Informal Institute for National Security Thinkers and Practitioners

Quotes of the Day:


"Wars begin when you will, but they do not end when you please."
– Niccolò Machiavelli

"Without a doubt, psychological warfare has proven its right to a place of dignity in our military arsenal." 
– General Dwight D. Eisenhower

"The influence of politics on war do not belong to the nature of war, but, on the contrary, contradict it." 
– Carl von Clausewitz



​1. The Terrorism Warning Lights Are Blinking Red Again

2. The Cries of Byai Phu (Myanmar, north Korea, Ukraine, Gaza, and Anti-semitism and Israel)

3. How America Turned Stories Into Weapons of War

4. The Sixties’ Toxic Legacy

5. Russian Offensive Campaign Assessment, June 9, 2024

6. Israel–Hamas War (Iran) Update, June 9, 2024

7. Ukraine shows even the toughest tanks can't go to war anymore without cage armor to shield them from exploding drones

8. Israel's special forces hostage rescue was aided by US intelligence, report says

9. US army aided Israel in bloody military op launched from Gaza 'Aid Pier'

10. Fake Aid Truck Used to Carry Out Rescue Operation - US 'Special Cell' Participated in Nuseirat Massacre

11. Israel's special forces hostage rescue was aided by US intelligence, report says

12. Inside Israel’s hostage rescue: Secret plans and a deadly ‘wall of fire’

13. Israel rescues 4 hostages in attacks that kill over 270 Palestinians

14. Ukrainian Activist Traces Roots of War in ‘Centuries of Russian Colonization’

15. Gen Z Plumbers and Construction Workers Are Making #BlueCollar Cool

16. Volodomyr Zelenskyy’s Hail Mary Pass in Manila

17. Israel’s Euphoria Over Hostage Rescue May Be Fleeting

18. Blaming Israel for Rescuing Its People

19. How Israel Saved a Hostage Rescue Mission That Nearly Failed

20. From the Editor: Teamwork Makes the Dream Work - Irregular Warfare Initiative




1. The Terrorism Warning Lights Are Blinking Red Again


Will the warnings be heeded? What is the IC assessing? (they probably appreciate Michael Morrell helping to sound the alarm)


Excerpts:


These steps to identify threats are critical, but action to prevent attacks is even more important. Given the particular vulnerability of the southern border, Biden’s recent executive order to restrict asylum processing is a valuable step toward limiting entry to the United States. But with U.S. Customs and Border Protection reporting close to 200,000 encounters with migrants at this border each month so far in 2024, and with thousands of people each week crossing the border undetected, the government will need to take additional action—including the use of national emergency authorities—to ensure that terrorists are not exploiting this overwhelmed channel to enter the country.
Action is also required to address threats before they come overseas. ISIS-K poses the most immediate threat, but it is based in Afghanistan, where the United States has not had a military presence since its withdrawal in 2021. Washington may therefore need to do something otherwise unthinkable: work with the Taliban. The group, which again rules Afghanistan after two decades of war with the United States, considers ISIS-K an adversary. The possibility of coordinating with the Taliban to target ISIS-K militants has been raised before, including by former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Mark Milley in 2021. Washington does not need to provide weapons to the Taliban or put boots on the ground, but it should consider limited intelligence exchanges in which the United States offers information about possible ISIS-K targets inside Afghanistan in return for information from the Taliban about ISIS-K’s capabilities and plans for overseas attacks. The United States should likewise work with Pakistan, where ISIS-K also operates, to neutralize the group.
Taking these steps would be difficult in the best of times, let alone ahead of an election. But terrorists can strike without warning, and they feel no need to respect the U.S. political calendar. For the past two decades, under both Republican and Democratic administrations, the efforts of thousands of Americans in the military and intelligence communities have spared the country a second 9/11—or worse. This is an extraordinary achievement, but the work is not done. A terrorist attack is a preventable catastrophe. As the threat increases, policymakers must rise to the challenge to protect the U.S. homeland.



The Terrorism Warning Lights Are Blinking Red Again

Echoes of the Run-Up to 9/11

By Graham Allison and Michael Morell

June 10, 2024

Foreign Affairs · by Graham Allison and Michael Morell · June 10, 2024

From his confirmation hearing to become Director of Central Intelligence in May 1997 until September 11, 2001, George Tenet was sounding an alarm about Osama bin Laden and al Qaeda. In those four years before al Qaeda operatives attacked the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, Tenet testified publicly no fewer than ten times about the threat the group posed to U.S. interests at home and abroad. In February 1999, six months after the group bombed the U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, he claimed, “There is not the slightest doubt that Osama bin Laden . . . [is] planning further attacks against us.” In early 2000, he warned Congress again that bin Laden was “foremost among these terrorists, because of the immediacy and seriousness of the threat he poses” and because of his ability to strike “without additional warning.” Al Qaeda’s next attacks, Tenet said, could be “simultaneous” and “spectacular.” In private, Tenet was even more assertive. Breaking with standard protocols, he wrote personal letters to President Bill Clinton expressing his deep conviction about the gravity of the threat. And several times in 2001, he personally discussed his concerns about al Qaeda’s plans with President George W. Bush and National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice. The CIA and the FBI may not have uncovered the time, place, or method of the 9/11 plot, but Tenet’s warnings were prophetic.

Two and a half decades later, Christopher Wray, the director of the FBI, is sounding similar alarms. His discussions within the Biden administration are private, but his testimony to Congress and other public statements could not be more explicit. Testifying in December to members of the Senate Intelligence Committee, Wray said, “When I sat here last year, I walked through how we were already in a heightened threat environment.” Yet after Hamas attacked Israel on October 7, “we’ve seen the threat from foreign terrorists rise to a whole nother level,” he added. In speaking about those threats, Wray has repeatedly drawn attention to security gaps at the United States’ southern border, where thousands of people each week enter the country undetected.

Wray is not the only senior official issuing warnings. Since he became commander of United States Central Command (CENTCOM) in 2022, General Erik Kurilla has been pointing out the worrying capabilities of the terrorist groups his forces are fighting in the Middle East and South Asia. These include al Qaeda, the Islamic State (also known as ISIS), and especially Islamic State Khorasan (ISIS-K), the ISIS affiliate that operates in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Christine Abizaid, the outgoing director of the National Counterterrorism Center, described “an elevated global threat environment” while speaking at a conference in Doha last month. And in testimony before the House Judiciary Committee just last week, U.S. Attorney General Merrick Garland, speaking about the possibility of a terrorist attack on the United States, said that the “threat level . . . has gone up enormously.”

Only with complete access to intelligence information could one form a fully independent view of the threat. But the FBI director’s and the CENTCOM commander’s statements almost certainly reflect the classified intelligence they are reading and the law enforcement and military operations in which their organizations are involved. Their words should be taken seriously. In the years since 9/11, other officials have warned about terrorist threats that, fortunately, did not materialize, but that does not mean Wray’s and Kurilla’s comments today should be discounted. The wax and wane of terrorism warnings over the years has generally corresponded with the level of actual risk. In many cases, too, those warnings triggered government responses that thwarted terrorists’ plans. Given the stakes, complacency is a greater risk than alarmism.

Combined, the stated intentions of terrorist groups, the growing capabilities they have demonstrated in recent successful and failed attacks around the world, and the fact that several serious plots in the United States have been foiled point to an uncomfortable but unavoidable conclusion. Put simply, the United States faces a serious threat of a terrorist attack in the months ahead.

Fortunately, the United States has learned a great deal over the past 30 years about how to combat terrorist threats, including threats that are not yet well defined. President Joe Biden and his administration should now use that playbook. It includes steps the intelligence community should take to better understand the threat, steps to prevent terrorists from entering the United States, and steps to put pressure on terrorist organizations in the countries where they find sanctuary. One of the best models to follow is the set of measures Clinton authorized when the terror threat rose in the summer and fall of 1999. Those steps prevented a number of attacks, including at least one attack on the U.S. homeland. That success—as well as the United States’ failure to prevent 9/11—offers valuable lessons for modern policymakers. Today, as then, it is better to be proactive than reactive.

PIECES OF THE PUZZLE

Without access to classified intelligence, piecing together information from public congressional testimonies, successful terrorist attacks abroad, and foiled plots in the United States and elsewhere is the best way to build a picture of the threat. Clues about unsuccessful attempts in the United States in particular have come into view since the Biden administration persuaded Congress in April to extend Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, the provision that allows the U.S. government to compel U.S. telecommunications and Internet providers to turn over the communications of foreigners outside the United States whose communications travel through the United States.

In at least eight appearances before Congress since last fall—including one just last week—Wray has identified three different categories of threats to the U.S. homeland: international terrorism, domestic terrorism, and state-sponsored terrorism. All three, he told the Senate Judiciary Committee in December, are “simultaneously elevated.”

Testifying before the House Intelligence Committee in March, he said that “the number one category” of terrorist threats in the United States included “lone actors or individuals operating in small cells using readily available weapons.” Noting the influence of Hamas’s October 7 terrorist attack, Wray has warned of “homegrown violent extremists” motivated by both Hamas’s attack and Israel’s response. He has said that the FBI is investigating many such individuals, but he has not provided further detail.

Assessing the threat from abroad, Wray told the Senate Homeland Security Committee last October that Washington cannot “discount the possibility that Hamas or another foreign terrorist organization may . . . conduct attacks here” in the United States. In April, he told the House Appropriations Committee that “the potential for a coordinated attack here in the homeland” was “increasingly concerning.”

The United States faces a serious threat of a terrorist attack in the months ahead.

Wray has focused on one country as a potential state sponsor of terrorism: Iran. In October, he told the Senate Homeland Security Committee that Tehran continues to plot against high-ranking “current or former” U.S. government officials as a means of exacting revenge for the United States’ assassination of senior Iranian military official Qasem Soleimani in January 2020. Although Iranian plans have failed so far, there is no guarantee that the next one will. The successful killing of a U.S. citizen, especially if it takes place on U.S. soil, would not only strike fear among the American public but also plunge Tehran and Washington into a crisis on a scale unseen since the Iranian regime took power in 1979.

The FBI director has also highlighted a specific security vulnerability. In December, Wray warned the Senate Judiciary Committee that foreign terrorists trying to get into the United States have the “ability to exploit any point of entry, including our southwest border.” In March, he drew the Senate Intelligence Committee’s attention to “a particular network [operating on the southern border].” He told the committee that this smuggling network has overseas facilitators with “ISIS ties that we are very concerned about.”

Kurilla has been sounding similar alarms from CENTCOM. The forces under his command conducted 475 ground operations and 45 airstrikes against ISIS targets in Iraq and Syria last year—killing or capturing almost 1,000 of the group’s fighters. In a March statement, Kurilla affirmed that both ISIS and al Qaeda “remain committed to inflicting violence.” Although U.S. forces have kept ISIS from controlling large portions of Iraq and Syria, by Kurilla’s count, the group still has at least 5,000 fighters. Over the span of just two weeks in early 2024, ISIS conducted 275 attacks—its highest rate in years. Al Qaeda, meanwhile, continues to operate from Afghanistan and Yemen.

Kurilla has called particular attention to ISIS-K, the ISIS affiliate in Afghanistan and Pakistan. In March 2023 testimony to the Senate Armed Services Committee, he warned that the group would be able to carry out an “operation against U.S. or Western interests abroad in under six months with little to no warning.” His words proved prescient earlier this year, when ISIS-K mounted the deadliest terror attack Iran had experienced since the founding of the Islamic Republic, where two suicide bombers killed at least 95 people at a memorial on the anniversary of Soleimani’s death. ISIS-K struck again in March, when four terrorists killed 145 people and injured 550 more in a brazen attack on a concert hall in Moscow.

The commander of United States Africa Command (AFRICOM), General Michael Langley, has painted a similar picture. In testimony in March before the Senate Armed Services Committee, Langley noted that al Qaeda and ISIS are exploiting “underdeveloped, undergoverned areas” and that “recent military takeovers in West Africa are giving space to violent extremist organizations.” Langley told the committee that his forces conducted 18 attacks on those terrorist groups in 2023 as part of a larger campaign. His testimony is consistent with the assessment of most terrorism experts in and out of government that al Qaeda and ISIS groups in Africa are thriving.

Law enforcement officers near the Crocus City Hall concert venue outside Moscow, March 2024

Maxim Shemetov / Reuters

Observable trends add weight to these officials’ concerns. Most important is the growing number of both successful and foiled attacks. According to the Global Terrorism Index, deaths from terrorism increased by 22 percent from 2022 to 2023. This year has already seen the two large ISIS-K attacks in Iran and Russia. And were it not for the outstanding work of German intelligence and police, the list of successful acts of terrorism in the past few months would have been longer. German authorities arrested foreign nationals who were allegedly planning attacks on the Cologne Cathedral late last year and the Swedish parliament building in Stockholm in March.

Foiled plots inside the United States should be the ultimate wake-up call. In April 2022, the Justice Department charged an Iranian government official based in Tehran with attempting to hire a hit man to assassinate former U.S. National Security Adviser John Bolton. The following month, the FBI reported that it had thwarted the plans of an Iraqi national living in Ohio to smuggle four people across the southern border to assassinate former President George W. Bush. Most recently, the FBI—as part of the Biden administration’s effort to convince Congress to reauthorize Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act—shared declassified intelligence with Politico showing that the agency had stopped a plot to attack critical infrastructure in the United States last fall. According to the FBI, the organizer inside the United States was in regular contact with a foreign terrorist group, had identified specific targets, and had made sufficient preparations to put the plan into motion.

A final piece of the puzzle is the string of recent statements by terrorist groups calling for attacks. Many pegged their threats to the events of October 7. Shortly after that day’s attack, al Qaeda issued a statement urging Muslims around the world to seize a “once in a lifetime” opportunity to commit acts of violence in support of Hamas’s cause. In January, al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) released videos calling for attacks on commercial flights worldwide and on targets in New York City. And in March, during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, an ISIS-K spokesperson called on individuals to carry out lone-wolf attacks on Christians and Jews in the United States, Europe, and Israel. When terrorist groups make explicit threats to the United States, Washington should listen. It is not uncommon for an adversary to say precisely what they are going to do—as bin Laden did before 9/11.

THE LOGIC OF THE THREAT

Identifying terrorist threats involves identifying motive, means, and opportunity—the three key elements in any criminal investigation. In the case of terrorism, however, one more element is necessary: organizational capacity. If an individual or a group does not have the skills or connections to turn plans into action, they will not cross the threshold from a potential risk to an active one.

Motives abound for potential perpetrators of terrorist attacks. Two decades of war in Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as U.S. drone strikes in more than a dozen other countries, have generated resentment toward the United States that could drive individuals to seek violent retribution. More recently, Israel’s ongoing response to the horrific attacks on October 7 has killed at least 36,000 people (of which more than half are civilians) in Gaza. That operation will have what Director of National Intelligence Avril Haines has called a “generational impact on terrorism” and will create what Kurilla has described as “the conditions for malign actors to sow instability throughout the region and beyond.” The assassination of Soleimani in 2020, too, has prompted Iran to attempt attacks in the United States ever since. These efforts may accelerate as Iran faces a deepening conflict with Israel and instability at home following the death of its president. Even the threat of domestic extremism and lone-wolf attacks—the least predictable forms of terrorism—is likely to grow more serious as the United States approaches a polarized election between two candidates who regularly issue dire warnings that a victory by the other side would be the death knell of American democracy.

Next, consider means and opportunity. Airport security may have tightened significantly since 9/11, but weekly mass shootings prove that it remains relatively easy in the United States to buy high-powered assault weapons and enough ammunition to kill large numbers of people in a short period of time. Last year, hundreds of individuals on the United States’ terrorist watch list attempted to enter the country via the southern border. It is not difficult to imagine a person, or even a group, with the intent to do harm slipping across a border—where U.S. officials reported 2.5 million encounters with migrants in 2023—and then purchasing assault rifles and carrying out a large massacre. There is no shortage of locations across the United States where hundreds, if not thousands, of people gather on a regular basis—and all may be ready targets for those seeking to incite terror.

The final factor is organizational capacity. The United States’ “war on terror” has eliminated large numbers of fighters and planners. But as Kurilla warned earlier this year, ISIS and other groups still have the leadership, foot soldiers, and organizational structures necessary to orchestrate attacks. Wray, too, has urged lawmakers not to take too much comfort in terrorist groups’ shrinking sizes. As he said in December, “let’s not forget that it didn’t take a big number of people on 9/11 to kill 3,000 people.”

PREVENTING THE UNTHINKABLE

The Biden administration already has a lot on its plate, between supporting Ukraine in its fight against Russia’s large-scale invasion, bracing for the possibility that Israel’s failing war against Hamas in Gaza will turn into a wider war against Iranian proxies in the region, and maintaining its focus on China. But policymakers should not underestimate the threat of a terrorist attack inside the United States. Assessments of national security threats must account for both the level of risk and the scale of potential consequences—and in the case of terrorism, both should compel the administration to take action.

Biden should launch a comprehensive campaign to halt any terrorist planning that may be underway, taking a page from the playbook Clinton adopted at the end of his second term. After listening carefully to the intelligence community’s warning about potential terrorist plots, Clinton resolved to take action. The attacks that were prevented at the turn of the century offer lessons today—as do the ones that weren’t prevented on 9/11.

When terrorist groups make explicit threats, Washington should listen.

In the fall of 1999, U.S. intelligence agencies collected information that strongly suggested bin Laden and al Qaeda were preparing to launch multiple attacks to coincide with the millennium. Although the adversary and the timing were clear, the targets and method of attack were not. This lack of detail did not stop Clinton from ordering a swift and sweeping response. As Tenet recounts in his memoir, what followed was a “frenzy of activity”: the CIA conducted operations in 53 countries against 38 targets, including the detention of dozens of suspected terrorists. The CIA engaged foreign partners, most notably working with Canadian authorities to break up an Algerian terror cell in Canada and helping Jordanian authorities arrest 16 terrorists planning an attack on tourists in Amman. As a result, no terrorist group successfully carried out an attack at the millennium. Among the more celebrated successes was the arrest of al Qaeda operative Ahmed Ressam, which thwarted the group’s plan to attack Los Angeles International Airport in December 1999. Immigration officers in Port Angeles, Washington, were on high alert because of the Clinton order, and they pulled Ressam aside at the U.S.-Canadian border crossing. In the trunk of his car, they discovered 100 pounds of high explosives and materials for multiple detonators. Ressam was later convicted on terrorism charges.

For Washington to mount a similar effort to counter today’s terror threat, the intelligence and security community must explain the danger to policymakers and the American public more consistently. Wray and Kurilla have been vocal about their concerns, but other officials have so far been more reserved. It is not clear whether this public reticence is merely a political calculation or an indication of disagreement. To clarify officials’ assessment of the threats, congressional intelligence committees should convene unclassified hearings with the directors of National Intelligence, the CIA, the FBI, and the National Counterterrorism Center and ask each agency to offer its candid views. Diagnosis must precede prescription. Policymakers need a clear picture of the threat before they can determine how to proceed and how to bring the American public on board.

Next, U.S. intelligence agencies should review all previously collected information related to terrorism. A reexamination of earlier reporting can yield new insights or even uncover information that was overlooked the first time. Tenet ordered a similar review in the summer of 2001. Although it did not stop 9/11, the exercise did reveal that the CIA had learned in 1999 that two al Qaeda members who later became hijackers possessed U.S. visas, but the CIA did not put them on the watch list at the time. When this information came to light, the two men were immediately put on the watch list and the FBI began to search for them, albeit unsuccessfully. Similar clues could be out there today, and to find them, intelligence professionals will need to start doing what they call “shaking the trees.” One of the most effective measures they could take would be to ask the United States’ international counterterrorism partners to detain and interview—within their legal authority—individuals with ties to terrorism.

Wray at a Senate Intelligence Committee hearing in Washington, D.C., March 2024

Julia Nikhinson / Reuters

These steps to identify threats are critical, but action to prevent attacks is even more important. Given the particular vulnerability of the southern border, Biden’s recent executive order to restrict asylum processing is a valuable step toward limiting entry to the United States. But with U.S. Customs and Border Protection reporting close to 200,000 encounters with migrants at this border each month so far in 2024, and with thousands of people each week crossing the border undetected, the government will need to take additional action—including the use of national emergency authorities—to ensure that terrorists are not exploiting this overwhelmed channel to enter the country.

Action is also required to address threats before they come overseas. ISIS-K poses the most immediate threat, but it is based in Afghanistan, where the United States has not had a military presence since its withdrawal in 2021. Washington may therefore need to do something otherwise unthinkable: work with the Taliban. The group, which again rules Afghanistan after two decades of war with the United States, considers ISIS-K an adversary. The possibility of coordinating with the Taliban to target ISIS-K militants has been raised before, including by former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Mark Milley in 2021. Washington does not need to provide weapons to the Taliban or put boots on the ground, but it should consider limited intelligence exchanges in which the United States offers information about possible ISIS-K targets inside Afghanistan in return for information from the Taliban about ISIS-K’s capabilities and plans for overseas attacks. The United States should likewise work with Pakistan, where ISIS-K also operates, to neutralize the group.

Taking these steps would be difficult in the best of times, let alone ahead of an election. But terrorists can strike without warning, and they feel no need to respect the U.S. political calendar. For the past two decades, under both Republican and Democratic administrations, the efforts of thousands of Americans in the military and intelligence communities have spared the country a second 9/11—or worse. This is an extraordinary achievement, but the work is not done. A terrorist attack is a preventable catastrophe. As the threat increases, policymakers must rise to the challenge to protect the U.S. homeland.

  • GRAHAM ALLISON is Douglas Dillon Professor of Government at Harvard University.
  • MICHAEL MORELL is Senior Counselor and Global Head of Geostrategic Risk at Beacon Global Strategy. He was Deputy Director of the Central Intelligence Agency.

Foreign Affairs · by Graham Allison and Michael Morell · June 10, 2024


2. The Cries of Byai Phu (Myanmar, north Korea, Ukraine, Gaza, and Anti-semitism and Israel)



Starting the week off with a powerful essay.


One of the minor things that pains me is the co-option of resistance and liberation in support of Hamas and other terrorism organizations and malign actors. Their "resistance" is not the same as Ukrainian resistance or the resistance that will need to take place in Taiwan against the PLA. They are or will be resisting the axis of aggressors/dictators. We should not let those organizations legitimize themselves through the use of the term resistance with its positive connotations against dictators.



The Cries of Byai Phu - Algemeiner.com

algemeiner.com · by The Algemeiner · June 9, 2024

North Korean leader Kim Jong Un speaks during the 8th Congress of the Workers’ Party in Pyongyang, North Korea, in this photo supplied by North Korea’s Central News Agency (KCNA) on January 13, 2021. Photo: KCNA/via REUTERS/File Photo.

Civilians forced to sit in the open for two days, with no sustenance, under a blazing sun. Soldiers handing bottles filled with their own urine to those begging for water. Men bearing tattoos deemed to be politically offensive screaming in agony as their skin is burned off with lighted petrol. Soldiers, many of them drunk, demanding shovels to bury the bodies of those whom they executed. Women, men and children beaten brutally when answering questions barked at them by the soldiers, irrespective of what actually came out of their mouths.

I wish I could give you the details of the demonstration this weekend that’s been organized to protest these foul atrocities, but there isn’t one. These horrors didn’t afflict Palestinians in Gaza, and they weren’t carried out by Israeli troops. They occurred in the village of Byai Phu in the state of Rakhine in the far west of Burma, the East Asian country renamed “Myanmar” following a military coup in 1989. An account of these atrocities—not the first time something like this has happened during the brutal civil war that’s raged for three years and likely not the last—was tucked away in the corner of the BBC News website last week, which I happened to stumble on.

Everyone, it seems, has heard of Rafah, but few people know of Byai Phu, and those who have heard of it now will probably forget its name within a day or two. Yes, life is cruel, and for millions of people around the world, it’s an unceasing struggle to keep themselves and their families alive and afloat amid economic crisis, war and political repression. But that rather trite observation cannot, must not, be the final word.

Instead, let me speak plainly and bluntly. The cause of Palestine has become emblematic of the sickness at the heart of Western culture. It has become a fixation and an obsession, fueled by the ludicrous notion that the presence of a Jewish state and the absence of a Palestinian one “from the river to the sea” is the only explanation for the persistence of conflict and strife in today’s world. The terrible vice that is tunnel vision has become a virtue, something sacred, and challenging this dogma will get you “canceled” in progressive circles.

For the Iranian terror proxies in the Middle East, this state of affairs is cause for delight. “[S]ignificantly, the U.K. youth showed greater interest unfolding of the war on Gaza than in other global conflicts,” the pro-Hezbollah website Al-Mayadeen observed in its report of a June 5 opinion poll showing that 54% of Britons between the ages of 18 to 24 believe that Israel has no right to exist, compared with 21% of the same age group who think the opposite. The same article crowed at the statistic that 38% of young Brits are “very interested” in the war in Gaza, while only 19% feel the same about Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine.

We’ve periodically seen similarly worrying polls about how Israel is regarded throughout the first quarter of the present century. But what’s different, and what makes the question “why?” more urgent now than before, is that Israel is facing a proximate existential threat from Iran and its regional allies. What’s also different is that the world’s authoritarian states are much more emboldened now than they were 20 years ago, bolstered by the puerile notion among many Westerners that there is no essential difference between a country like the United States and one like North Korea.

If you were to ask the same audience whether they believe North Korea, which I’ve described in the past as “not so much a country, but a concentration camp with a seat at the United Nations,” has the right to exist, my informed guess is that the answer would either be “yes” or bemusement that the question was being asked in the first place. They wouldn’t know and wouldn’t care that North Korea is an artificial entity carved out at the close of the Korean War, or that the state exists to service its unchallenged dictator, Kim Jong-un, and his inner circle. Equally, the fact that one of the most grotesque forms of torture practiced in North Korea involves detainees being forced to watch their families being beaten and raped wouldn’t disturb too many of these Palestine Firsters, especially as North Korea vocally supports the Palestinians.

Part of the explanation for this is, of course, antisemitism, which artfully molds itself to fit in with the political agendas of every new generation. It’s also rooted in the notion that human beings aren’t fundamentally equal and equally deserving of the same human and civil rights, irrespective of where they happen to live. The nasty authoritarian streak that courses through progressive circles these days determines that the state—and not the individual—is paramount. If a persecuted or terrorized individual happens to be a citizen of a state damned as an ally of Western imperialism, then they deserve what’s coming to them. It’s not just Israelis, and by extension, Diaspora Jewish communities, that have suffered from this distinction; Ukrainians, Kurds and Burma’s various ethnicities are among those who have suffered from it, too. “All eyes” turn to Rafah because Rafah is being targeted by Israel, and Israel is, according to this schema, the link between police violence against black people in America, or Muslim communities in Europe, and the Palestinians, who—just like Jesus Christ—suffer for all of us.

By the end of this year, if not sooner, Israel may well find itself mired in a new war in Lebanon since Hezbollah shows no sign of ending its terror campaign to make the north of Israel an unlivable zone. There lies the rub; Israel’s first responsibility is to protect its citizens, but each time it does so, its reputation takes another pasting. As the tentacles of the Iranian octopus—Hamas, Hezbollah, Yemen’s Houthi rebels, Islamist militias in Syria and Iraq—squeeze around Israel’s neck, the bitter reality is that many of our own neighbors will enjoy the spectacle. The discourse of peace and equality has been replaced by a fetish for war (“resistance”) and hierarchies of race and religion (“liberation”).

That’s bad news for us, but even worse news for the people of Byai Phu.

algemeiner.com · by The Algemeiner · June 9, 2024



3. How America Turned Stories Into Weapons of War


Dr. Annale Newitz (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Annalee_Newitz) (perhaps unknowingly) provides some "history" (with a lot of spin), that explains why we are so risk averse to psychological warfare/psychological operations.


To summarize Newitz' thesis: they basically argue all our ills and wrongs today - political divisions, culture wars, racism, etc., are all the result of the development of the US Army psychological operations doctrine in 1948.  


You can hear Newitz explain this in their own words at On the Media at the 40 minute mark at this link:  https://www.wnycstudios.org/podcasts/otm/articles/a-former-disinformation-reporter-is-running-the-onion-plus-birds-are-real?utm (The entire On the Media episode is on disinformation and worth listening to.)


Newitz thinks the US military is deliberately and effectively employing PSYOP and the weaponization of stories is far more dangerous than kinetic operations. If only the US military were as good as they think it is.


Excerpts:


Newitz contrasts Bernays’s cynicism with the idealism of Paul Linebarger, who wrote a handbook for the U.S. Army in 1948 called “Psychological Warfare” — offering “the opportunity of strategic advantage without the cataclysmic danger of a worldwide showdown” — and published novels under various pen names. As Cordwainer Smith, he wrote science fiction; he had formidable “worldbuilding” skills that he was able to carry over into the military’s psychological operations, or psyops, designed to influence adversaries’ opinions and behaviors. Given that he believed the alternative to words was the bomb, Linebarger was prone to think about his work in optimistic terms. “Psychological warfare is good for everybody,” he declared, deeming it “the affirmation of the human community against the national divisions which are otherwise accepted in war.”


The book goes on to narrate numerous instances of weaponized storytelling at work. Newitz is so skillful at elucidating such a tangled, morally contentious history that I never felt lost, though I sometimes thought that the word “psyop” was doing a lot of heavy lifting. Is Charles Murray and Richard Herrnstein’s “The Bell Curve,” which claimed that racial disparities in economic success were due mainly to genetics, more usefully characterized as a “psyop” or a terrible, odious book? What kind of analytical purchase is gained by using the phrase “the psyops known as Jim Crow laws” to describe racist legislation whose primary purpose wasn’t just to demoralize Black Americans in the South but to restrict their actual bodies?



NONFICTION

How America Turned Stories Into Weapons of War

In a new book, the journalist and science fiction writer Annalee Newitz shows how we have used narrative to manipulate and coerce.

https://www.nytimes.com/2024/06/05/books/review/stories-are-weapons-annalee-newitz.html



One of Wonder Woman’s earliest appearances in a comic book, in 1942. Her creator, William Moulton Marston, “wanted to empower women” and believed that “propaganda was a progressive force.”Credit...Pictorial Press Ltd/Alamy Stock Photo


By Jennifer Szalai

June 5, 2024

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STORIES ARE WEAPONS: Psychological Warfare and the American Mind, by Annalee Newitz

A story can entertain and inform; it can also deceive and manipulate. Perhaps few stories are as seductive as the ones we tell ourselves about ourselves — those reasonable, principled creatures so many of us presume ourselves to be.

As Annalee Newitz writes in “Stories Are Weapons,” propaganda is premised on exploiting the discrepancy between surface beliefs and unconscious motives. A clever propagandist can get any number of people who see themselves as invariably kindhearted to betray their ideals. Newitz gives the example of anti-immigration campaigns: Make humans so fearful that even pious, churchgoing grandmothers will countenance rounding up their fellow humans in detention camps.

Not that Newitz, a journalist and science fiction author who uses they/them pronouns, depicts all propaganda as necessarily evil. “Stories Are Weapons,” an exploration of our culture wars’ roots in psychological warfare, contains a chapter on comic book artists like William Moulton Marston, the psychologist and creator of Wonder Woman, who “wanted to empower women” and believed that “propaganda was a progressive force.” But much of the book is about stories that have been used to undermine, to exclude and to wound: myths about the frontier and the “last Indian”; pseudo-intellectual treatises expounding junk-science racism; conspiracy theories about “pizza-eating pedophiles”; and moral panics about rainbow stickers.

And then there are the stories that sow confusion. Newitz explains that they began researching this book in the middle of 2020, while the pandemic was raging and the president was promoting the healing powers of sunlight and bleach. The gutting of reproductive rights and the introduction of anti-trans bills, Newitz says, made them feel as if they were under siege.

“For anyone who has been told that they should not be alive,” Newitz writes on the dedication page. “Together we will survive this war.” Stories are weapons — but Newitz argues that they can also open up pathways to peace. “As a fiction writer, I knew there were other ways to get at the truth, to make sense of a world gripped by absurdity and chaos. I had to tell a story.”

That story is introduced through the exploits of two central figures. The first is Freud’s nephew Edward Bernays, a pioneer in the field that became known as “public relations.” To sell Lucky Strike cigarettes to women, Bernays devised a publicity campaign that linked the product to women’s desires for freedom. “Bernays had successfully turned his uncle’s project to promote mental health into a system for manipulating people into behaving irrationally,” Newitz writes, recounting how he later worked with the C.I.A. to drum up antipathy toward Guatemala’s democratically elected government. A prime beneficiary of the eventual coup was Bernays’s client, United Fruit, which owned huge swaths of Guatemalan land.



Newitz contrasts Bernays’s cynicism with the idealism of Paul Linebarger, who wrote a handbook for the U.S. Army in 1948 called “Psychological Warfare” — offering “the opportunity of strategic advantage without the cataclysmic danger of a worldwide showdown” — and published novels under various pen names. As Cordwainer Smith, he wrote science fiction; he had formidable “worldbuilding” skills that he was able to carry over into the military’s psychological operations, or psyops, designed to influence adversaries’ opinions and behaviors. Given that he believed the alternative to words was the bomb, Linebarger was prone to think about his work in optimistic terms. “Psychological warfare is good for everybody,” he declared, deeming it “the affirmation of the human community against the national divisions which are otherwise accepted in war.”

The book goes on to narrate numerous instances of weaponized storytelling at work. Newitz is so skillful at elucidating such a tangled, morally contentious history that I never felt lost, though I sometimes thought that the word “psyop” was doing a lot of heavy lifting. Is Charles Murray and Richard Herrnstein’s “The Bell Curve,” which claimed that racial disparities in economic success were due mainly to genetics, more usefully characterized as a “psyop” or a terrible, odious book? What kind of analytical purchase is gained by using the phrase “the psyops known as Jim Crow laws” to describe racist legislation whose primary purpose wasn’t just to demoralize Black Americans in the South but to restrict their actual bodies?



Of course, military lingo packs an emotional payload, which is presumably why Newitz uses it. Tell people that they’re being pummeled by propaganda or a psyop, and you put them on guard. After all, nobody likes to think they are easily manipulated. Newitz shows how conservatives are well versed in the tactic of declaring harm, too: Denouncing something as “woke propaganda” can mobilize people to boycott Wonder Woman or ban a book.

There is a tension, then, between the imperative to seek the truth and the imperative to win the war. The vocabulary of war divides the world into stark binaries: Whatever helps the cause is good; whatever hampers the cause is bad. Complexities that don’t fit neatly into the ironclad narratives brandished by either side can get obscured.

“Stories Are Weapons” critiques this dynamic, but sometimes Newitz succumbs to the urge to oversimplify. The Internet Research Agency, the Russian troll farm that interfered in the 2016 election by slipping anti-Democratic propaganda into people’s social media feeds, “unleashed a new kind of psyop on the American people,” Newitz writes, presenting the presidency of Donald Trump as proof of concept: “It’s hard to argue with results like the ones we saw in the 2016 election.”

But people have done just that, maintaining that Russian trolls weren’t the decisive factor in Trump’s victory. Even Newitz recognizes that the metaphor of war is constraining and can take their story only so far. They condemn how online disagreements swiftly degenerate into violent recriminations and death threats — something that appalls Newitz, but is arguably made more likely when stories are equated with violent attacks.

Psychological disarmament, along with a commitment to a shared future, is made harder by the decimation of trust during wartime. Still, Newitz is hopeful. Weapons, whether rhetorical or physical, offer the power to dominate, but there’s so much more they cannot do. “We do not reach consensus by threatening one another with death,” Newitz writes. “Instead, we promise one another a better life.”

STORIES ARE WEAPONS: Psychological Warfare and the American Mind | By Annalee Newitz | Norton | 246 pp. | $27.99

Jennifer Szalai is the nonfiction book critic for The Times. More about Jennifer Szalai



4. The Sixties’ Toxic Legacy


Another essay for reflection at the beginning of the week.


NextGen Marxism.


Excerpts:

But woke-friendly corporations, billionaires, foundations, and individuals with impressive foreign ties are demonstrating the effectiveness of funding campus radicals. Echoing similar anti-Western violent hate-marches throughout Europe and elsewhere, these indoctrinated know-nothings burn American flags, vandalize Founders’ statues with Islamist garb, paint swastikas on cemeteries, threaten and attack peaceful fellow students, police, and even janitors.
Fortunately, the majority of ordinary Americans are repelled by such tactics. Will that translate into increased vigilance regarding what students learn, how the media operates, and who wishes to destroy our system of government? Not without concerted and strategic popular engagement. Thus, NextGen Marxism concludes on a positive but urgent note. It is up to each of us to “engage in the process of ensuring that this nation is governed responsibly…. The time is now. We have a country to save.” A civilization, in truth.



The Sixties’ Toxic Legacy

aier.org · by Juliana Pilon · June 4, 2024

Juliana Geran Pilon

– June 4, 2024 Reading Time: 6 minutes


Pro-Palestine protesters’ encampment at the University of California, Los Angeles. April 2024.

The Berlin Wall’s collapse in 1989 was a deceptive victory. Exhilarated by crumbling stones, the West did not notice the crumbling of its own culture. Overlooked, too, was the complete failure of Western intelligence to anticipate not only the timing but the circumstances of the collapse. After “winning” the Cold War, it was back to pursuing the American dream of consumerist happiness. Americans showed little interest in seeking to understand the ideology that, had its lethality been appreciated, might have prevented millions of deaths from totalitarianism. They didn’t know, and they didn’t want to know.

Overconfident, underinformed, and naïve Americans squandered the unique unipolar moment when they stood as the sole superpower in history. They forgot that the age-old dialectic pitting pluralist communities against monolithic autocracies is endemic to history. So, the end of one tyranny can mean the start of another, even more deadly. The American foreign policy establishment had long ignored virulent fundamentalist Islamism, despite its having been brewing for decades, oblivious that its own inattention enabled that growth. Not having taken Osama Bin Laden at his word, America was caught entirely unprepared as a new century of strife dawned. 9/11 was literally a bolt out of the sunny blue sky.

In an instant, everything came to a standstill. A stunned, outraged citizenry demanded safety now. So Congress appropriated money — lots of it. The administration sprang into action. The president declared “an axis of evil,” then hardly ever mentioned it again. How had all this come about? How is Sunni Islamism related to, say, North Korea’s communism or Iran’s theocratic Shiia “democracy”? No clue.

While for the US to do nothing was not an option, waging one war and then another without an articulated strategy, nor the institutional framework to synchronize all elements of national power or adequate counterinsurgency and counterintelligence capabilities, plus nonexistent public diplomacy, was no recipe for victory.

Incompetent statecraft only reinforced the anti-American shift in a culture already being sabotaged. Sixties radicals entrenched in the academy and the media, joined by corporate fellow travelers, were using new and improved tactics. They repurposed an old template: millenarian utopianism in the name of the oppressed. For decades, monovocal professors defined knowledge as a construct benefiting the oppressor-colonialist-capitalists. Truth itself became suspect. Dialogue gave way to insults and a polarizing cacophony took the place of rational discourse.

To understand how this happened, a good primer is the well-researched NextGen Marxism: What It Is and How To Combat It, by Mike Gonzalez, a distinguished former State Department official and Wall Street Journal writer, now a Senior Fellow at the Heritage Foundation, and Katherine Gorka, former presidential appointee at the Department of Homeland Security and expert on terrorism. The latest of a growing number of excellent studies focusing on the effect of cultural Marxism on the Western zeitgeist, the book is a page-turner. It deftly exposes the roots of this ideology — a sinister, fundamentally irrational, civilizational death-wish in the European intellectual tradition.

Set in historical context, this phenomenon begins in the early to mid-nineteenth century, when the lava that had first erupted during the French Revolution erupted again. The brilliant heir of rabbis, Karl Marx — whose hatred of his own religious heritage was excelled only by a diseased vision of a dystopian future where an abstract humanity was exchanged for actual people — created the template for perpetual social upheaval. The book traces how German, Russian, and later Soviet bureaucracies of political warfare used the deeply flawed, self-contradictory cant of “dialectical materialism” as an instrument of power.

In the US, it was opportunistically midwifed through the Critical Theory of the Frankfurt School, which resonated during the Vietnam Era. It would eventually morph into the network that is currently paralyzing America’s campuses. Marxism was perfectly suited to be repurposed, a formidable ideological hydra whose seemingly infinite heads can regenerate according to the “struggle” being singled out for opprobrium: Oppressor, Colonialist, Capitalist, White, Racist, Nazi, Zionist, Satan — Big or Small — etc. In typically sinister semantic inversion, its proponents would assign to their adversary’s kettle the color of their own evil souls.

Gonzalez and Gorka describe this ideology as “a zero-sum view of the world, a world of irreconcilable antagonisms,” where dissent is forbidden, and perfection is perpetually elusive. According to this worldview, America is depraved and must be destroyed, guided by a self-styled elite that believes itself empowered to transform human nature. Revamping economic, political, and personal relationships would presumably reboot Genesis and abolish the Fall. Apples would be rationed.

1989 was pivotal. Moscow bureau chief of the New York Times, Felicity Barringer, captured the moment: “As Karl Marx’s ideological heirs in Communist nations struggle to transform his political legacy, his intellectual heirs on American campuses have virtually completed their own transformation from brash, beleaguered outsiders to assimilated academic insiders.” It was also the year when legal scholars of black, Asian, and at least one Mexican-American descent, officially founded and named the discipline of critical race theory (CRT), which “recognizes that revolutionizing a culture begins with a radical assessment of it.”

And Eric Mann, a former member of the sixties-era terrorist group Weather Underground who had worked for the Black Panthers and had spent prison time for assault and battery, opened the Labor Community Strategy Center to implement the revolutionary blueprint. In 2001, the Center recruited a teenager who would make history: Patrisse Cullors. She took to heart Mann’s call to action: “We have to build a Third World Movement, with third-world people in this country,” leading a “Black/Latinx/Third World united front with an agreed-upon black priority.”

In 2013, Cullors co-founded Black Lives Matter with Alicia Garza, who in 2015 told an audience of fellow revolutionaries: “Black Lives Matter is much more than a hashtag. In fact, [BLM] is an organized network, in twenty-six cities, globally.” She added: “our task is to build the Left.” The occasion was a premier gathering of global Marxists sponsored by the Left Forum in Oakland, California, titled “No Justice, No Peace.” The sinister network of participants and their leaders, constituting what Mann described as “a little division of labor,” are amply referenced.

Their job was uniting every constituency opposed to the Western system of values, and the sixties anti-war movement provided the perfect meme. One gay radical, for example, had told Mann that the Gay Liberation Fund got its name “[b]ecause we believed in the National Liberation Fund of Vietnam. We weren’t just wanting gay marriage, we wanted to overthrow the government as part of being queer.” They had both “come out of the tradition where wherever you started, we’re all trying to make the same revolution.”

Seizing the moment in the post-ideological mirage was crucial. In 1991, Harvard professor Cornell West observed that “the inchoate, scattered yet gathering progressive movement that is emerging across the American landscape… now lacks both the vital moral vocabulary and focused leadership that can constitute and sustain it.” But he predicted that soon “it will be rooted ultimately in current activities by people of color, by labor and ecological groups, by women, by homosexuals.” Four years later, he would author the foreword to the main text of CRT, helping forge the vocabulary and jargon used to infiltrate classrooms, newspapers, and the electronic universe.

In 2001, the anti-capitalist Red Tent went full global, inaugurating the World Social Forum in Porto Alegre, Brazil. Six years later, the American offshoot US Social Forum (USSF) held a massive conference in Atlanta, Georgia, covering all fronts: global warming, economic transformation, race, gender, and more. The topics were veneer; everyone there knew this was “just tactics,” observe Gonzalez and Gorka. “The connecting tissue is Marxism.” The aim is destroying capitalism.

One of the largest workshops, on “revolutionary strategy and organization,” was led by Freedom Road Socialist Organization, the League of Revolutionaries for a New America, Bring the Ruckus, Marxist study groups from the Bay Area and NYC, the Left Forum, and of course, Eric Mann’s LCSC. The comrades were duly getting their marching and (mostly) peaceful-protesting orders. As in the sixties, once again police were called pigs.

Besides race in America, there was race in Palestine — Jews having been relegated to Whiteness. In 2015, Cullors would show up in Gaza alongside the antisemitic cCongresswoman Linda Sarsour, sponsored by National Students for Justice in Palestine (NSJP). A decade later, NSJP is orchestrating nation-wide sit-ins with nifty tents and slick posters advocating “From the River to the Sea” (read: liquidate Israel) and “Genocide Joe,” and free water bottles. Admittedly, Cullors’ lavish lifestyle, enabled by the organization whose unaccounted millions led to its flagship’s fundraising being suspended in California and New York, has set the construction project back a little.

But woke-friendly corporations, billionaires, foundations, and individuals with impressive foreign ties are demonstrating the effectiveness of funding campus radicals. Echoing similar anti-Western violent hate-marches throughout Europe and elsewhere, these indoctrinated know-nothings burn American flags, vandalize Founders’ statues with Islamist garb, paint swastikas on cemeteries, threaten and attack peaceful fellow students, police, and even janitors.

Fortunately, the majority of ordinary Americans are repelled by such tactics. Will that translate into increased vigilance regarding what students learn, how the media operates, and who wishes to destroy our system of government? Not without concerted and strategic popular engagement. Thus, NextGen Marxism concludes on a positive but urgent note. It is up to each of us to “engage in the process of ensuring that this nation is governed responsibly…. The time is now. We have a country to save.” A civilization, in truth.

Dr. Juliana Geran Pilon is Senior Fellow at the Alexander Hamilton Institute for the Study of Western Civilization. Among her books are An Idea Betrayed: Jews, Liberalism and the American Left (2023) The Utopian Conceit and the War on Freedom (2019), and The Art of Peace: Engaging a Complex World (2016).

She has taught at the National Defense University, St. Mary’s College of Maryland, Johns Hopkins University, George Washington University, Emory University, American University, and the Institute of World Politics. She serves on the Israel Journal for Foreign Affairs’ International Board of Advisors and the Information Professionals Association’s Board of Directors.

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aier.org · by Juliana Pilon · June 4, 2024

5. Russian Offensive Campaign Assessment, June 9, 2024


Russian Offensive Campaign Assessment, June 9, 2024


https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-june-9-2024



The US policy change, while a step in the right direction, is by itself inadequate and unable to disrupt Russian operations at scale. ISW assesses that the West maintains the ability to substantially disrupt Russian operations at scale by allowing Ukraine to use Western-provided weapons to strike Russia’s operational rear and deep rear areas in Russian territory.


Key Takeaways:


  • The Biden Administration’s limited policy change permitting Ukraine to use US-provided weapons to strike some Russian military targets in a small area within Russian territory has reduced the size of Russia’s ground sanctuary by only 16 percent at maximum. US policy still preserves at least 84 percent of Russia's ground sanctuary – territory within range of Ukrainian ATACMS.


  • Likely Ukrainian forces struck a Russian Su-57 fighter aircraft at the Akhtubinsk Airfield in Astrakhan Oblast between June 7 and 8.


  • Ukrainian forces may have struck a Russian large landing ship or patrol boat in Yeysk, Krasnodar Krai on the night of June 8 to 9.


  • The Kremlin's concerted effort to remove and arrest senior Russian defense officials may be extending to civilian regional administration officials.


  • The pro-Kremlin Moldovan Victory opposition electoral bloc held its second congress in Moscow on June 9 following a series of meetings between pro-Kremlin Moldovan opposition politicians and Russian officials from June 6 to 9.


  • Former pro-Russian Moldovan president and current head of the Moldovan Socialist Party Igor Dodon gave interviews to Russian state news agencies TASS and RIA Novosti on June 9 in which he promoted several known Kremlin narratives targeting the current Moldovan government – many of which Moldovan opposition politicians also promoted at the Victory bloc congress.


  • The Kremlin will likely try to exploit its ties to Dodon as part of its wider efforts to destabilize Moldovan democracy and influence the Moldovan government.


  • Russian forces recently advanced near Kupyansk, Siversk, Chasiv Yar, Avdiivka, and Donetsk City.


  • Russian officials continue efforts to coerce migrants into military service.



6. Israel–Hamas War (Iran) Update, June 9, 2024


Israel–Hamas War (Iran) Update, June 9, 2024



https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/iran-update-june-9-2024


Key Takeaways:


  • Israel: Israeli War Cabinet minister Benny Gantz resigned from the coalition government on June 9. Gantz’s resignation will not on its own cause the collapse of the Netanyahu government.


  • Rafah: The IDF expects to conclude clearing operations in Rafah in the “next few weeks,” according to an Israeli Army Radio correspondent.


  • Iran: Iran’s Guardian Council approved six candidates to participate in the June 28 Iranian presidential elections. The council only approved one reformist politician, and it disqualified prominent moderate politician Ali Larijani for the second consecutive presidential election.


  • Lebanon: Lebanese Hezbollah has conducted at least 10 attacks into northern Israel since CTP-ISW's last data cutoff on June 8.


  • West Bank: Israeli forces engaged Palestinian fighters in at least three locations across the West Bank since CTP-ISW's last data cut off on June 8.


  • Yemen: A Houthi attack in the Arabian Sea on June 9 caused two ships to catch fire.





7. Ukraine shows even the toughest tanks can't go to war anymore without cage armor to shield them from exploding drones


Ukraine shows even the toughest tanks can't go to war anymore without cage armor to shield them from exploding drones

Business Insider · by Chris Panella

Military & Defense

Chris Panella

2024-06-09T14:18:01Z

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A repair battalion soldier of the Armed Forces of Ukraine prepares slat armor's elements for welding onto a T-64 tank on February 3, 2024 in Donetsk Oblast, Ukraine. Dmytro Larin/Global Images Ukraine via Getty Images

This story is available exclusively to Business Insider subscribers. Become an Insider and start reading now. Have an account? .

  • Recent photos appeared online showing a US-provided Abrams tank with cages to protect against drones.
  • Both sides of the war in Ukraine have been welding cages onto their battle tanks.
  • With drones reshaping modern warfare, tanks will need to adapt to survive on future battlefields.

The heavily armored M1 Abrams tank is widely regarded as one of the best and toughest tanks in Ukraine today, but even it can't ride out without cages to shield it from drones.

The overwhelming presence of drones, including ones that fly into military vehicles and explode or burst into flames, has become a defining element of the war in Ukraine, and both sides are working quickly to adapt to this growing threat.

This story is available exclusively to Business Insider subscribers. Become an Insider and start reading now.

Battle tanks and other armored vehicles, including US-provided Abrams and Bradleys, other Western tanks like the German Leopard, and top Russian tanks like the T-90M, have at times fallen prey to one-way attack drones. In many cases, elite weapons worth millions are being taken out by systems worth only a few hundred dollars.

What started as unusual has become commonplace. Main battle tanks often sport large, welded "cope cages" to stop exploding drones from taking them out. Some have looked crude and ineffective, but more recent models have appeared sturdier, more refined.

The growing consensus is that these cages and defenses like them aren't going anywhere because unmanned systems like those seen in Ukraine are the future of warfare.

"It's absolutely here to stay," Mark Cancian, a retired Marine Corps colonel and a senior advisor at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said.

"The idea has been around for a little while," he said, calling attention to the US employing cages around its Strykers in Iraq and Afghanistan to protect against enemy rocket-propelled grenades. And now," with the ubiquity of drones, it has gained momentum, and I think is now a permanent part of armored vehicles," he added.

US-supplied M1A1 Abrams MBT in Ukrainian service, sporting a significant number of field modifications, including Kontakt-1 ERA bricks and improvised cage armor. pic.twitter.com/gdw5LyGENi
— OSINTtechnical (@Osinttechnical) May 24, 2024

Photos shared online last month showed a US-supplied M1A1 Abrams tank with improvised cages.

Like previously documented examples, the cages look to be built around the sides and top of the turret, giving the tank an exterior defense to protect it from exploding unmanned aerial vehicles, particularly small first-person-view drones.

The recent pictures suggest that even the Abrams, considered the best tank Ukraine's received from its Western alliesneeds some extra help to stop drones and other anti-tank weapons, but that's not necessarily a shocking development.

Related stories

Mick Ryan, a retired Australian major general and strategist following trends in warfare, said that "it shouldn't be surprising that we see a drone cage on an Abrams, just like we see a drone cage on every other tank at this point." He added that when he saw the pictures, he thought, "Well, of course that would happen."

The "Ukrainians," Ryan said, "are smart, they're adaptive, and they're coming up with better ways to protect themselves and maintain combat power." The Ukrainians, notably, aren't the only ones that are adapting, though. The Russians are as well, fielding things like the so-called "turtle tank."

US-supplied M1A1 Abrams MBT in Ukrainian service, sporting a large amount of Kontakt-1 ERA on the hull and extensive turret cage armor. pic.twitter.com/1nRQAFB961
— OSINTtechnical (@Osinttechnical) May 27, 2024

Images of Ukrainian and Russian tanks and armored vehicles with cages have been seen more frequently as first-person-view drone attacks have become more prevalent. Some pictures online back in June 2023 showed a Russian MT-LB and a T-72B tank with a large counter-UAV screen. A video from July captured a Ukrainian M109L SPH with extensive anti-drone cage armor.

And as exploding drones continue to threaten just about anything that moves on the battlefield, the world has seen T-64s, additional T-72s, T-80s, T-90s rocking cages, as well as some Western tanks. In some cases, both sides have also employed electronic warfare devices to jam or disrupt incoming drones. That, too, has come to be considered an important part of the counter-drone fight.

Some cages have appeared more sophisticated than others and proven more effective in combat. Early models looked to only cover specific areas of the vehicles — the top, for example, while the sides and rears were exposed. These cages have also been seen in other conflicts, such as Israel's war in Gaza.

Ukraine's new Abrams tank cage looks like it could be more purposefully designed to add another layer of protection and potentially increase the survivability of the crew.

It's unsurprising to see the designs get better, as both sides seek to innovate and keep their vehicles and crews in battle. "It's been happening throughout the war, they've been responding," Ryan said. "I look at these kind of adaptations, and they're interim steps as we figure out different ways to counter the drone threat."

The T-90M, equipped with a massive cope-cage and drone jamming system.

Source- https://t.co/8oBB6119kn pic.twitter.com/APXqxdG7If
— OSINTtechnical (@Osinttechnical) April 2, 2024

The netting-like cages that Ukraine and Russia are putting on their tanks and armor appear to be a last-ditch effort against anti-tank missiles and artillery as well. Russia, notably, employed cages before the widespread use of drones to stop US-provided Javelin weapons.

But right now, the drones are by far the greatest threat, and the effects on the battlefield in Ukraine are changing the way many militaries are thinking about warfare.

In Iraq and Afghanistan, the US military was able to adapt to the threat of improvised explosive devices that ravaged the underbellies of vehicles. Now, learning from drone usage in Ukraine to improve the coming Abrams and future Bradley replacement is vital.

Cancian explained that because drones, as well as anti-tank weapons, are going to be a growing and enduring presence in war, cages or protective features similar to them are going to become a permanent part of a vehicle's equipment.

"In the future," he explained, "you'll see either tanks will have it already incorporated, or there will be a standard kit you put on."


Business Insider · by Chris Panella


8. Israel's special forces hostage rescue was aided by US intelligence, report says


Israel's special forces hostage rescue was aided by US intelligence, report says

sg.news.yahoo.com · by Rebecca Rommen9 June 2024 at 4:20 am·3-min readLink copied

  • Israel's June 8 hostage rescue was aided by US intelligence, The New York Times reported.
  • US specialists provided key intelligence and logistic support to Israel's military.
  • The operation that freed four hostages caused over 200 Palestinian casualties, Gaza officials said.

Israel's rescue operation that freed four hostages on June 8 was supported by intelligence from US sources, The New York Times reports.

A team of US hostage recovery specialists stationed in Israel provided key intelligence and logistical support to the Israeli military, assisting a daytime operation that brought the hostages back to Israel after being held captive for eight months in Gaza, said several unnamed US and Israeli officials, the report said.

Noa Argamani, Almog Meir Jan, Andrey Kozlov, and Shlomi Ziv were rescued in the special forces operation, which IDF spokesman Rear Adm. Daniel Hagari called "daring."

Palestinian gunmen kidnapped around 240 hostages following the terrorist attacks on Israel on October 7, which killed 1,200 people, mostly civilians.

Argamani's ordeal went viral on social media when she was kidnapped on October 7. She was abducted from the Nova festival via motorbike, and footage of her pleading "Don't kill me!"

The Pentagon and CIA has been providing real-time intelligence from drone surveillance over Gaza, communications intercepts, and other sources, supplementing Israel's capabilities, said the NYT report.

"The United States is supporting all efforts to secure the release of hostages still held by terrorists," National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan said in a statement.

"We won't stop working until all the hostages come home and a cease-fire is reached," said President Joe Biden.

The hostage rescue operation took place in central Gaza's Nuseirat refugee camp.

Gaza's Government Media Office said at least 210 people were killed in the raid, per Al Jazeera.

Hamas' armed al-Qassam Brigades said that Israel's operation also killed some hostages.

Israel, "by committing horrific massacres, was able to free some its hostages, yet it killed some others during the operation," Briades' spokesperson, Abu Ubaida, said on Telegram, per Reuters.

Israeli military spokesperson Peter Lerner called the allegation a "blatant lie," per CNN.

It is not the first time Israel has been accused of killing hostages accidentally.

Efrat Katz, an Israeli grandmother who died on October 7, was likely killed by her own military in a friendly-fire incident.

She was in the process of being abducted from her kibbutz by Hamas militants when her own military opened fire on the vehicle she was traveling in.

In December, the IDF killed three Israeli hostages they mistakenly perceived to be threats.

More than 37,000 people have been killed in Gaza since October 7, according to Gaza's health ministry that Hamas runs.

Read the original article on Business Insider


sg.news.yahoo.com · by Rebecca Rommen9 June 2024 at 4:20 am·3-min readLink copied


9. US army aided Israel in bloody military op launched from Gaza 'Aid Pier'


I have seen no other reporting on this. Is this disinformation? 


I do not have any information about this website other than what is on it.  The best information comes from it X/twitter site:

The Cradle

@TheCradleMedia

The Cradle is an online news magazine covering West Asian geopolitics from within. Support us: http://patreon.com/thecradlemedia

Media & News CompanyWest Asiathecradle.coJoined July 2021


  A scan of the news and podcasts syndicates a strong anti-Israel bias.



US army aided Israel in bloody military op launched from Gaza 'Aid Pier'

The operation saw the mass killing of over 200 Palestinians, with health officials describing the inside of Al-Aqsa Hospital as a 'slaughterhouse'

News Desk

JUN 8, 2024

https://thecradle.co/articles-id/25343?utm

(Photo Credit: US Central Command via AP)

A video shared widely by Hebrew Telegram channels on 8 June shows that the Israeli army made use of the US-built pier installed in central Gaza as part of a bloody rescue operation that saw the killing of at least 210 Palestinians in the Nuseirat refugee camp.


Furthermore, according to Israeli journalist Barak Ravid, a special US military unit specialized in rescuing captives “supported the effort” that decimated the Nuseirat camp.


Multiple Israeli media outlets reported on Saturday afternoon that a special forces unit penetrated deep into the Nuseirat camp to recover four living captives amid heavy bombing by Israeli warplanes.

They were then flown out of Gaza via the US-built pier, which had been reinstalled on the coast on Friday after undergoing tens of millions in repairs.

On Saturday, the Israeli army announced that it has started “securing the coastal area of the US military's Joint Logistics Over-the-Shore (JLOTS) pier in Gaza.”

Upon announcing the project earlier this year, Washington stated that the floating pier was built to serve as a “maritime corridor” to deliver desperately needed aid into Gaza.

“I’m directing the US military to lead an emergency mission to establish a temporary pier on the Gaza coast in the Mediterranean. This pier will facilitate the arrival of large ships loaded with food, water, medicine, and temporary shelters,” US President Joe Biden said earlier this year when announcing plans for the pier, purportedly to make up for an Israeli blockade of all land crossings into the besieged enclave.

Nevertheless, the Palestinian resistance repeatedly warned that the floating pier was built to deliver weapons to Israel.

“The pier is intended to provide cover for Washington’s support for the occupation state with weapons … International and regional talk about introducing aid has had no real impact on the famine in the strip,” Hamas said last month.

The Cradle columnist Suat Delgen recently questioned whether the US-built pier is meant to serve as a “smokescreen for political maneuvers.”

“The suspicion is that the project, while ostensibly ‘facilitating’ aid delivery, might also allow for increased control over the entirety of Gaza under the guise of humanitarian assistance. This control could potentially streamline Israel’s military operations and fortify its strategic positions within Gaza, ultimately influencing the broader geopolitical dynamics of the conflict.”


10. Fake Aid Truck Used to Carry Out Rescue Operation - US 'Special Cell' Participated in Nuseirat Massacre


From the Palestine Chronicle.



Fake Aid Truck Used to Carry Out Rescue Operation - US 'Special Cell' Participated in Nuseirat Massacre

palestinechronicle.com · by admin · June 8, 2024

Exclusive footage obtained by Al-Jazeera showed Israeli special forces using an aid truck to carry out the operation. (Photo: video grab, via Al-Jazeera)

Exclusive footage obtained by Al-Jazeera showed Israeli special forces using an aid truck and a civilian car to carry out the operation.

A US special “hostage cell” played a crucial role in the rescue of four Israeli captives, the American news website Axios reported on Saturday, citing a US administration official.

Meanwhile, exclusive footage obtained by Al-Jazeera showed Israeli special forces using an aid truck and a civilian car to carry out the operation.

The images depict civilian cars escorted by Israeli military tanks penetrating the western areas of the Nuseirat camp, amid a series of unprecedented air raids targeting the camp and various central Gaza Strip areas, resulting in over 200 Palestinian deaths and dozens of injuries so far.

US Dock

The Popular Resistance Committees in Gaza issued a statement, condemning the “horrific massacre committed by the zionist enemy through its planes, warships, tanks, and special forces in the Nuseirat camp”.

“The massacre in the Nusseirat camp clearly and unequivocally reveals and confirms the participation of American enemy forces stationed on the floating dock in killing and slaughtering our people,” the statement continued adding that this happened “despite the criminal American administration’s assertion that this dock’s purpose is solely to pump humanitarian aid”.

The Israeli captives were evacuated from Gaza using the US 'humanitarian' pier. pic.twitter.com/tkY7X1dfDh
— The Palestine Chronicle (@PalestineChron) June 8, 2024

“The resistance’s retention of more than 130 captives after eight months of destructive war, despite all the capabilities of the Zionist enemy and its American and Western allies, from advanced technology, intelligence, and surveillance equipment, is a true pride written by the men of the resistance,” the Committees said.

The statement also warned “the zionist enemy, its criminal leaders, and the families of the Zionist captives,” assuring that “this aggression puts the lives of all captives held by the Resistance factions in serious danger.”

“We call on all media outlets, journalists, media professionals, and social media activists to focus on the zionist massacre committed by the zionist Nazi killers against children and women and to expose these crimes,” the statement concluded.

Families of Captives

The families of the Israeli prisoners emphasized on Saturday that the Israeli government has a duty to return all 120 detainees held in Gaza.

The Israeli newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth reported that an officer in the Yamam Unit was killed during the operation to recover the four detainees.

The Israeli army announced that the operation was coordinated between the Internal Security Service (Shin Bet) and the Special Police Unit from two separate areas in the heart of Nuseirat.

Exclusive Al-Jazeera footage: A group of the Israeli army infiltrated Nuseirat disguised as humanitarian relief workers and used humanitarian aid trucks to release the four captives in the central Gaza Strip. pic.twitter.com/W0vbQSrDsF
— The Palestine Chronicle (@PalestineChron) June 8, 2024

The Israeli Broadcasting Corporation aired images purportedly from the shores of Gaza, showing the transfer of detainees to Israeli army helicopters.

It noted that Palestinian fighters chased and fired upon the vehicle carrying the prisoners, causing damage.

A source mentioned that the army could not insert a helicopter near the evacuation site, necessitating additional reinforcements.

Horrific Massacre

The Government Media Office in Gaza said in a statement on Saturday that the death toll from the massacre in the Nuseirat camp in central Gaza has risen to 210, with over 400 injured.

Meanwhile, the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital is overwhelmed with the injured and the bodies of the deceased, most of whom are children and women.

Due to the lack of beds and basic medical supplies, many have been placed on the floor and in hospital corridors.

Death Toll Rises to 210 in Nuseirat Massacre – Hospital Appeals for Blood, Intl. Intervention (VIDEO)

The Israeli bombing targeted the market in Nuseirat and the area around the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital in Deir Al-Balah.

Hospital spokesman Khalil Al-Dakran stated that many of the wounded are at risk of death due to the severity of their conditions and the lack of medical resources.

Ongoing Genocide

Currently on trial before the International Court of Justice for genocide against Palestinians, Israel has been waging a devastating war on Gaza since October 7.

According to Gaza’s Ministry of Health, 36,801 Palestinians have been killed, and 83,680 wounded in Israel’s ongoing genocide in Gaza starting on October 7.

Moreover, at least 7,000 people are unaccounted for, presumed dead under the rubble of their homes throughout the Strip.

Palestinian and international organizations say that the majority of those killed and wounded are women and children.

Scores Killed – Israel Announces Release of Four Captives amid Unprecedented Bombing of Central Gaza

The Israeli war has resulted in an acute famine, mostly in northern Gaza, resulting in the death of many Palestinians, mostly children.

The Israeli aggression has also resulted in the forceful displacement of nearly two million people from all over the Gaza Strip, with the vast majority of the displaced forced into the densely crowded southern city of Rafah near the border with Egypt – in what has become Palestine’s largest mass exodus since the 1948 Nakba.

Israel says that 1,200 soldiers and civilians were killed during the Al-Aqsa Flood Operation on October 7. Israeli media published reports suggesting that many Israelis were killed on that day by ‘friendly fire’.

(PC, AJA)


palestinechronicle.com · by admin · June 8, 2024



11. Israel's special forces hostage rescue was aided by US intelligence, report says





Israel's special forces hostage rescue was aided by US intelligence, report says

https://sg.news.yahoo.com/israels-special-forces-hostage-rescue-112005539.html?utm

Rebecca Rommen

Sun, 9 June 2024 at 7:20 am GMT-4·3-min read



  • Israel's June 8 hostage rescue was aided by US intelligence, The New York Times reported.
  • US specialists provided key intelligence and logistic support to Israel's military.
  • The operation that freed four hostages caused over 200 Palestinian casualties, Gaza officials said.

Israel's rescue operation that freed four hostages on June 8 was supported by intelligence from US sources, The New York Times reports.

A team of US hostage recovery specialists stationed in Israel provided key intelligence and logistical support to the Israeli military, assisting a daytime operation that brought the hostages back to Israel after being held captive for eight months in Gaza, said several unnamed US and Israeli officials, the report said.

Noa Argamani, Almog Meir Jan, Andrey Kozlov, and Shlomi Ziv were rescued in the special forces operation, which IDF spokesman Rear Adm. Daniel Hagari called "daring."

Palestinian gunmen kidnapped around 240 hostages following the terrorist attacks on Israel on October 7, which killed 1,200 people, mostly civilians.

Argamani's ordeal went viral on social media when she was kidnapped on October 7. She was abducted from the Nova festival via motorbike, and footage of her pleading "Don't kill me!"

The Pentagon and CIA has been providing real-time intelligence from drone surveillance over Gaza, communications intercepts, and other sources, supplementing Israel's capabilities, said the NYT report.

"The United States is supporting all efforts to secure the release of hostages still held by terrorists," National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan said in a statement.

"We won't stop working until all the hostages come home and a cease-fire is reached," said President Joe Biden.

The hostage rescue operation took place in central Gaza's Nuseirat refugee camp.

Gaza's Government Media Office said at least 210 people were killed in the raid, per Al Jazeera.

Hamas' armed al-Qassam Brigades said that Israel's operation also killed some hostages.

Israel, "by committing horrific massacres, was able to free some its hostages, yet it killed some others during the operation," Briades' spokesperson, Abu Ubaida, said on Telegram, per Reuters.

Israeli military spokesperson Peter Lerner called the allegation a "blatant lie," per CNN.

It is not the first time Israel has been accused of killing hostages accidentally.

Efrat Katz, an Israeli grandmother who died on October 7, was likely killed by her own military in a friendly-fire incident.

She was in the process of being abducted from her kibbutz by Hamas militants when her own military opened fire on the vehicle she was traveling in.

In December, the IDF killed three Israeli hostages they mistakenly perceived to be threats.

More than 37,000 people have been killed in Gaza since October 7, according to Gaza's health ministry that Hamas runs.

Read the original article on Business Insider



12. Inside Israel’s hostage rescue: Secret plans and a deadly ‘wall of fire’


And what is wrong with using unmarked (or even marked) civilian or non-military vehicles? Is deception by rescue forces not allied (a rhetorical and sarcastic question).


I would like to point out these statements I heard on Saturday while listening to an NPR report on this event.


“We are all going to die!” someone shouted.

“May God help us,” another person cried. “May God punish Hamas who is the reason for all this!”

https://www.npr.org/2024/06/08/nx-s1-4997026/israel-gaza-hostages-rescued


Excerpts:


On Saturday morning, IDF Chief of Staff Herzi Halevi; Ronen Bar, the head of Shin Bet; and Hagari crowded into a command room lined with video monitors.
At 11 a.m., Halevi said “Go.”
Thousands of personnel were involved in the operation, IDF officials said. It took about 25 minutes for special forces to drive from Israel to Nuseirat. How they got there is still unclear.
Palestinian witnesses described some troops arriving in two undercover vehicles, one of which resembled the trucks used by Israel to bring commercial goods into Gaza. The other was a white Mercedes truck, piled high with furniture and other belongings, a common sight in a camp that’s home to thousands of displaced families.
“The IDF made no use of any civilian trucks,” the military said in a statement.
Two videos verified by The Washington Post show a box truck marked with a brand of dishwashing soap traveling in the company of Israeli armored vehicles on a road about a mile west of the raid. The vehicles head west, away from Nuseirat, and it is unclear whether the videos were filmed before or after the raid.
The white Mercedes is visible in a third verified video filmed from the balcony of a residential building in the center of the camp. Two ladders can be seen resting against the side of a house, leading to an upper floor next to the truck. “Here they have arrived,” says the voice of the woman who furtively filmed the six-second scene.On Saturday morning, IDF Chief of Staff Herzi Halevi; Ronen Bar, the head of Shin Bet; and Hagari crowded into a command room lined with video monitors.



Inside Israel’s hostage rescue: Secret plans and a deadly ‘wall of fire’

This account is based on more than a dozen interviews with former and current Israeli military officials, family members of hostages and Palestinian eyewitnesses.

By Steve HendrixShira RubinLoveday MorrisHeba Farouk Mahfouz and Hajar Harb

June 9, 2024 at 4:27 p.m. EDT

The Washington Post · by Steve Hendrix · June 9, 2024

JERUSALEM — It was a busy weekend morning in the market at the Nuseirat refugee camp, Osama Abu Asi recalled. Fighting could be heard in the distance, but it didn’t keep away the shoppers, who perused the few bags of flour and sugar he had spread on his blanket.

Abu Asi said he did not know that nearby, in an apartment one floor above the street, sat a young dark-haired woman known around the world — last seen in a viral video clip being driven into Gaza on the back of motorcycle on Oct. 7, screaming, “Don’t kill me!”

She was Noa Argamani, one of 250 Israeli hostages taken captive by Hamas.

Her 245th day in captivity had started like most others until, shortly after 11 a.m., she heard a knock at the door, followed by yelling. Suddenly, the room was filled with Israeli soldiers. “You are being rescued!” they shouted in Hebrew.

“They simply came, just like that,” Argamani, 26, would tell her close friend Yan Gorjaldsan hours later.

The rescue operation on Saturday that freed four Israeli hostages and killed more than 270 Palestinians, according to Gaza health officials, was one of the most dramatic and deadly episodes of Israel’s war against Hamas. This account is based on more than a dozen interviews with former and current Israeli military officials, family members of hostages and Palestinian eyewitnesses, as well as analysis of verified video footage.

Middle East conflict

Palestinian women at the site of an Israeli strike on a house in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip on Monday. (Mohammed Salem/Reuters)


Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu told a parliamentary committee Monday that any “claims that we have agreed to a cease-fire without our conditions being met are incorrect.” The remark came as a Hamas official, Suhail Hindi, told The Washington Post that the plan presented publicly by President Biden last week was “still under discussion” by the group.

End of carousel

Argamani and three other Israeli hostages would be extracted from central Gaza and reunited with family in a complex daylight operation involving thousands of troops, technicians and analysts.

It was planned for weeks and executed smoothly, Israeli officials said, until the tight commando raid turned into a firefight with militants. The Israeli military responded with a massive aerial assault on the crowded streets of Nuseirat.

The bombs kept falling and the streets echoed with screams, Abu Asi said.

It was like “doomsday.”

A secret mission

The operation was months in the making.

Since Oct. 7, Israeli intelligence units, with help from their U.S. counterparts, have studied digital clues, drone footage and intercepts to locate the hostages. Recently, they locked in on Nuseirat as the current location for four captives who had been taken from a desert dance rave just outside the border fence with Gaza.

Among them was Argamani, whose wrenching pleas for mercy were among the defining images from the Hamas-led attacks on southern Israel. Israel Defense Forces officials said they knew she had been moved around Gaza more than once during her in time in captivity. Analysts confirmed she was now being held alone in a first-floor apartment; three other hostages — Almog Meir Jan, 22, Andrey Kozlov, 27, and Shlomi Ziv, 41 — were on the third floor of a building nearby.

Planning began in tight secrecy. Mock-ups of the two buildings were constructed for troops to rehearse in, officials said. It mirrored the preparations undertaken by Israeli commandos before their famed rescue of more than 100 hostages in Entebbe, Uganda, in 1976.

For weeks, members of Yamam, a special counterterrorism unit; Shin Bet, the country’s internal security agency; and the IDF drilled over and over for a rare daylight mission.

“We understood that in those apartments with those guards, daytime will be the ultimate surprise,” said Adm. Daniel Hagari, an IDF spokesman.

It would mean greater risk getting into and out of the buildings. And it would mean more Palestinian civilians on the streets.

Some soldiers who took part in the drills did not know their exact purpose, officials said.

“Keeping it a secret was one of the most difficult things,” a commander in the Givati Brigade identified as Lt. Col. Ziv said in an account of the operation published by the IDF.

Commanders waited for the right moment, deploying military earthmovers to prepare the ground inside of Gaza.

“We worked on the roads around Nuseirat and in the nearby city of Deir al-Balah, so that vehicles could pass easily at the moment of truth,” said Maj. Eliav, commander of the Kfir Brigade, whom the IDF identified only by his last name and position in accordance with its rules.

Finally, by Thursday, the military was ready to move. A night meeting of the Security Cabinet was canceled to prevent leaks, according to an Israeli official who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive details.

Netanyahu met with a small group of senior security leaders that night to greenlight the plan.

‘We have the diamond’

On Saturday morning, IDF Chief of Staff Herzi Halevi; Ronen Bar, the head of Shin Bet; and Hagari crowded into a command room lined with video monitors.

At 11 a.m., Halevi said “Go.”

Thousands of personnel were involved in the operation, IDF officials said. It took about 25 minutes for special forces to drive from Israel to Nuseirat. How they got there is still unclear.

Palestinian witnesses described some troops arriving in two undercover vehicles, one of which resembled the trucks used by Israel to bring commercial goods into Gaza. The other was a white Mercedes truck, piled high with furniture and other belongings, a common sight in a camp that’s home to thousands of displaced families.

“The IDF made no use of any civilian trucks,” the military said in a statement.

Two videos verified by The Washington Post show a box truck marked with a brand of dishwashing soap traveling in the company of Israeli armored vehicles on a road about a mile west of the raid. The vehicles head west, away from Nuseirat, and it is unclear whether the videos were filmed before or after the raid.

The white Mercedes is visible in a third verified video filmed from the balcony of a residential building in the center of the camp. Two ladders can be seen resting against the side of a house, leading to an upper floor next to the truck. “Here they have arrived,” says the voice of the woman who furtively filmed the six-second scene.

Hussam Al-Arouqi, 33, was returning from the bakery with his brother Issam, he recounted, when two men in plain clothes and about 10 heavily armed soldiers poured out of the back of the Mercedes. The soldiers opened fire, hitting his brother three times, he said.

“He fell to the ground and started bleeding” and tried to crawl away, Hussam said, adding that Apache helicopters were flying low overhead.

It was more than an hour, he said, before it was safe enough to reach Issam and take him to the hospital in a donkey-drawn cart. Issam remains in critical condition.

Israeli troops succeeded in reaching Argamani’s apartment without tipping off her guards, according to Hagari, who was watching video feeds from drones circling above and soldiers’ helmet cameras. Almost simultaneously, other units entered the building holding the three male hostages, about 220 yards away.

“In Noa Argamani’s building, we surprised them completely,” Hagari said.

The stunned young woman was bustled down the stairs into a vehicle and driven to a helicopter waiting nearby.

Soldiers relayed the good news with a coded phrase: “We have the diamond in our hand.”

The chopper lifted off, heading for a hospital near Tel Aviv. At 12:20 p.m., Argamani’s family was told she was free.

‘A wall of fire’

By then, the operation in Nuseirat had gone off course. The guards with the three male hostages had not been taken by surprise. A Yamam commander was shot as they entered the building. A firefight erupted, exposing the covert mission.

“Immediately it became a war zone,” said Amir Avivi, a reservist brigadier general and former deputy commander of the IDF’s Gaza division who was briefed on the operation.

The soldiers were able to get the three hostages and the injured man into a vehicle, but it broke down under Hamas fire from rifles and rocket-propelled grenades, officials said. At one point, Avivi said, they were forced to abandon the vehicle and seek refuge in a building nearby.

The commanders called for air support.

“The air force started shooting to give them a corridor, a wall of fire,” said retired Maj. Gen. David Tsur, a former Yamam commander.

Explosions rocked the narrow streets, which have only grown more crowded in recent weeks with families displaced by Israel’s offensive in southern Gaza.

There was carnage everywhere, Abu Asi said, including dead women and children. The roads were filled with “tanks, artillery, body parts and injured … nothing but a hall of blood.”

He commandeered the tuk-tuk he used for moving his merchandise and ferried some two dozen dead and injured people to al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital in Deir al-Balah, where he said bodies covered the floor.

“They were shooting and targeting everything,” paramedic Abdel Hamid Ghorab said from nearby al-Awda Hospital, which struggle to treat the rush of wounded. “None of us could even tell what happened outside.”

The Gaza Health Ministry said at least 274 people were killed; it was unclear how many were combatants.

On social media, people frantically shared news of airstrikes and troop movements, posting names and photos of loved ones they were separated from. Later came tributes to the dead.

“Aircraft struck dozens of military targets for the success of the operation,” the IDF said in a statement. “Hamas, in a very cruel and cynical way, is holding hostages inside civilian buildings.”

The Israeli forces with the three hostages battled away from the market and eventually reached the beach. Not far from the temporary pier built by the U.S. Navy to deliver humanitarian aid, a second helicopter was waiting.

The rescued captives scrambled inside and the wounded officer was loaded. He would later die of his injuries.

The chopper hurried the three hostages to freedom as the war raged behind them.

Rubin reported from Tel Aviv, Morris from Berlin, Farouk Mahfouz from Cairo and Harb from London. Hazem Balousha in Cairo, Miriam Berger in Jerusalem and Evan Hill in New York contributed to this report.

The Washington Post · by Steve Hendrix · June 9, 2024



13. Israel rescues 4 hostages in attacks that kill over 270 Palestinians


Stop using Gaza health ministry casualty reports and report more of how the Palestians in Gaza feel. Help separate the Palestinian people from Hamas.


Excerpt:

“We are all going to die!” someone shouted.
“May God help us,” another person cried. “May God punish Hamas who is the reason for all this!”




Israel rescues 4 hostages in attacks that kill over 270 Palestinians

NPR · by By


The rescued hostages were identified as Noa Argamani, 26 (upper left); Almog Meir Jan, 22 (upper right); Shlomi Ziv, 41 (bottom left); and Andrey Kozlov, 27 (bottom right). ‎/AP

TEL AVIV, Israel and NUSEIRAT, Gaza Strip — Israel announced the rescue of four Israeli hostages on Saturday, while Gaza's Health Ministry said at least 274 Palestinians were killed.

Cheers filled Tel Aviv on after Israel announced the rescue of the hostages, all of whom were kidnapped at a music festival during the Oct. 7 attack by Hamas-led militants.

The hostages were identified as Noa Argamani, 26, Almog Meir Jan, 22, Andrey Kozlov, 27, and Shlomi Ziv, 41.


Shlomi Ziv (L), 41, Andrey Kozlov (C), 27, and Almog Meir Jan, 22, arrive by a helicopter at the Sheba Medical Center in Ramat Gan, Israel, on Saturday. Israel's military said on Saturday that it had rescued four Israeli hostages in a "complex special daytime operation" in Nuseirat, a refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip. Maya Levin/for NPR

They were rescued from two separate locations in Nuseirat in central Gaza — in what is the largest recovery of living hostages since the war erupted eight months ago, bringing the total number of rescued hostages to seven.


The operation entailed Israeli airstrikes, which left around 700 Palestinians wounded in addition to the nearly 300 killed, according to Gaza's Health Ministry.

It comes amid negotiations involving Israel and Hamas to bring an end to the war in Gaza.


People wave Israeli flags as they celebrate the rescue and arrival of four Israeli hostages at the Sheba Medical Center in Ramat Gan, Israel, on Saturday. Maya Levin/for NPR


People gather with Israeli national flags outside Sheba Medical Center in Ramat Gan on Saturday. Jack Guez/AFP via Getty Images

Yoav Gallant, Israel’s defense minister, said Saturday he will do everything possible to bring all the hostages home.

"This morning not only did we have a successful operation but also an opportunity to fulfill the goals of this war," he said in Hebrew during on-camera remarks.

Hamas-led militants kidnapped some 250 people on Oct. 7. With the rescue of these four hostages, 120 remain in captivity — about a third of whom are believed dead.


An Army helicopter pilot waves at the crowd as people celebrate the rescue and arrival of four Israeli hostages at the Sheba Medical Center in Ramat Gan on Saturday. Maya Levin/for NPR


People celebrate the rescue and arrival of four Israeli hostages at the Sheba Medical Center in Ramat Gan on Saturday. Maya Levin/for NPR

The Hostages Families Forum, a group representing families of the hostages, issued a statement calling the operation “heroic” and a “miraculous triumph” — while also calling on the Israeli government to bring back the remaining hostages held by Hamas.

"The Israeli government must remember its commitment to bring back all 120 hostages still held by Hamas — the living for rehabilitation, the murdered for burial," the group said in a statement.

Earlier this week, Israel's military confirmed the deaths of four hostages: Amiram Cooper, Haim Perry, Yoram Metzger and Nadav Popplewell. According to the military, their bodies are still being held in Gaza.


Hostages reunite with families, appear in "good medical condition," Israeli officials say

The four hostages were taken on Oct. 7 from the Nova Music and Dance Festival in southern Israel, where nearly 400 people who attended the event were killed or kidnapped by Hamas militants.

נועה, כמה טוב שבאת הביתה  pic.twitter.com/DPakzOFHPT
— יצחק הרצוג Isaac Herzog (@Isaac_Herzog) June 8, 2024

In a joint statement, the Israel Defense Forces, police and Shin Bet domestic security agency said the rescued hostages are "in good medical condition" and have been transferred to a hospital in Israel "for further medical examinations.”

Noa Argamani was among the most well-known hostages after her abduction was filmed and circulated on social media. The video, where she was seen crying for help and taken away on a motorcycle, became emblematic of the horrors of the Oct. 7 attack.

In a phone call with Israeli President Isaac Herzog, Argamani said in Hebrew, “I’m so happy to be here. Thank you for everything. Thank you for this moment.”


Yakov Argamani, the father of Noa Argamani, speaks at a press conference at the Sheba Medical Center in Ramat Gan on Saturday, following her rescue from Gaza. Maya Levin/for NPR

Argamani’s father, Yaakov, said Noa was “fine” and “looks beautiful,” adding that Saturday was his birthday and his daughter’s return was the ultimate gift.

“I want to thank each and every one of you, the President, the Prime Minister, everyone, each and every person. Let us not forget that there are still 120 hostages; we must release them,” he said, according to a press release from the Hostages Families Forum Headquarters.

The Israeli operation leaves a deadly toll in a refugee camp


Palestinians walk among the rubble after four hostages were rescued from Gaza in an Israeli rescue operation on Saturday. Anas Baba/NPR

On Saturday morning, residents in Nuseirat were bombarded by explosions and gunfire erupting from helicopters overhead.

“We are all going to die!” someone shouted.

“May God help us,” another person cried. “May God punish Hamas who is the reason for all this!”

The streets were later covered in blood. The nearby Al-Aqsa hospital — which has been taking in mass casualties daily for the past week as the fighting rages in the area — was overwhelmed yet again with injured people lining the hallways.

The intense bombardment took place near a United Nations school that had been hit by an Israeli strike on Thursday. At least 32 people, including at least seven children, were killed in that strike, according to Dr. Khalil Doqran, spokesman for the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital in central Gaza.

On Saturday, the Israeli military said it was responding to "threats" to its forces in the area. One member of an Israeli counterterrorism unit had died from his injuries during the rescue operation.


The U.S. says negotiations are still underway

The deadly rescue operation comes amid negotiations to end the war in Gaza. Neither Israel and nor Hamas have agreed on the cease-fire proposal put forth by by President Biden last week.

On Saturday, U.S. national security adviser Jake Sullivan commended Israel for rescuing hostages, but also stressed that all of the remaining hostages could be freed if a deal is reached.

"The hostage release and ceasefire deal that is now on the table would secure the release of all the remaining hostages together with security assurances for Israel and relief for the innocent civilians in Gaza," Sullivan said in a statement.


View this post on Instagram

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Meanwhile, Egypt's foreign affairs ministry condemned the Israeli attack on the Nuseirat camp, saying that it was a flagrant violation of international law and urged Israel to stop its military campaign in Gaza.

NPR producer Anas Baba reported from Gaza.

NPR · by By



14. Ukrainian Activist Traces Roots of War in ‘Centuries of Russian Colonization’



Ukrainian Activist Traces Roots of War in ‘Centuries of Russian Colonization’


By Constant Méheut

Reporting from Kyiv, Ukraine

June 9, 2024, 5:00 a.m. ET

The New York Times · by Constant Méheut · June 9, 2024

The Global Profile

One Ukrainian researcher and podcaster is a leading voice in efforts to rethink Ukrainian-Russian relations through the prism of colonialism.

Listen to this article · 8:37 min Learn more


Mariam Naiem, left, recording an episode of her podcast with Valentyna Sotnykova, her co-host, and Vasyl Baydak, a Ukrainian stand-up comedian, in Kyiv last month.Credit...Brendan Hoffman for The New York Times


June 9, 2024, 5:00 a.m. ET

On a recent afternoon in Kyiv, a professor of literature and a stand-up comedian ​got together to talk about Russian colonialism, a subject that has become ​a preoccupation among Ukrainian activists, cultural figures and bookstore owners.

​The moderator of the discussion, which was recorded for a new podcast for Ukraine’s national public broadcaster, was Mariam Naiem, a graphic designer and former philosophy student who has become an unlikely expert on the topic.

“This war is just the continuation of centuries of Russian colonization,” said Ms. Naiem, 32, ​referring to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. “It’s the same playbook.”

Russia’s long cultural and political domination of Ukraine, first through its empire and then the Soviet Union, had left an indelible mark, the podcast guests agreed, as they lamented being more fluent in Russian poems and films than in their own nation’s cultural treasures.

The goal of the podcast, Ms. Naiem said, was to solve this problem and “talk about our personal and social path of decolonization.”

It may have seemed an odd moment of cultural introspection in a war-battered country with urgent problems like how to repel Russian troops advancing along the front line.

But Ms. Naiem and many Ukrainians say that to understand Russia’s war in Ukraine — and its trail of razed citiesdisplaced children and looted museums — it is crucial to examine how Russia has long exerted its influence over their country.

The daughter of a Ukrainian mother and an Afghan father, Ms. Naiem is emblematic of a new generation of Ukrainians who, since Moscow invaded in February 2022, have been trying to rebuild their identity free of Russian influence. Much of this effort has focused on examining Russia’s history in Ukraine and highlighting its colonial imprint.

Busts and statues of Vladimir Lenin, Joseph Stalin and other Communist Party figures from the Soviet era displayed at an informal outdoor museum in Kyiv.Credit...Brendan Hoffman for The New York Times

They have read famous theorists of decolonization like Edward Said and Frantz Fanon, talked of “decolonizing Ukraine” in Harvard lecture halls and gone on book tours around Europe to press their case.

Ms. Naiem has emerged as a leading voice in this movement. She studied philosophy at the Kyiv-based Taras Shevchenko National University and has also done a stint as a researcher with Jason Stanley, a professor of philosophy at Yale University.

Last year, she hosted an award-winning podcast on the theoretical foundations of Russian colonialism. In addition to the new podcast she is currently recording, she is now writing a book to help Ukrainians “decolonize” themselves, she said.

“She has seriously influenced me intellectually,” Mr. Stanley told Babel.ua, a Ukrainian online news outlet, last year. He added that she convinced him that Ukraine’s post-colonial history was not being studied enough and that “it should be changed.”

That is not an easy task. To call Russia a colonial empire is to challenge decades of scholarship that has shied away from viewing Russia’s history through a colonial prism. Russia’s shared history with Ukraine is complex and less marked by relations of racial hierarchy and economic subjugation typical of colonialism, many scholars have argued.

But Ms. Naiem and others say Russia’s centuries-long efforts to impose its language on Ukraine, occupy its territory with settlers and rewrite its history from Moscow’s perspective are all hallmarks of colonialism.

Ms. Naiem said it took the war for Ukrainians to take stock of this legacy and finally begin to “decolonize” themselves. She cited the example of the many people who have switched from speaking Russian to Ukrainian.

“This is exactly a decolonial act,” she said.

“This war is just the continuation of centuries of Russian colonization,” said Ms. Naiem, whose mother is Ukrainian and whose father is Afghan. “It’s the same playbook.”Credit...Brendan Hoffman for The New York Times

While many Ukrainians have devoted their time to raising money for the army or rebuilding destroyed houses, Ms. Naiem’s activism has been more intellectual, focused on deconstructing Russian influences, including those that shaped her.

She was born into a Russian-speaking family in Kyiv in 1992. Her father was a former education minister in Afghanistan who left Kabul after the Soviet invasion in 1979. She has two brothers, Mustafa, a leading figure of Ukraine’s 2014 Maidan revolution, and Masi, who lost an eye fighting Russian troops in 2022.

When she grew up in a newly independent Ukraine in the 1990s, the country’s cultural scene was dominated by Russian music, TV shows and books.

At school, classes were in Ukrainian, but “it wasn’t cool” to speak it in the playground, she said. Russian literature was also “cooler” than Ukrainian literature, she recalled thinking, “more mysterious, more complicated.” Some of the novels she read belittled Ukrainians as uneducated people.

“Turgenev pushed me to consider myself more Russian than Ukrainian,” Ms. Naiem wrote on Instagram two years ago, referring to the 19th-century Russian novelist. “Because I didn’t want to be that funny Ukrainian.”

It took Ms. Naiem many years, and many new books, to shake off these views.

During the pandemic, she buried herself in “Imperial Knowledge: Russian Literature and Colonialism,” a book by the Polish American scholar Ewa Thompson that argues that writers like Pushkin and Tolstoy helped legitimized Russia’s colonial ambitions.

“I realized that centuries of colonialism had seeped into my mind,” Ms. Naiem said.

A monument to the Pereiaslav Agreement, commemorating the 17th-century treaty between Ukrainian Cossacks and the Russian czar, after being partly dismantled.Credit...Brendan Hoffman for The New York Times

After the Russian invasion, she wrote about her research on her Instagram page, which is followed by 22,000 people, arguing that Russia’s efforts to erase Ukrainian culture and identity are rooted in a long history of colonialism.

Her posts attracted attention and persuaded her to spread the word further. In addition to her podcasting, she has given interviews to Ukrainian media on colonialism and filled her Instagram page with more posts, questioning, for example, the place of Mikhail Bulgakov, a Kyiv-born Soviet writer who ridiculed Ukrainians, in Ukrainian school curricula.

The response has been overwhelmingly positive.

On a recent afternoon at a music festival in Kyiv, a passer-by thanked her for her efforts, one of several people that day who told her they had learned a lot from her podcasts.

Still, much of her time remains spent trying to convince people that talking of Russian colonialism is relevant.

Volodymyr Yermolenko, a Ukrainian philosopher, said the topic had long been viewed with skepticism.

Unlike Western colonies, which were often far-distant, overseas places, Russian colonies were adjacent territories, he said. Russian colonialism also never made racial exclusion a core policy, he added. Instead, it was based on the no-less violent “idea of sameness,” meaning that the colonized should surrender their identity and adopt the norms of the colonizer.

A defaced plaque with the face of Mikhail Bulgakov on the wall of the home where he once lived, now a museum.Credit...Brendan Hoffman for The New York Times

Mr. Yermolenko said colonial motives were evident in President Vladimir V. Putin’s claim that Ukrainians and Russians were “one people.”

“People long didn’t want to hear about Russian colonialism,” Mr. Yermolenko said. “Only now are we kind of seeing the first steps of intellectual debunking.”

Since Russia’s invasion began, some scholars have described it as a “colonial war” or one of recolonization. President Emmanuel Macron, who himself has had to confront the legacy of French colonialism, has accused Russia of being “one of the last colonial imperial powers.”

Ukrainian authorities have also launched efforts to break free of Russian influences, such as toppling Soviet-era statues and banning Russian place names. But they have stopped short of calling it a process of “decolonization,” to Ms. Naiem’s frustration.

“We’re doing the cake without the recipe,” she said. “We need the recipe.”

Still, she is pleased that a discussion about Russian colonialism has taken root.

On a recent afternoon in central Kyiv, Ms. Naiem stepped into a large bookstore and stared at a long table covered with recently published books.

“Let’s see how many are about colonialism,” she said.

“This one, this one,” she said, as she grabbed book after book — one on Russia’s dominance of Ukrainian cultural life, another about rebellious Ukrainian writers of the 1960s — and piled them up on a corner of the table.

After a few minutes, the pile had grown to 21 books.

Constant Méheut reports on the war in Ukraine, including battlefield developments, attacks on civilian centers and how the war is affecting its people. More about Constant Méheut

See more on: Russia-Ukraine War


The New York Times · by Constant Méheut · June 9, 2024


​15. Gen Z Plumbers and Construction Workers Are Making #BlueCollar Cool


The world is changing.


Gen Z Plumbers and Construction Workers Are Making #BlueCollar Cool

Young social-media stars earn more from TikTok than from their day jobs; ‘You don’t have to get your bachelor’s to be happy.’

https://www.wsj.com/lifestyle/careers/gen-z-plumbers-and-construction-workers-are-making-bluecollar-cool-0c386274?mod=latest_headlines



By Te-Ping ChenFollow

 | Photographs by Adrienne Grunwald for The Wall Street Journal

June 9, 2024 9:00 pm ET

Most of the time, when Lexis Czumak-Abreu is stripping cables in a ditch or troubleshooting a sparking outlet, the size of her fan base doesn’t mean too much to her. 

But then she’ll be strolling through the airport in Las Vegas, and a stranger will call her name. 

Some 2.2 million people on TikTok, Instagram and Facebook watch Czumak-Abreu do her work as an electrician in Cornwall, N.Y. Maybe you are one of them. Did you see her recently atop a bucket truck, adding utility outlets to power poles? Or fixing an electric panel in a water-damaged basement?  

“You feel just like a normal person, until you actually get confronted by people and you’re like, oh, my goodness, this is real, people know who I am,” says Czumak-Abreu, the 27-year-old daughter and granddaughter of electricians. Since she began posting videos from her job in 2022, she’s gotten thousands of messages from viewers saying she sparked their interest in trade work. 




Czumak-Abreu’s celebrity has grown to the point where she’s sometimes recognized on the street and in airports.

Czumak-Abreu’s path is one that more young Americans are considering. Skepticism about the cost and value of four-year degrees is growing, and enrollment in vocational programs has risen as young people pursue well-paying jobs that don’t require desks or so much debt, and come with the potential to be your own boss. 

The number of students enrolled in vocational-focused community colleges rose 16% last year to its highest level since the National Student Clearinghouse began tracking such data in 2018.

Fostering that appeal are workers like Czumak-Abreu, whose short videos have racked up millions of views. Some skilled-trades influencers are so popular, they’re making more money as influencers than they do plumbing or wiring. Homeowners who’ve taken to watching do-it-yourself YouTube tutorials and attempting their own sink or ceiling-fan installations are also tuning in. 

Czumak-Abreu makes $200,000 a year from clicks and brand deals with companies like Klein Tools and Carhartt, though she continues to work, often seven days a week.

“I want my company to understand I’m a reliable employee,” she says, adding that if she cut her hours, she’d miss out on the commercial jobs that form the dramatic backbone of her feed, with their oversize coils of cable, outdoor trenches and heavy machinery.  


Interest in skilled-trade jobs has soared on platforms like TikTok, and in influencers like Czumak-Abreu, who recently added utility outlets to power poles in Cornwall, N.Y.

Gen Z career aspirations

In 2021, Sacramento, Calif.-based plumber Evan Berns, 23, posted a video to TikTok of himself removing a water heater with a dolly. By the time he woke the next morning, it had 470,000 views, spurring him to do more. 

Berns, who works for Motherflushers, a plumbing company, says he’s found ways to make plumbing more visually appealing: “I speed it up, I cut out all the boring parts so it’s real exciting and fast-paced, and add cool music.”  

Simple curiosity about other peoples’ work lives drives lots of clicks, especially when videos feature things viewers ordinarily don’t see—the inside of a house’s walls, say—or satisfy curiosity about how the world works, says Jim Louderback, until recently CEO of VidCon, an annual conference for influencers.

On TikTok, the hashtag #bluecollar drew 500k posts in the first four months of this year, up 64% over the same period in 2023. Posts hashtagged #electrician increased 77% over the same time, with #constructionworker and #mechanic posting similar jumps, TikTok says. 

Blowing up stereotypes 

Many posts tout the wages blue-collar workers can make. Pay for new hires in construction now outstrips pay for new hires in professional services like accounting, according to ADP data. Skilled-trade influencers say they’re also trying to combat decades of stereotypes in which practitioners were seen as grease monkeys or stuck in low-end careers. 

“There’s this idea that most welders are kinda dirty, like at a muffler shop,” says Chloe Hudson, 31, who welds for Joe Gibbs Manufacturing Solutions in Huntersville, N.C. Welding delicate skeins of metal into airships, as she does, bears no relation to the stereotypes, she adds.

Hudson, whose Instagram posts show her welding with full makeup and mascara, describes her workplace as “the Taj Mahal of welding.” Her goal: Show women it’s OK to be feminine in a male-dominated industry.  

“We’ve made it more appealing. We have nice vehicles. We own homes, we are successful,” says Matt Panella, 27, a carpenter who drives a Tesla, and whose detailed how-to videos and time-lapses of him erecting house frames in central California have earned him a strong YouTube following, along with more than $200,000 in annual sponsor income from companies such as 3M. 

Projects hit snags, including poor weather or permitting delays, slowing down work and making it harder to film the videos they’ve promised their sponsors, influencers say. 

“I can’t just go film content if nothing’s happening,” Panella say​s.




Skilled-trade influencers say they’re fighting decades of ste​reotyping of practitioners as stuck in low-end careers.

CHLOE HUDSON; EVAN BERNS; MATT PANELLA

New recruits take note 

When it works, social media can drive business, and even inspire new recruits. In Parker, Colo., John Coffman has owned a construction company for decades. After his son Jarod, 22, partly inspired by Panella, began working as a framer and posting videos on social media, prospective workers started approaching the Coffmans out of the blue—even from other states.

“Kids aren’t going to job sites saying, hey, man, can you hire me? They’re getting to know it on social media, giving them the idea that this is a legit possibility,” says the elder Coffman.

Pfister Faucets spent $2 million to produce a YouTube documentary series, now in its fifth season, highlighting the lives of plumbers around the country. 

It boasts its own theme song by country singer Craig Morgan. (“Some days I’m working before the sun kisses the sky/Watch the world wake up from the seat of my truck/I’m out here earning my piece of the pie/A good honest buck/No, it ain’t luck.”) The shows, aimed at getting people interested in plumbing as a career, have racked up 13 million views, with half coming from people ages 34 and younger. 

“Without plumbers, our product doesn’t get installed,” says Spencer Brown, Pfister’s senior director of sales.






Those voices matter, says Madison Conrad, 26, a technician at manufacturer Roush Yates Engines. As a teenager, Conrad recalls watching YouTube videos featuring female Nascar mechanics and showing them to her mom as proof her career goals were possible.

Every job has downsides

Work in the trades isn’t easy on the body, says David Coleman, 34, a handyman specializing in mechanical work who underwent back surgery after years of crawling under sinks and into crawl spaces. Social media, he adds, is harder in other ways. 

During the pandemic, he made training videos to help co-workers who were new on the job, then posted some online at a colleague’s suggestion. Four years later, he says he earns around $500,000 in annual income from social media, including an Amazon marketing program for influencers who make videos for the retailer’s platform. 

The life sounds glamorous, but he grew addicted to refreshing his feed. His fixation on going viral took him away from the things he loved, he says, like fishing and time with family.

“I didn’t have any motivation to do anything that wouldn’t generate likes, follows and dollar signs. There was an emptiness to it,” he says.

Coleman still posts but less frequently than before, and says he expects his income to take a hit. He’s found respite in church—and a renewed focus on why he started posting in the first place.

“You don’t have to get your bachelor’s to be happy or successful,” he says. “Social media is not something I’d recommend to a lot of people, but there are definitely a lot of advantages to being in the trades.”  


Despite her income as an influencer, Czumak-Abreu says she’ll continue to work as an electrician: ‘It’s really important for me to be credible and authentic.’

Write to Te-Ping Chen at Te-ping.Chen@wsj.com



16. Volodomyr Zelenskyy’s Hail Mary Pass in Manila



"...Zelenskyy’s Manila stopover gave the finger to Beijing and Manila’s reception did the same..."


Excerpts:


Pleading scheduling conflicts, President Ferdinand Marcos Jr said he was pleased his Ukrainian counterpart was able to squeeze in a Manila visit despite their being unable to schedule one while they were both in Singapore. So it had to be: Marcos had his own message to deliver there, as did Zelenskyy, and for both to meet on the sidelines of the Singapore blabfest would have muddled both their messages. This way, Zelenskyy’s Manila stopover gave the finger to Beijing and Manila’s reception did the same—and gifted the Dutertes with the same gesture, since it was a bilateral featured in the world’s media.
Still, Zelenskyy is engaged in a Hail Mary pass, a last-ditch effort to round up global support to counter the increasing probability of Russian success in the field.
For his part, Marcos can look to side deals for Ukrainian wheat, and for a pat on the back from Western nations and their allies. Resistance from the Philippines’ diplomatic service and the military brass to Duterte’s pivot to Moscow means there is little to lose by slighting Putin. But both he and Zelenskyy must be beyond bothered by the possibility of a restoration of Donald Trump to the US presidency: a potential state of affairs which might be bothering both Moscow and Beijing a lot less.



POLITICS

Volodomyr Zelenskyy’s Hail Mary Pass in Manila

Last-ditch effort for global support given increasing Russian prowess on the battlefield

https://www.asiasentinel.com/p/volodomyr-zelenskyy-hail-mary-pass-manila?utm

JUN 10, 2024

∙ PAID


Share

By: Manuel L. Quezon III

Bongbong! Send money!

Embattled Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s surprise whirlwind visit to Manila on June 3 was the kind of thing any Filipino president would appreciate: A pit stop specifically meant to court Philippine support which telegraphs that the Philippines – and its president, essentially one and the same thing in the eyes of our presidents -- matters. For Zelenskyy, it gave him the opportunity to repeat his core message in Singapore: that the People’s Republic of China is in an out-and-out alliance with Russia, using its regional influence in support of Russian aims.

Those aims increasingly seem unachievable. As The New York Times put it yesterday, “Officially, Ukraine still talks about total victory, pushing Russia out of every inch of territory it seized since the February 2022 invasion … But in Washington, those rallying calls sound increasingly unrealistic. Russia appears to be regaining momentum.” Zelenskyy has spent the past two weeks publicly asking for support to pressure his American counterpart to relax restrictions on using United States-sourced arms against Russia. Over the weekend, President Joe Biden finally ordered a small and very partial relaxation of the restriction.

Thus, even as the stockpiles of the Western alliance dwindled, Russia rallied Iranian, North Korean, and Chinese support to beef up its own ramped-up armament production with increased exports of their own, with China steadfastly denying any involvement. Between Europe and America’s inability to ramp up production, Washington’s bickering over and, thus, delaying funding for support for Ukraine, Russia can now look forward to reaping the expensive rewards of a war of attrition it can afford, but which Ukraine can’t.

Zelenskyy is thus wise to seek friends where he can. After initial successes following Russia’s February 2022 invasion in which the Ukrainians regained about half of their lost territory, the Russian military command has been slowly eating away at Ukrainian defenses – at a terrible cost to both sides. Russia is estimated by US intelligence sources to have lost 350,000 dead and wounded. Ukraine’s losses have been fewer, but are still massive in a meat-grinder struggle that has produced proportionate losses unseen since perhaps the days of World War I. Both sides have had to resort to the draft to find conscripts unwilling to face slaughter. In addition, Russia has slowly been destroying Ukraine’s infrastructure, with perhaps 40 percent of its electricity generation facilities now in ruins. The Institute for the Study of War has observed a "pulsing" of Russian offensive operations along the front in recent months, wherein Russian forces alternate between intensified assaults and a lower operational tempo to replenish losses.

Time is on Russia’s side, with Ukraine fighting a defensive war. Although Russian raw material exports have suffered badly as a result of Western boycotts and nearly half of the country’s gold and foreign exchange reserves have been frozen for more than two years and European leaders want to divert them to paying for Ukrainian defenses -- the Russian economy is continuing to grow and incomes of many Russians are going up. From somewhere, Russian President Vladimir Putin has produced the resources for a 70 percent increase in 2024 military spending over 2023 to almost 11 trillion rubles (US$122 billion).

This staying power, combined with genuine innovations –learning from experience in the field, as they did with a similarly brutal 1994 occupation of Chechnya, means the solidarity of a US-led alliance is showing signs of uncertainty and even fatigue as doubts increase over American commitment to its allies and the “rules-based international order.”

Fresh from a Washington summit in which the premier of Japan was essentially handed the torch of regional leadership by Uncle Sam, Prime Minister Fumio Kishida found it prudent to attend a tripartite summit hosted by the president of South Korea with the premier of China—where little of significance was agreed on, but the symbolic point of recognizing the need to keep engaged, was made.

Which adds context to Zelenskyy’s interviews in which he said he wanted to solicit Manila’s attendance in the Swiss summit meant to talk peace in Ukraine—to which Moscow isn’t invited, and which Beijing says it won’t attend as a result. Dropping by Manila was a pointed gesture, internationally and domestically. Internationally, as it appeals to Manila’s traditional identification with freedom and its more recent resurgence as a principled opponent of Chinese ambitions in the region; domestically, because it further polishes President Marcos’ aspirations to project visibility on the global stage as a plucky ally of the West, in contrast to the arguably foolish and definitely far-from-popular cozying up to both Beijing and Moscow by his predecessor.

Pleading scheduling conflicts, President Ferdinand Marcos Jr said he was pleased his Ukrainian counterpart was able to squeeze in a Manila visit despite their being unable to schedule one while they were both in Singapore. So it had to be: Marcos had his own message to deliver there, as did Zelenskyy, and for both to meet on the sidelines of the Singapore blabfest would have muddled both their messages. This way, Zelenskyy’s Manila stopover gave the finger to Beijing and Manila’s reception did the same—and gifted the Dutertes with the same gesture, since it was a bilateral featured in the world’s media.

Still, Zelenskyy is engaged in a Hail Mary pass, a last-ditch effort to round up global support to counter the increasing probability of Russian success in the field.

For his part, Marcos can look to side deals for Ukrainian wheat, and for a pat on the back from Western nations and their allies. Resistance from the Philippines’ diplomatic service and the military brass to Duterte’s pivot to Moscow means there is little to lose by slighting Putin. But both he and Zelenskyy must be beyond bothered by the possibility of a restoration of Donald Trump to the US presidency: a potential state of affairs which might be bothering both Moscow and Beijing a lot less.

Manuel Quezon III is an occasional contributor to Asia Sentinel. A version of this recently appeared in his column ‘The Long View’ in the Philippine Daily Inquirer





17. Israel’s Euphoria Over Hostage Rescue May Be Fleeting


It is disappointing to read from the press and pundits that some feel it was wrong to try to rescue their hostages.


Statements such as this:

The rescue mission “doesn’t solve a single one of the problems that Israel has been facing ever since Oct. 7,” Nahum Barnea, a leading Israeli political columnist, wrote in the popular Yediot Ahronot newspaper on Sunday.
“It doesn’t solve the problem in the north; it doesn’t solve the problem in Gaza; and it doesn’t solve the slew of other problems that threaten Israel in the international arena,” he added.




Israel’s Euphoria Over Hostage Rescue May Be Fleeting


By Isabel Kershner

Reporting from Jerusalem

June 9, 2024

The New York Times · by Isabel Kershner · June 10, 2024

news analysis

The operation conducted by Israel’s military to free four hostages resulted in a high death toll among Palestinians and has not resolved the challenges facing the Israeli government.

Listen to this article · 8:46 min Learn more


A rally on Saturday in Tel Aviv in support of hostages in Gaza.Credit...Marko Djurica/Reuters


By

Reporting from Jerusalem

June 9, 2024

For months, Israelis had heard only about hostages being killed or declared dead in Gaza. The “lucky” families were those whose loved ones’ remains were retrieved by soldiers, at great risk, and brought home to Israel for burial.

So the audacious rescue on Saturday of four living hostages instantly raised morale in Israel and offered at least a momentary victory for the country’s embattled prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu.

But by Sunday, euphoria was already giving way to a harsher reality. The heavy air and ground assault that accompanied the rescue killed scores of Palestinians, including civilians, according to Gaza health officials, puncturing Israel’s claims that the operation was a resounding success, at least internationally. And the operation failed to resolve any of the deep dilemmas and challenges vexing the Israeli government, according to analysts.

Eight months into its grinding war in Gaza, Israel still appears to be far from achieving its stated objectives of dismantling Hamas’s military and governing capabilities. And Israelis fear that time is running out for many of the hostages in Gaza. About a third of the 120 that remain have already been declared dead by Israeli authorities.

Andrey Kozlov, center, and Almog Meir Jan, second from the right, two of four hostages who were rescued in Gaza, arriving in Ramat Gan, Israel, on Saturday.Credit...Tomer Appelbaum/Associated Press

At the same time, Israel’s leadership is grappling with an escalation of hostilities across the northern border with Lebanon and battling increasing international isolation and opprobrium over the war in Gaza, including allegations of genocide that are being heard by the International Court of Justice in The Hague.

The rescue mission “doesn’t solve a single one of the problems that Israel has been facing ever since Oct. 7,” Nahum Barnea, a leading Israeli political columnist, wrote in the popular Yediot Ahronot newspaper on Sunday.

“It doesn’t solve the problem in the north; it doesn’t solve the problem in Gaza; and it doesn’t solve the slew of other problems that threaten Israel in the international arena,” he added.

The decision on Sunday of Benny Gantz, a former military chief and Mr. Netanyahu’s main political rival, to pull his centrist National Unity party out of the emergency wartime cabinet left Mr. Netanyahu even more exposed.


Benny Gantz, a centrist figure and a key member of Israel’s war cabinet, said his party was leaving the country’s emergency government over Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s handling of the war in Gaza.

The stability of Mr. Netanyahu’s government now appears to be hanging in the balance.

Pressure has been building on the Israeli government to reach a deal with Hamas for the release of all the remaining hostages. But the fate of Israel’s proposal for a truce and a hostage and prisoner swap, as outlined by President Biden more than a week ago, is still uncertain. The Biden administration and Israeli officials say they are still awaiting a formal response from Hamas to determine whether negotiations can resume.

Israelis are now debating whether the hostage rescue operation will help or hinder the prospects for such a deal — one that, should it go ahead, could threaten Mr. Netanyahu’s hold on power, with those on the far right in his ruling coalition vowing to quit and bring down his government.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu held a news conference after the rescue operation.Credit...Pool photo by Jack Guez

The rescue of the four hostages is likely to bolster the arguments of those who say that Israeli military pressure on Hamas and continued ground operations in Gaza are necessary to bring the rest of the hostages home.

But for many Israelis and relatives of the scores of remaining hostages, the return of only four crystallized the obvious — that such complex military operations can probably only save a few of them and come at great risk to the military.

The Israeli news media has paid scant attention to the heavy death toll reported by officials in Gaza as a result of the rescue operation. Neither the Israeli military nor Palestinian health officials provided a breakdown of civilians and combatants killed in the raid.

The military’s chief spokesman, Rear Adm. Daniel Hagari, made clear the limits of what the military could do in a briefing with reporters on Saturday, saying of the remaining hostages, “We know that we can’t do operations in order to rescue all of them because there aren’t always the conditions that allow that.” The largest number of hostages to have been released — over a hundred — were freed under an earlier deal for a temporary cease-fire and a hostage and prisoner swap in November.

A Palestinian medic carrying an injured child at the Al Awda Hospital in Gaza on Saturday.Credit...Mohammed Saber/EPA, via Shutterstock

The operation also underscored Israel’s predicament: Without forces on the ground, the military would not be able to conduct any such rescue operation or continue to dismantle Hamas’s capabilities. But Hamas has made any progress on a hostage deal conditional on an Israeli commitment for a permanent cease-fire and the full withdrawal of its troops from Gaza.

For Hamas — which lost four of its remaining bargaining chips on Saturday — the deadly Israeli operation could harden its position. The group hinted that the rescue operation could make things worse for the remaining captives.

“The operation will pose a great danger to the enemy’s prisoners and will have a negative impact on their conditions and lives,” the spokesman for the group’s military wing, Abu Obeida, said in a statement on Saturday.

Experts said some of the remaining hostages might now be moved from civilian apartment buildings, like those that housed the four who were rescued on Saturday, to harsher conditions in underground tunnels where they will be harder to reach.

“Hamas will try to draw lessons” from the operation and take more precautions to keep the hostages inaccessible, said Avi Kalo, an Israeli lieutenant colonel in the reserves and a former head of the military intelligence department focused on soldiers missing in action.

“For Hamas this is not a turning point,” he said, adding that the group still held plenty of hostages. “Four less is not something that changes the reality dramatically,” he added.

The aftermath of an Israeli military operation in the Nuseirat refugee camp in Gaza on Saturday.Credit...Ramadan Abed/Reuters

Some Israelis were comparing Saturday’s high stakes operation to the fabled Entebbe raid of nearly 50 years ago, when Israeli commandos rescued more than a hundred mostly Israeli hostages being held in Uganda by pro-Palestinian airplane hijackers. Mr. Netanyahu’s brother, Yonatan, the commander of that raid, was killed during the mission.

Mr. Netanyahu himself sought to link the two on Sunday, announcing that just as the Entebbe raid was retroactively named Operation Yonatan, in his brother’s memory, the government had approved the military’s proposal to name Saturday’s raid “Operation Arnon,” in honor of Arnon Zamora, the Israeli police commando who was killed in a firefight during the mission in Gaza.

Many Israelis had already accused Mr. Netanyahu, whose approval ratings plummeted after Oct. 7, of trying to capitalize on the rescue by rushing to greet the freed hostages at the hospital near Tel Aviv where they were recuperating and reuniting with their families.

His office then issued reams of photographs and video clips from the hospital, where Mr. Netanyahu also made a public statement, breaking the customary avoidance of government activity on the Jewish Sabbath.

Relatives of hostages who have not returned said they had not received any such personal attention from the prime minister. Avi Marciano, whose daughter Noa, a soldier, was abducted on Oct. 7 and killed in Gaza, wrote in a Facebook post on Saturday that in the six months since her death was announced, “The prime minister hasn’t come. He hasn’t called either.”

The departure of Mr. Gantz and his party spelled the end of the broader emergency government and served as an indictment of Mr. Netanyahu’s murky wartime policies.

Benny Gantz, an Israeli war cabinet member, in Washington in March. Mr. Gantz had planned to address the nation on Saturday night.

Mr. Gantz joined the government soon after Oct. 7 out of what he said was a sense of national responsibility and became a key member of Mr. Netanyahu’s war cabinet. Three weeks ago he issued an ultimatum, saying he would withdraw from the government by June 8 unless Mr. Netanyahu charted a clear and strategic path forward, including making decisions and plans for how to release the remaining hostages in Gaza and for the postwar governance of the territory, among other issues.

Mr. Gantz had planned to address the nation on Saturday night, but because of the hostage rescue he postponed his highly anticipated announcement by 24 hours. His party’s departure will not immediately bring the government down; Mr. Netanyahu and his remaining partners still command a majority in Parliament.

But Mr. Gantz accused Mr. Netanyahu of delaying critical decisions for narrow political reasons, sending a clear signal that even after Saturday’s dramatic raid, not much had changed.

Isabel Kershner, a Times correspondent in Jerusalem, has been reporting on Israeli and Palestinian affairs since 1990. More about Isabel Kershner

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The New York Times · by Isabel Kershner · June 10, 2024


18. Blaming Israel for Rescuing Its People


Disappointing. A warning to the terrorists before a hostage rescue? Who are these people?


Excerpt:


The non-surprise is that professional anti-Israel voices, United Nations officials and the European Union foreign-policy chief rushed to attack Israel. Egypt condemned the operation “in the strongest terms.” How dare Israel rescue its own citizens. Didn’t it know there would be casualties? The BBC asked whether Israel gave a warning that the rescue raid was coming. Seriously? A tip-off to terrorists? Perhaps read them Miranda rights too.



Every report should be emphasizing these statements from Palestinians:


“We are all going to die!” someone shouted.

“May God help us,” another person cried. “May God punish Hamas who is the reason for all this!”

https://www.npr.org/2024/06/08/nx-s1-4997026/israel-gaza-hostages-rescued



Blaming Israel for Rescuing Its People

Hamas hid four hostages in a crowded civilian area and fired on rescuers.

https://www.wsj.com/articles/blaming-israel-for-rescuing-its-people-hamas-gaza-war-17581387?st=gcmm1hlvqfwtfpv&reflink=article_email_share

By The Editorial Board

Follow

June 9, 2024 2:43 pm ET



Rescued hostages (clockwise from top left) Almog Meir Jan, Noa Argamani, Andrey Kozlov and Shlomi Ziv were held by Hamas in Gaza and reunited with family in Israel on Saturday. PHOTO: ISRAELI ARMY/REUTERS

It’s rare good news in a grinding war. On Saturday Israeli commandos rescued four hostages from two civilian buildings near the heart of Gaza’s Nuseirat market. It was a high-risk but well-planned and -executed mission that is a morale boost for Israelis.

Arnon Zamora was killed while leading the rescue mission at the head of his force. He will go down in history with Yoni Netanyahu, the fallen leader of Israel’s 1976 raid to free hostages in Entebbe, Uganda.

Noa Argamani, age 26, Almog Meir Jan, 21, Andrey Kozlov, 27, and Shlomi Ziv, 40, were all abducted during the music-festival massacre. A video showed Ms. Argamani begging for her life. Eight months later she heard a knock on the door: “It’s the IDF, we’ve come to rescue you.” She can now visit her terminally ill mother. Mr. Jan was mobbed on his return by friends chanting, “He is one of us, and we will never give him up,” a refrain of sports teammates now given new meaning. Mr. Jan’s father died hours before his son’s return.

The non-surprise is that professional anti-Israel voices, United Nations officials and the European Union foreign-policy chief rushed to attack Israel. Egypt condemned the operation “in the strongest terms.” How dare Israel rescue its own citizens. Didn’t it know there would be casualties? The BBC asked whether Israel gave a warning that the rescue raid was coming. Seriously? A tip-off to terrorists? Perhaps read them Miranda rights too.

“BREAKING: Gaza’s Health Ministry says 274 Palestinians were killed during the Israeli operation,” reports the Associated Press, only 48 hours after it had exposed how the Hamas ministry’s daily death tolls are “at odds with underlying data.” When will the media stop taking the kidnappers at their word?

Haters of Israel will blame it and excuse Hamas every time, and the media are easily manipulated into playing along. The Hamas figure is likely inflated, and it includes the terrorists killed trying to stop the rescue as well as those who hid the hostages.

Hamas started the war with a massacre, took these hostages and hid them in a crowded civilian area. Then, when Israel came to free them, Hamas responded with heavy fire, including RPGs—yet people are condemning Israel. It makes us wonder if the West has lost the moral discernment and instinct for self-preservation needed to defend itself in a world of killers. Hamas could not survive if not for its enablers around the world.


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Wonder Land: World opinion should impose more pressure on Hamas military leader Yahya Sinwar. Image: Mohammed Abed/AFP via Getty Images

Copyright ©2024 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved. 87990cbe856818d5eddac44c7b1cdeb8

Appeared in the June 10, 2024, print edition as 'Blaming Israel for Rescuing Its People'.



19. How Israel Saved a Hostage Rescue Mission That Nearly Failed


​This is the first report I have seen that mentions the US pier in Gaza.


Excerpt from a photo caption: 



Helicopters prepare to rendezvous with the hostages on the beach, in an Israeli-controlled section south of a U.S.- built floating pier.



How Israel Saved a Hostage Rescue Mission That Nearly Failed

Israel called in heavy airstrikes to support an operation that had a ‘thin line between being a huge success and a huge failure’

https://www.wsj.com/world/middle-east/how-israel-saved-a-hostage-rescue-mission-that-nearly-failed-eab2a010?mod=latest_headlines



By Carrie Keller-Lynn, Abeer Ayyoub and Michael AmonFollow

Updated June 10, 2024 12:03 am ET



The two Israeli commando teams had just pulled off a historic rescue mission, freeing four hostages from homes where they were held captive in central Gaza. Now came the hardest part: getting out of Gaza alive.

A shootout that started Saturday in one of the homes expanded into a full-on gunbattle on the packed streets of Nuseirat between the commandos and responding Israeli forces and militants, the Israeli military said. With the teams’ cover blown, the Israeli Air Force began striking dozens of militant targets in a bid to divert Hamas’s attention and give the hostages a fighting chance to get out.

In the crossfire, a vehicle packed with special forces and hostages was hit and disabled, said David Tsur, the former commander of Yamam, the Israeli police team that carried out the extraction. An Israeli armored vehicle then swooped in to rescue the rescuers, but it too was disabled by fire, so another force arrived to deliver the hostages to helicopters waiting to take them to Israel, reported Army Radio, an independent news organization run by the Israeli military.

“There was a thin line between being a huge success and a huge failure,” said an Israeli military official.

The raging firefight almost prevented the hostages and the commando team from making it out alive. It also prompted a ferocious response from the Israeli military that helps explain the high casualty count among Palestinians, Israeli officials said. The officials also said they estimated Hamas fire killed Palestinians in the chaotic shootout. An Israeli commando was killed.


Shortly after 11 a.m., Israeli commandos simultaneously burst into two apartments holding hostages in the heart of Nuseirat. One raid goes smoothly, but about 200 meters away, the second team engages in a gunfight with militants.


Extensive firefighting ensues and one of the Israeli commando teams runs into trouble, requiring an extraction.


Smoke and debris rise after Israeli airstrikes on the Nuseirat refugee camp in Gaza. Israel launches airstrikes and artillery shelling to lay cover for hostage rescue teams​.

Associated Press


Strikes around Nuseirat's market caused panic as they reduced buildings to rubble. Palestinians rushed the wounded to hospitals.

Some Palestinians said they had never seen such a devastating barrage of fire from Israel in eight months of war.

Ahmad Salem/Bloomberg News




Two helicopters ferry the four hostages to Israel, eight months after they were kidnapped into Gaza.

Israel Defense Force​

Palestinian health authorities said 274 Gazans were killed and almost 700 injured from airstrikes, shelling and gunfire in one of Gaza’s most crowded places. The Israeli military said most of the dead were militants. In either case, it was one of the deadliest moments in a war that has claimed more than 37,000 lives, say Palestinian health authorities, who don’t say how many were combatants.

Tsur compared Saturday’s events to the street battle between American forces and Somali militants portrayed in the book and movie, “Black Hawk Down.” The airstrikes and shelling were intended to “lay down fire so that people don’t come near the vehicles.”

“Only with a ring of fire can you extricate them,” said Tsur, who received an informal briefing on the mission.

Some Palestinians said the operation drove home again the perception that their lives mean nothing, including to Hamas, the U.S.-designated terrorist organization that carried out the Oct. 7 attacks, killing about 1,200 Israelis, mostly civilians, and taking about 250 hostages.

“More than 200 were killed, hundreds injured, for the sake of four Israelis. This is crazy, and I am really furious,” said Ahmed Wael, 26, who had sought shelter in Nuseirat during the war and described a rain of bombs falling along the streets near the city’s busy market.  

“I am also angry because Hamas chose to hide these people among us,” he said. “Why?”


Palestinians carrying a body away from the scene of the Israeli rescue mission on Saturday. PHOTO: AHMAD SALEM/BLOOMBERG NEWS


Nuseirat is one of the largest refugee camps built in Gaza after the 1948 war displaced hundreds of thousands of Palestinians. PHOTO: AHMAD SALEM/BLOOMBERG NEWS

Israeli officials said the operation had been planned for weeks after Israel discovered in May that Noa Argamani, who was taken hostage at the Nova music festival, was in a low-rise apartment block near the Nuseirat market. About 200 yards away, Israeli officials said a Hamas militant, Abdullah Al-Jamal, kept three male hostages—Almog Meir Jan, Andrei Kozlov and Shlomi Ziv—in his home alongside his family.

Raiding only one building would alert captors at the other location, so the Israelis decided to raid both buildings simultaneously, said the military’s chief spokesman, Rear Adm. Daniel Hagari. The Israeli security forces trained for the raid on models of the two buildings, Hagari said. 

The environment was one of the most dangerous imaginable for Israeli forces. Nuseirat is one of the largest refugee camps built in Gaza after the 1948 war displaced hundreds of thousands of Palestinians. It is among the few places in which the Israeli military hasn’t operated extensively during its ground invasion, and it still hosts intact Hamas fighting units. 

The military decided to act when the captors least expected it—in broad daylight around 11:30 a.m.—in hopes of gaining an advantage, Hagari said.

Hamas said the Israeli forces wore civilian disguises. Hagari declined to comment when asked, but it is a tactic that Israeli special forces have previously used. The commandos reached the apartment entrances undetected, Tsur said, and “then broke in.”

One Yamam team stormed the first-floor apartment where Argamani was held and took the captors by surprise, the military said. On the third floor of the other building, a gunfight with the guards broke out. The Yamam squad leader, Arnon Zamora, was hit and later died of his wounds.

The hostages were ferried to waiting vehicles and were soon handed bulletproof vests. “We have the diamonds in our hands,” the commandos radioed to the command center.


Rescued hostage Almog Meir Jan raised his hands after arriving at the Sheba Medical Center in Israel on Saturday. PHOTO: TOMER APPELBAUM/ASSOCIATED PRESS

The outbreak of gunfire alerted Hamas to the presence of Israeli forces in its stronghold. Militants blasted Israeli troops with gunfire and rocket-propelled grenades. “It became a real, intensive combat zone,” said an Israeli military official.

The team carrying the three male hostages got pinned down under fire. An Israeli plan to extract them kicked into place, officials said. The air force had preplanned a bank of militant targets, dozens of which the military said they hit as part of Israel’s efforts to provide cover.

An Israeli helicopter came rushing toward Sarah Tahrawi’s shelter in Nuseirat before noon. Suddenly there was shooting from all sides. Her children screamed, white smoke filled her house, and she could see people running for their lives. 

“I was sure I would not survive,” she said. “The sound of bombing was all around us.” 

Wael said his aunt was in an upstairs room baking bread and came yelling down the stairs, saying she saw a body flying through the air. His family lives near the Nuseirat market, where witnesses said there were many civilian casualties.

In eight months of war, Wael said, “we never witnessed anything like this before.”

The Israeli military had trained for a situation in which the hostage-extraction teams come under fire, Tsur said. Israeli paratroopers were sent to lead efforts to rescue the commandos and hostages. The heavy shelling, helicopters, air bombing and drone strikes were all part of a careful plan, Tsur said.

“Of course reality is more dramatic, more complicated,” Tsur said.

Filled with the three pinned-down hostages, commandos and paratroopers, Israeli armored vehicles raced for the Mediterranean coastline, where the military controls a seaside road. Former hostage Argamani was already in flight. The military released a video of the freed men stepping out onto the sunbaked beach and walking toward helicopters waiting to take them to Israel.


The heavy shelling, helicopters, air bombing and drone strikes were all part of a careful plan, according to a former commander of Yamam. PHOTO: EYAD BABA/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE/GETTY IMAGES

Dov Lieber and Marcus Walker contributed to this article.

Write to Michael Amon at michael.amon@wsj.com



20. From the Editor: Teamwork Makes the Dream Work - Irregular Warfare Initiative


An excellent team doing excellent work.


From the Editor: Teamwork Makes the Dream Work - Irregular Warfare Initiative

irregularwarfare.org · by Peter Roberto · June 10, 2024

Coming off its fourth anniversary, the Irregular Warfare Initiative (IWI) proudly announces a series of internal promotions, new members to the team, and sends off two of its own. IWI’s leadership includes scholars and practitioners within the irregular warfare space.

Grateful for the contributions of

  • Jennifer Walters who served as the Executive Director and now joins the Board of Directors.
  • Augie Dominguez who served as Chief Product Officer and Director of Engagements.

New Senior Leadership

  • Guido Torres, formerly the Chief Operating Officer (COO), takes over the role of Executive Director.
  • Dr. Janna Mantua, formerly the Director of Engagements, steps up as COO.
  • Ben Jebb fleets up from his role as Podcast Director to Chief Product Officer.

New Management

  • Doug Livermore, a previous IWI Fellow and Director of Communications, moves across the organization to become the Director of Engagements.
  • Don Edwards takes over as Director of the Irregular Warfare Podcast, after serving as Deputy Director of Communications.
  • Maryanna Diaz steps up as Deputy Director of Communications from the communications team.
  • Alexandra Veyne moves from the editorial team to become the Chief Human Resource Officer.

IWI welcomes two new teammates.

  • Hannah Smith joins IWI as the Chief Communications Officer. A career Department of Defense civilian employee, Hannah leads Strategic Communications at the Ted Stevens Center for Arctic Security Studies.
  • Jacki Davenport comes to IWI as the Co-Director of Project Cyber. Jacki is a career intelligence and targeting officer, with experience in special operations and offensive cyberspace.

Peter Roberto is a Program Assistant for the Transatlantic Defense and Security program at the Center for European Policy Analysis and an editor for the Irregular Warfare Initiative. He holds an MA in Diplomacy and International Relations from Seton Hall University.

The views expressed are those of the author(s) and do not reflect the official position of the Irregular Warfare Initiative, Princeton University’s Empirical Studies of Conflict Project, the Modern War Institute at West Point, or the United States Government

Main Image: Tough Mudder 2017 (Ken Fager via Flickr CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

If you value reading the Irregular Warfare Initiative, please consider supporting our work. And for the best gear, check out the IWI store for mugs, coasters, apparel, and other items.







De Oppresso Liber,

David Maxwell

Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy

Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation

Editor, Small Wars Journal

Twitter: @davidmaxwell161

Phone: 202-573-8647

email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com


De Oppresso Liber,
David Maxwell
Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy
Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation
Editor, Small Wars Journal
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161



If you do not read anything else in the 2017 National Security Strategy read this on page 14:

"A democracy is only as resilient as its people. An informed and engaged citizenry is the fundamental requirement for a free and resilient nation. For generations, our society has protected free press, free speech, and free thought. Today, actors such as Russia are using information tools in an attempt to undermine the legitimacy of democracies. Adversaries target media, political processes, financial networks, and personal data. The American public and private sectors must recognize this and work together to defend our way of life. No external threat can be allowed to shake our shared commitment to our values, undermine our system of government, or divide our Nation."
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