun-hye after she was impeached in 2017 over a corruption scandal; they also backed protests outside the retirement home of her liberal successor Moon Jae-in. Left-wing channels backed counter-rallies outside the current President Yoon’s home.

Last year the former leader of Yoon’s party hit out at what he said was the “evil influence” of YouTube channels.

Supporters of South Korea's former president Park Geun-hye hold a rally demanding her release outside the Seoul Central District Court in Seoul on April 6, 2018.

JUNG YEON-JE/AFP/AFP/Getty Images

Platform for free speech

YouTube channels are seen as offering a space for free speech that is all the more important given the concerns voiced by the US State Department.

Jung June-hee, a professor of media at Seoul’s Hanyang University, said most traditional outlets avoided criticizing the government – partly because of their own right-wing leanings but also because they feared being sued.

“After President Yoon Suk Yeol came to power, there have been many cases where the presidential office filed complaints to the media,” Jung said.

“The fear of being targeted, whether you’re on the same side or not, is significant,” Jung said.

Over time, the lack of critical coverage meant citizens had lost confidence in traditional media and turned to the internet instead, said Rhee June-woong, a professor in communication at Seoul National University.

“We can’t say that traditional newspapers and broadcast media have been completely abandoned, but more and more citizens are dissatisfied with them and are seeking information, interpretation, and expression in internet media,” Rhee said.

CNN asked the presidential office to comment on its recent defamation lawsuits, but it has not yet received a reply.

'Modesty is nothing' presenter Kim Ou-joon and reporter You Milly talk about the day's news on March 8, 2023.

Gyeomson is Nothing/ YouTube

News Factory closed down

It’s a dynamic that’s not lost on Kim. His previous show, the publicly funded “News Factory” program, had for years been Seoul’s top-rated radio program (and made him one of the country’s highest paid presenters).

Debuting in 2016 on TBS in a two-hour slot Monday to Friday, its format was simple, featuring Kim’s comments on the topic of the day and a news roundup, followed by segments featuring newsmakers from politicians and professors to journalists, artists and scientists.

Its no-holds barred approach to news analysis and its live interviews broke the mold in South Korean media and made it a go-to show for politicos, said Jung June-hee, a media professor at Hanyang University.

Sidus Studio X

Forever young, beautiful and scandal-free: The rise of South Korea's virtual influencers

“(Previously) politicians didn’t appear on radio shows, and morning radio shows … (mostly) used to summarize news from the night before and deliver information such as real-time traffic updates,” Jung said.

But its oppositional style angered conservatives, as did its coverage of the scandal surrounding former President Park. When a conservative administration returned to power in 2022 (following a stint by liberal Moon Jae-in, under whom the show enjoyed a heyday), its days were numbered.

Soon after, the conservative city council announced it planned to cut TBS’s budget in a move widely seen as reflecting its displeasure with “News Factory.”

While Seoul’s Mayor Oh Se-hoon denied the link, in February he criticized the show for being “one-sided,” and the network TBS for “crossing the line that public broadcasting cannot possibly cross.”

“In any country, people can never be patient when public broadcasting is biased and in favor of a particular political party,” Oh said.

The production team of "Modesty is Nothing" works on a live show in its Seoul studio on March 13, 2023.

Yoonjung Seo/CNN

Fall and rise

Kim took “News Factory” off air in December. The next month, he launched “Modesty is Nothing.”

The only real differences between the shows are the name and medium. The format is the same and even the studio is a replica, though it has now grown bigger – in line with Kim’s ambitions.

Within a week, it had surpassed a million subscribers. It has since consistently ranked top in terms of real-time daily viewership on YouTube in South Korea.

To Professor Jung, it’s a success that demonstrates “voices cannot be silenced.”

Kim, meanwhile, hopes to build a show with as much recognition as any on traditional media.

“I will create a type of press that has not yet existed on YouTube,” Kim said. “This is a declaration that I will show that canceling the show for a political reason was wrong.”

CNN · by Yoonjung Seo,Andrew Raine · May 5, 2023

15. My remarks ar the Peaceful Unification Advisory Council

Col. David Maxwell speech at PUAC Washington forum May 3rd, 2023

My remarks at the Peaceful Unification Advisory Council on May 3d this week. I mention the twenty six words of the Biden-Yoon joint staement that provide strategic clarity for the future of the ROK/US alliance.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KFt9X8e56cM

16. [WHY] Why do Korean restaurants serve so many side dishes?

A question all of us foreigners have asked.

Saturday

May 6, 2023

dictionary + A - A

[WHY] Why do Korean restaurants serve so many side dishes?

https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/2023/05/06/why/korean-restaurants-korean-cuisine-ordering-restaurant/20230506071959652.html

Side dishes served at a restaurant in Gurye, South Jeolla [CHOI SEUNG-PYO]

Order a single dish at a Korean restaurant, and it's very likely that multiple dishes with a variety of food will end up on the table.

Fear not, as there's nothing wrong with the order nor will the restaurant charge extra for the additional dishes.

Tsuki, a Japanese member of Billlie, recalls her first experience ordering delivery from a restaurant in Korea, and getting so many side dishes in a YouTube video. [SCREEN CAPTURE]

The abundant amount of extra food has always been a surprise to those not used to Korean culture.

Sakura, a Japanese member of LeSserafim, asked if all the side dishes came with the meal when eating ganjang gyejang, or marinated crab, in a YouTube video uploaded to channel Fearless Kura on April 19. Billlie member Tsuki, also Japanese, added within the same video, she was surprised after ordering restaurant delivery food for the first time in Korea because she "got so many side dishes," but now understands "its Korean culture."

As Tsuki said, having lots of side dishes, or banchan, is something that happens at all Korean restaurants.

Whether it is a simple combination of kimchi and pickled radishes when ordering a bowl of ramyeon to ones like gyeran mari (egg rolls) and jeyuk bokkeum (spicy pork) that seem like a standalone dish, side dishes are an essential element of Korean cuisine.

Some may now be used to the various side dishes available for every meal, but why did Korean restaurants become so generous with side dishes in the first place?

Q. Why do Korean restaurants serve so many side dishes?

One of the main reasons is the uniqueness of Korean cuisine. Koreans tend to have a bowl of rice for every meal and need various side dishes to add flavor to the bland taste of the rice.

"Southeast Asian countries such as Korea, China and Japan eat a main dish that's meant to make them full, such as grains and other carbs," said Cho Young-ha, researcher at the Academy of Korean Studies. "Because those carbs are not seasoned, it's best to eat them with other foods that are seasoned such as meat, fish and vegetables."

Cho explains that countries like China and Japan developed other types of main dishes such as dumplings and noodles, and side dishes slowly started to disappear. For instance, dumplings have different fillings and only require vinegar and soy sauce, not needing as many side dishes. Noodles have various toppings and can also come in a full broth, also not needing side dishes. Soups such as kimchi jjigae, or spicy kimchi soup, and doenjang jjigae, or soybean soup, are an essential part of the Korean cuisine.

"When eating meals, Koreans eat rice, side dishes and soup, and they think that flavors that come from combining all three of them is the best flavor," said Cho.

Numerous side dishes originate from the history of Korean cuisine, and the generous act of giving endless refills also comes from an element rooted in Korean history, known as jeong, or translated into love or affection.

"Giving free side dish refills at a baekban restaurant is something so obvious," said Chung Jang-eun, running a baekban restaurant in Yongsan District, central Seoul, which refers to home-cooked style meals. "Baekban should be a full and hearty meal and turning down requests for refills goes against what baekban is, and it could feel too cold-hearted when we turn down the requests."

A sign at a restaurant in Yongsan District, central Seoul, reads that customers are allowed refill side dishes and rice by themselves and can eat as much as they want unless they leave left overs. [LEE TAE-HEE]

Q. Has Korea always been so generous with side dishes?

Mostly yes.

But there was a brief period when restaurants were encouraged to not provide a lot of side dishes and limitless refills.

In July 1983, the government introduced the Order Menu System, which encouraged restaurants to charge customers for any sides other than soy sauce, gochujang, or pepper paste, and doenjang, or soy bean paste. Free refills weren't encouraged as well.

This wasn't an obligatory bill. But the Ministry of Health and Social Affairs, the previous name of the Ministry of Health and Welfare, required hotels and big restaurants in six cities such as Seoul, Busan and Daejeon, to follow the plan.

The intention was to prevent excessive food waste and to make sure side dishes were hygienic -- meaning they weren't left on the table too long or had been reused -- ahead of international sporting events such as the 1988 Seoul Olympics and 1986 Seoul Asian Games.

A restaurant in Dangjin, South Chungcheong, in 1983 that is charging customers for each side dishes. According to the menu on the wall, a dish of kimchi was sold for 200 won, bean sprouts for 100 won and gim, or dried seaweed, for 200 won. [WOORIDATA]

Despite admirable intentions, the plan didn't last long because customers were already used to having numerous side dishes. Since customers disliked the change, not many restaurants were willing to follow.

"It was hard for those past policies to be effective because they weren't welcomed by the restaurant owners and weren't made based on an adequate understanding of customers," said Kwak No-sung, a researcher at Korea Institute for Health and Social Affairs.

The ministry changed its plans to allow restaurants to serve up to eight side dishes for free in April 1987, but with so many side dishes allowed, the system became essentially unsuccessful.

Q. Even with inflation hitting economies, are restaurants still willing to give lots of side dishes and endless refills?

Although it's still a norm, some restaurants will ask customers to pay for certain refills or turn down requests to have more expensive side dishes.

One of the side dishes that some restaurants charge extra for refills is vegetables to make ssam, referring to a way of wrapping meat in vegetables such as lettuce or perilla leaves.

Free refills of vegetables was something every restaurant did in the past, but soaring vegetable prices have made it less of an obvious service.

A ssambab restaurant, which sells a variety of meats such as pork and beef, located in Jamsil, southern Seoul gave one portion of vegetables -- with five lettuce leaves, four perilla leaves, four cabbage leaves and bits of others like kale and mustard greens -- per person for free. However, the restaurant charged 5,000 won ($3.75) for additional refills.

"We're a ssambab restaurant, and customers ask for multiple refills of vegetables to eat with their meat," said the owner of the restaurant, who wished his full name not be printed. "During rainy seasons and winter when vegetable prices rise, we're basically left with nothing if we give limitless refills, along with the costs for other ingredients, rent, utility bills and employee wages."

Vegetable prices have been rapidly rising lately. Lettuce was sold for 1,003 won per 100 grams as of May 3, according to Korea Agro-Fisheries & Food Trade Corporation. That's up 19.3 percent on year. Perilla leaves sold for 1,378 won, up 10.2 percent on year.

Apart from vegetables for ssam, some restaurants won't offer refills of expensive side dishes.

Myeongi namul, or pickled leaves of mountainous garlic, is often served as a side dish at luxurious Korean BBQ restaurants. But many restaurants only refill the dish once, or not at all.

This is mostly due to the expensive price of Myeongi namul, which is sold at an average of 25,900 won per kilogram. This is almost twice the price of kkaennip jangajji, or pickled perilla leaves, which is a cheaper equivalent and is sold for 12,900 won per kilogram.

Q. Although I don't have to pay for extra side dishes, is it expected that I tip for the generosity?

A restaurant in Yeoju, Gyeonggi, serving various side dishes with meat. [SHIN IN-SUP]

No, restaurants will not expect a tip for the side dishes. In fact, tipping is technically against the law in Korea.

According to the Food Sanitation Act, the price on the menu of food service businesses -- referring to restaurants and cafes -- must include all service fees. Charging more than what is stated on the menu is prohibited, unlike countries like the United States and Canada where tipping is considered the norm.

Although prohibited by law in Korea, tipping is sometimes seen in fancy venues, such as ones where employees will grill the meat for customers or expensive sushi restaurants.

"I've seen my parents occasionally tip restaurant employees when we go to fancy hanwoo [Korean beef] restaurants, and the tip would be around 10,000 won," said Kim Yoon-bin, a 29-year-old living in Seoul. "But the employees actually brought us more sides like a piece of grilled fish or fried shrimp when we gave them a tip."

"So it never really seemed like we were paying for the side dishes we were given in the first place, but it was more like paying them for even more side dishes and the service."

Q. Are there regions that are known to give even more side dishes than the Korean norm?

Side dishes served at a makgeolli restaurant in Jeonju, North Jeolla [BAEK JONG-HYUN]

Most restaurants will give customers four to five side dishes per meal. But there are restaurants in certain regions that go overboard with them.

Restaurants in the Namdo area, which refers to the South Jeolla Province, will serve a table full of side dishes, with some dishes even placed on top of each other to make room on a small table.

Also in the Jeolla Province, Jeonju is another place where visitors will see endless side dishes.

The city has a street known as makgeolli alley, which is crowded with restaurants specializing in selling makgeolli, a traditional Korean liquor.

Although most restaurants would give around four to six sides on average, restaurants in the alley will fill the table with over 20 side dishes. The sides aren't simple, but includes memil jeonbyeong, or buckwheat crepes, grilled mackerel, mussel soup and kimchi jjim, or braised kimchi with pork.

Despite the variety of side dishes, restaurants charge around 65,000 won for a four-person meal.

De Oppresso Liber,

David Maxwell

Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy

Senior Fellow, Foundation for Defense of Democracies

Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation

Editor, Small Wars Journal

Twitter: @davidmaxwell161

Phone: 202-573-8647

email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com

De Oppresso Liber,

David Maxwell

Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy

Senior Fellow, Foundation for Defense of Democracies

Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation

Editor, Small Wars Journal

Twitter: @davidmaxwell161

Phone: 202-573-8647

email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com

If you do not read anything else in the 2017 National Security Strategy read this on page 14:

"A democracy is only as resilient as its people. An informed and engaged citizenry is the fundamental requirement for a free and resilient nation. For generations, our society has protected free press, free speech, and free thought. Today, actors such as Russia are using information tools in an attempt to undermine the legitimacy of democracies. Adversaries target media, political processes, financial networks, and personal data. The American public and private sectors must recognize this and work together to defend our way of life. No external threat can be allowed to shake our shared commitment to our values, undermine our system of government, or divide our Nation."

Access NSS HERE

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＜Investigation＞ The authorities start crackdowns based on the Pyongyang Cultural Language Protection Act (1)… “Eliminate South Korean speech, dialects, and loanwords”… The maximum punishment is execution

◆ Major crackdowns begin in April

◆ Severe punishment for using and spreading South Korean style language, with a maximum punishment of the death penalty

◆ What are the crackdowns like?

◆ Crackdowns will continue until the South Korean language is no longer used

＜Investigation＞ The authorities start crackdowns based on the Pyongyang Cultural Language Protection Act (2) “People using South Korean style speech are being arrested”…ASIAPRESS asks its reporting partners about the crackdown

◆ Law stipulates the death penalty as the maximum punishment

◆ New law bans use of “oppa” and “nim”

◆ Ban on people giving their children South Korean style names

◆Investigating the use of South Korean style speech

◆ Even Japanese and other foreign loan words are banned

How YouTube became a force for free speech in South Korea | CNN Business

Political influencers

Platform for free speech

News Factory closed down

Fall and rise

[WHY] Why do Korean restaurants serve so many side dishes?

– Dokdo/Takeshima – (or as the US calls them, Liancourt Rocks)