Informal Institute for National Security Thinkers and Practitioners

Quotes of the Da:

"There is no gate, no lock, no both that can set upon the freedom of my mind."

– Virginia Woolf

“It is not written in the stars that I will always understand what is going on –– a truism that I often find damnably annoying.”

– Robert A. Heinlein – Friday

"The secret of genius is to carry the spirit of the child into old age, which means never losing your enthusiasm."

~Aldous Huxley.

1. Hard-bitten and pragmatic, Lee stages ultimate comeback with presidential election win

2. South Korean Left-Leaning Candidate Wins Presidential Election

3. US experts: "Establishing relations with China and US-ROK trade negotiations are the first challenges"

4. White House affirms 'ironclad' alliance after Lee's win, voices concerns over Chinese influence

5. Rubio congratulates Lee, affirms 'ironclad' alliance, stresses 3-way cooperation with Japan

6. Lee takes note of importance of policy coherence in relations with Japan

7. Pentagon reiterates 'ironclad' commitment to S. Korea, alliance after Lee's election win

8. Lee's 'pragmatic diplomacy' vision put to test in U.S. alliance, regional power ties

9. China's Xi says highly values ties with S. Korea in congratulatory message to Lee

10. Diplomat-turned-politician with expertise in Russia, N. Korea named Lee's top security adviser

11. Intelligence chief nominee Lee Jong-seok known as well-versed security expert

12. Lee vows to unite nation, revitalize slowing economy

13. Lee faces tariffs, burden-sharing, other headwinds for S. Korea-U.S. alliance

14. Lee calls for 'watertight' military readiness in phone talks with JCS chairman

15. Lee nominates PM, spy chief on 1st day of taking office

16. PM nominee is strategist, former democracy activist

17. Lee's presidential win heralds return to engagement with defiant N. Korea

18. South Korea’s New President: Frying Pan to Fire

19. KAI inks US$700 mln deal to export FA-50 aircraft to Manila

20. Lee Jae-myung: South Korea's new president has a Trump-shaped crisis to avert

21. South Korea Takes an Election Left Turn

22. Trump taps Korean American official for top Pentagon Asia post

23. North Korea Races to Fix Capsized Warship by Kim’s Deadline

24. What North Korean defectors hope to see from new ROK President Lee Jae-myung

25. Lee Jae-myung vows to counter North Korea while seeking peace at inauguration

26. Why the US mentioned ‘China interference’ when congratulating Lee Jae-myung

27. How South Korea’s Next Leader Should Handle Kim Jong-un

28. South Korea's New President Could Transform the Korean Peninsula

1. Hard-bitten and pragmatic, Lee stages ultimate comeback with presidential election win

A new era begins. We have a lot of work to do on both sides of the Pacific to sustain the strength of the ROK/US alliance. Of course there will be a lot of reporting on President Lee over the next few days. I will include the most important articles without much commentary.

(News Focus) Hard-bitten and pragmatic, Lee stages ultimate comeback with presidential election win | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Haye-ah · June 4, 2025

By Lee Haye-ah

SEOUL, June 4 (Yonhap) -- President-elect Lee Jae-myung has been known to be a fighter, overcoming crisis after crisis in both his professional and personal lives while appearing cool and focused on the singular goal of winning the presidency regardless of what it takes.

Lee, 61, has had a dominant presence in the political scene since 2022, when he lost the presidential election to Yoon Suk Yeol by a razor-thin margin of 0.73 percentage point. Before that, he was known as the mayor of Seongnam and then the governor of Gyeonggi Province.

Since 2022, he has been elected a National Assembly member for Incheon's Gyeyang-B district and served two consecutive terms as leader of the liberal Democratic Party while surviving parliament's approval of an arrest motion against him, a knife attack to his neck and a conviction for violating the election law.

President-elect Lee Jae-myung makes a stump speech during a campaign stop in front of a train station in Chuncheon, the capital of South Korea's northeast province of Gangwon, on May 30, 2025. (Pool photo) (Yonhap)

Despite standing five trials on 12 charges -- all of which are still under way -- and being accused without evidence of playing a role in the deaths of at least five people connected to his trials, Lee amassed a large following in and outside of politics.

His female fans were called "gaettal," short for "daughters of reform," while groups of confidants formed based on different periods of his life, such as his university alumni, aides during his times as mayor and governor, and lawmakers from both before and after his time as party leader.

In his own party, his standing went from a fringe politician sidelined by those aligned with former President Moon Jae-in to an unrivaled presidential contender whose status was affirmed by the nickname "eodaemyeong" -- short for "The president will be Lee Jae-myung anyway."

But Lee's rise to the nation's top political office was sealed when Yoon made a surprise declaration of martial law on Dec. 3.

While livestreaming himself on YouTube, Lee rushed to the National Assembly that night and called on citizens to help him "defend the nation."

In the face of a police blockade, he climbed over the walls of the National Assembly compound and livestreamed that too, collecting 2.4 million views at the time.

President-elect Lee Jae-myung is seen in 1978 when he worked at a baseball glove factory in this photo provided by his aides. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)

The dramatic events that followed from the National Assembly's revocation of martial law to its impeachment of Yoon and his eventual removal from office provided Lee with a rallying cry: the election would be a judgment on the "insurrection forces" of the former president.

Lee's first foray into politics came in 2006, when he ran for mayor of Seongnam, a city just south of Seoul. He lost that election but won in his second attempt in 2010 and was reelected four years later.

During his mayoralty, Lee aggressively pushed a raft of welfare programs despite opposition from the central government, including a universal basic income for young people, free school uniforms and free postnatal care.

Universal basic income became one of his signature policies.

In 2017, Lee ran in the presidential primaries but finished third overall. The next year he was voted in as the first liberal governor of Gyeonggi in 16 years and built up his profile as a future presidential candidate.

In his second attempt at the presidency in 2021, he won his party's nomination but lost the election to Yoon.

Shortly afterward he headed the party's election committee for the June 2022 local elections and simultaneously ran for a parliamentary seat in Incheon. The party lost the elections, but he won the seat, sparking criticism from dissenters within the party that his aim was to leverage parliamentary immunity from prosecution to shield him from his corruption trials.

President-elect Lee Jae-myung (R) poses with his late mother, Koo Ho-myeong, during his entrance ceremony at Chung-Ang University in 1982, in this photo provided by his aides. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)

Still, the party elected him as its leader two months later. Under his leadership, the party won a landslide victory in the April 2024 general elections.

The trials were a constant source of trouble as a finalized conviction for past election law violations would have cost Lee his chance to run for public office for at least five years.

During this election cycle, however, some of Lee's most controversial remarks were on the economy.

His "hotel economics" theory was widely ridiculed for being unrealistic as it claimed that a hotel customer who pays a 100,000 won (US$73) reservation fee and later takes it back after canceling the reservation would still help the economy.

In another instance, Lee drew the ire of small business owners after claiming that a cup of coffee costs 120 won to make but sells for 8,000 won to 10,000 won.

Lee is married to Kim Hye-kyung, a piano major, and the couple has two sons.

He was born into dire poverty in the southeastern city of Andong, the fifth of seven children.

After his family relocated to Seongnam when he was 12, Lee worked at various factories where he damaged his sense of smell and an arm.

Lee got into high school and college via qualification exams as he was unable to go to school during the day.

He studied law at Chung-Ang University on a scholarship and passed the bar in 1986.

Before entering politics, Lee worked as a human rights lawyer.

President-elect Lee Jae-myung (C) makes an impromptu speech during a visit to a traditional market in Jeungpyeong, central South Korea, on May 6, 2025, as he hits the campaign trail nationwide ahead of the June 3 presidential election. (Pool photo) (Yonhap)

hague@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Haye-ah · June 4, 2025

2. South Korean Left-Leaning Candidate Wins Presidential Election

A 3 minute video report is at this link which compares him to Trump: https://www.wsj.com/video/series/on-the-news/how-south-koreas-new-president-could-reshape-ties-with-the-us/5E018B18-7E76-44C2-917E-1DA33E570D2D?page=1

We are going to see the "left" and "left leaning" (though I think it is more than leaning) descriptors attached to President Lee from now on. Ironically in the video you can hear how he is compared as "Korea's Trump" because of their similarities in popularity (and populist approach), legal problems, and social media presence and following. But of course they have some diverging policy views when it comes to China though perhaps we could see alignment between the two on engagement with Kim Jong Un.

South Korean Left-Leaning Candidate Wins Presidential Election

Lee Jae-myung, who survived an assassination attempt last year, secured the presidency

https://www.wsj.com/world/asia/south-korean-left-leaning-candidate-poised-to-win-presidential-election-25eda8e9?page=1

[Lee Jae-myung's victory certain] US experts: "Establishing relations with China and US-ROK trade negotiations are the first challenges"

https://www.yna.co.kr/view/AKR20250603036500071

Submission2025-06-04 00:48

Submitted 06/04/2025 00:48

Three line summary

Aiming typereporter

"Lee Jae-myung government must be cautious about rapid progress in Korea-China relations amid worsening US-China relations"

"Korea should consider preemptive increase in defense budget"... "Korea-US consultations must prevent reduction of US troops in Korea"

Enlarge image

Candidate Lee Jae-myung arrives at Democratic Party headquarters

(Seoul = Yonhap News) Reporter Kim Joo-sung = Lee Jae-myung, the Democratic Party of Korea candidate who is certain to be elected as the 21st president, is entering the party headquarters in Yeouido, Seoul on the 4th to express his gratitude to the heads of the election campaign committees. 2025.6.4 [Joint coverage] utzza@yna.co.kr

(Washington=Yonhap News) Correspondents Cho Jun-hyung and Song Sang-ho = As Lee Jae-myung of the Democratic Party of Korea became certain to win the South Korean presidential election held on the 3rd, experts on the Korean Peninsula in the United States predicted that the Lee Jae-myung government's future homework would be to "set coordinates" between strengthening the South Korea-US alliance and maintaining and developing South Korea-China relations.

Amid expectations that there may be differences of opinion between South Korea and the United States regarding the Trump administration's attempt to adjust the posture of the South Korea-U.S. alliance in the direction of strengthening deterrence against China amid deepening conflicts with China, some experts advised moderating the pace of development in South Korea-China relations.

Also, in a situation where the Trump administration is prioritizing containing China as its top security priority, it recommended a plan to avoid overly provoking China by establishing a broader security framework, such as a cooperative response among the four countries of North Korea, China, Russia, and Iran.

In addition, experts predicted that trade negotiations, including tariffs, and the defense cost-sharing issue (Korea's share of the cost of stationing U.S. troops in Korea) would be major variables in establishing South Korea-U.S. relations in the early days of the administration.

With the United States demanding that its Indo-Pacific allies increase their defense budgets, there were suggestions that it would send a good signal to the Trump administration if the new South Korean government took the initiative to increase the budget, and there was also an opinion that it is important to closely coordinate between South Korea and the United States to prevent the withdrawal of US troops from South Korea from becoming a reality.

There was a suggestion that a “carrot and stick” approach to North Korea should be presented and implemented in close coordination between South Korea and the United States.

Below are email interviews with each expert.

◇Bruce Bennett, Senior Researcher, RAND Corporation

Enlarge image

Bruce Bennett, Senior Researcher, RAND Corporation

[Yonhap News Agency photo]

Lee Jae-myung, whose victory is certain, has made it clear that he intends to build closer ties with China. Of course, economically, China is a major trading partner for Korea, so he has no choice but to do so.

But given the Trump administration's focus on China, which it sees as America's primary adversary, it's possible that this candidate will take actions that the Trump administration perceives as counter to America's interests.

I would advise caution in moving too close to China and alienating the Trump administration, and taking steps to build a relationship with China slowly.

U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth recently said at the Shangri-La Dialogue that Asian allies need to increase their defense budgets. What if this candidate goes to Congress and asks for an immediate increase in the defense budget by about 5 trillion won to purchase high-performance weapons systems?

As for North Korea, South Korea and the US need to combine 'carrots' and 'sticks'. For example, if Kim Jong-un (Chairman of the State Affairs Commission of North Korea) were to shut down the new uranium enrichment plant introduced last year and place it under the supervision of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), South Korea and the US could offer the carrot of lifting specific sanctions on North Korea.

Conversely, if Kim Jong-un refuses to take such measures, the US and South Korea could use the whip to build new nuclear weapons storage facilities in South Korea (to demonstrate that future redeployment of US tactical nuclear weapons in South Korea is possible).

◇Andrew Yeo, Brookings Institution Korea Chair

Enlarge image

Andrew Yeo, Brookings Institution Korea Chair

[Provided by Andrew Yeo. Resale and DB prohibited]

The candidate's basic position is that there is no better security path than the link with the United States. The candidate's support for the ROK-US alliance is a practical measure to strengthen security rather than an ideology or value.

But pragmatism also means showing openness to communicate with countries that have hostile relations with the United States, such as China, North Korea, and Russia.

On the one hand, since President Trump is also open to communication with adversaries, this candidate's pragmatism may not be much different from Trump's transactionalism.

On the other hand, if the candidate resists shifting the role of the alliance to play a greater role in containing China, the Trump administration’s hawkish views on China could create tensions or weaken the alliance’s security cooperation.

The most pressing challenge will be negotiating a trade deal with the United States.

The results and discussions on burden sharing between allies (such as defense cost-sharing negotiations) are likely to create the initial atmosphere for the Lee Jae-myung administration's Korea-US relations.

If both sides can claim victory on the trade front, the Lee Jae-myung government will have more leeway to manage other issues related to the alliance, but if the U.S. makes unilateral demands or shows no willingness to make concessions, the Lee Jae-myung government may lean more toward China.

Another key challenge is the potential differences between South Korea and the United States in their views on China and what role the alliance can play in deterring Chinese aggression in the Taiwan Strait and elsewhere.

Closer ties between South Korea and China will be a problem for the Trump administration, which is demanding that its Asian allies increase defense spending to strengthen their deterrence against China.

The Trump administration should acknowledge South Korea’s concerns about the political sensitivities surrounding strategic flexibility and the impact on South Korea-China relations.

To solve this problem, South Korea and the United States can define strategic flexibility and an expanded role for the South Korea-U.S. alliance by responding to broader changes in the geopolitical environment, such as the linkage between China, Russia, North Korea, and Iran, rather than just the China issue.

◇Kim Du-yeon, Senior Research Fellow, Center for a New American Security (CNAS)

Enlarge image

Kim Du-yeon, Senior Research Fellow, Center for a New American Security

[Capture from the Center for a New American Security website. Resale and DB prohibited]

Ahead of this presidential election, candidate Lee Jae-myung's rhetoric toward the United States and Japan has changed significantly.

Going forward, it is questionable whether this candidate (who will lead the new government) will listen carefully to the advice of the foreign affairs and security team and strengthen the ROK-US alliance and ROK-US-Japan cooperation, implement the traditional Democratic Party foreign affairs and security policy that his supporters want, or make choices from time to time to leave behind personal political achievements.

If the Lee Jae-myung administration's foreign policy does not align with the U.S. approach to Japan and China, friction could arise in the alliance.

It remains to be seen how the unpredictable presidents of South Korea and the United States will lead the alliance and work together to address geopolitical challenges.

During Trump's first term, there were high-ranking officials who could somewhat apply the brakes, which enabled the United States to implement consistent foreign and security policies, but this time it is different.

It is very important to closely consult with the United States to prevent the reduction of US forces in Korea. Although US Indo-Pacific Commander Samuel Paparo and US Forces Korea Commander Xavier Brunson have already expressed their opposition to the reduction at a US Senate hearing, the worst-case scenario is that President Trump and candidate Lee share the same intention to reduce or withdraw US forces in Korea.

There are variables within both South Korea and the United States regarding the North Korea issue, but both presidents would personally like to talk to North Korea at some point, but the problem is that North Korea has no incentive to come to the negotiating table.

With Russia and China supporting North Korea, North Korea does not need the United States yet, and it certainly does not need South Korea. The biggest concern is that this will give North Korea more time to continue developing and modernizing its nuclear weapons capabilities.

By the time North Korea is ready to come to the negotiating table, it will have more leverage, making negotiations more complicated and difficult for the United States.

jhcho@yna.co.kr, sshluck@yna.co.kr

(LEAD) White House affirms 'ironclad' alliance after Lee's win, voices concerns over Chinese influence | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Song Sang-ho · June 4, 2025

(ATTN: RECASTS headline; ADDS more details in paras 2-3)

By Song Sang-ho

WASHINGTON, June 3 (Yonhap) -- A White House official on Tuesday affirmed the "ironclad" nature of the South Korea-U.S. alliance while expressing concerns over "Chinese interference and influence in democracies" after Democratic Party presidential candidate Lee Jae-myung was elected South Korea's president.

The remarks came as Lee of the liberal party has stressed the alliance with the United States as the "foundation" of his "pragmatic" foreign policy while pledging to "stably" manage relations with China in the midst of an escalating Sino-U.S. rivalry.

"The U.S.-ROK Alliance remains ironclad," the official said in response to a request for comment by Yonhap News Agency. ROK is short for South Korea's official name, the Republic of Korea.

"While South Korea had a free and fair election, the United States remains concerned and opposed to Chinese interference and influence in democracies around the world," the official added.

Lee Jae-myung, presidential candidate of the Democratic Party, waves to his supporters in front of his residence in Incheon, west of Seoul, on June 3, 2025. (Yonhap)

Lee's election came as U.S. President Donald Trump's administration is hoping to see Indo-Pacific allies and partners coalesce behind its drive to keep an assertive China in check and deter Chinese aggression.

Lee is now tasked with addressing a raft of nettlesome alliance issues, including Trump's unabated tariff pressure, calls for greater security "burden sharing" and a potential U.S. Forces Korea troop drawdown, to name a few.

sshluck@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Song Sang-ho · June 4, 2025

5. Rubio congratulates Lee, affirms 'ironclad' alliance, stresses 3-way cooperation with Japan

Very interesting that SECSTATE would stres three way cooperation in a congratulatory message. However, President Lee has already made a statement referring to the importance of it so he has the talking points.

(2nd LD) Rubio congratulates Lee, affirms 'ironclad' alliance, stresses 3-way cooperation with Japan | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Song Sang-ho · June 4, 2025

(ATTN: RECASTS paras 2-3, 9-10)

By Song Sang-ho

WASHINGTON, June 3 (Yonhap) -- U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio on Tuesday congratulated South Korea's new President Lee Jae-myung on his election, affirmed the two countries' shared commitment to the alliance and voiced his desire to deepen trilateral cooperation with Japan.

Rubio issued a statement after Lee of the liberal Democratic Party was elected the nation's new president in a vote that was set up following the April ouster of former President Yoon Suk Yeol over his martial law debacle in December.

"We congratulate President Lee Jae-myung on his election as the 14th president of the Republic of Korea (ROK). The United States and the Republic of Korea share an ironclad commitment to the alliance grounded in our Mutual Defense Treaty, shared values and deep economic ties," he said, referring to South Korea by its official name.

"We are also modernizing the alliance to meet the demands of today's strategic environment and address new economic challenges," he added.

This file photo, released by Reuters, shows U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio testifying at a Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing on Capitol Hill in Washington on May 20, 2025. (Yonhap)

The secretary also underscored the need for three-way cooperation with Japan.

"We will also continue to deepen U.S.-Japan-ROK trilateral cooperation to bolster regional security, enhance economic resilience and defend our shared democratic principles.

Earlier in the day, Maj. Pete Nguyen, a Pentagon spokesperson, also reaffirmed America's security commitment to the Asian ally.

"The U.S. commitment to the defense of the Republic of Korea and the Alliance remains ironclad," he said in response to a request for comment by Yonhap News Agency.

Lee's election came as Washington is seeking to "modernize" the decades-old South Korea-U.S. alliance with its defense establishment prioritizing increasing allies' "burden sharing" and tackling security challenges from an increasingly assertive China.

A series of alliance issues awaiting Lee include the Donald Trump administration's unabated tariff pressure, its calls for Seoul to increase defense spending and the possibility of a U.S. Forces Korea troop reduction, to name a few.

sshluck@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Song Sang-ho · June 4, 2025

6. Lee takes note of importance of policy coherence in relations with Japan

We must sustain the three way cooperation.

Lee takes note of importance of policy coherence in relations with Japan | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr

Kim Eun-jung

Diplomacy 16:37 June 04, 2025

SEOUL, June 4 (Yonhap) -- President Lee Jae-myung said Wednesday that he would take note of the importance of policy coherence in relations with Japan.

Lee, who was sworn into office earlier in the day, made the remarks when asked whether he would uphold the previous government's approach on the wartime forced labor compensation issue, which thawed the strained ties between Seoul and Tokyo under former President Yoon Suk Yeol.

"Policy coherence is especially important in managing relations between nations," Lee told reporters at the presidential office, without elaborating further.

Bilateral relations have significantly warmed after Yoon's 2023 decision to compensate Korean victims of Japan's wartime forced labor without direct contributions from responsible Japanese companies.

President Lee Jae-myung enters a press briefing at the presidential office in Seoul on June 4, 2025. (Yonhap)

He acknowledged the long-standing disputes over historical issues and Japan's territorial claims to South Korea's easternmost islets of Dokdo, but underscored the importance of practical cooperation.

"We can identify mutually beneficial areas in the economy, security, technology and cultural exchanges. Through this, we can pursue friendly relations and shared prosperity," Lee said.

"I hope the two countries will collaborate where possible and address differences as needed, without mixing up current issues," he added.

In his inaugural address earlier in the day, Lee pledged to strengthen the trilateral partnership with the United States and Japan, a shift from his previously critical stance toward Tokyo while he was the liberal opposition leader.

ejkim@yna.co.kr

(END)

7. Pentagon reiterates 'ironclad' commitment to S. Korea, alliance after Lee's election win

If we want to defeat China in strategic competition over the Korean peninsula, the surest road to victory is to sustain the strength of the ROK/US alliance.

We cannot allow ourselves to be spooked by the election of President Lee, despite political differences.

Pentagon reiterates 'ironclad' commitment to S. Korea, alliance after Lee's election win | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Song Sang-ho · June 4, 2025

By Song Sang-ho

WASHINGTON, June 3 (Yonhap) -- A Pentagon spokesperson on Tuesday reaffirmed the United States' "ironclad" commitment to the defense of South Korea and the bilateral alliance, after Democratic Party candidate Lee Jae-myung was elected president.

"The U.S. commitment to the defense of the Republic of Korea and the Alliance remains ironclad," Maj. Pete Nguyen, the spokesperson, said in response to a request for comment by Yonhap News Agency.

In this week's election, Lee defeated his main rival Kim Moon-soo of the People Power Party in a vote held following the April ouster of former President Yoon Suk Yeol over his short-lived martial law declaration in December.

Lee Jae-myung, presidential candidate of the Democratic Party, waves to his supporters in front of his residence in Incheon, west of Seoul, on June 3, 2025. (Yonhap)

sshluck@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Song Sang-ho · June 4, 2025

8. Lee's 'pragmatic diplomacy' vision put to test in U.S. alliance, regional power ties

President Trump needs to appoint a strong US ambassador to South Korea soon. There is still no indication of a nominee.

(News Focus) Lee's 'pragmatic diplomacy' vision put to test in U.S. alliance, regional power ties

en.yna.co.kr

(News Focus) Lee's 'pragmatic diplomacy' vision put to test in U.S. alliance, regional power ties | Yonhap News Agency

Kim Seung-yeon

Diplomacy 02:58 June 04, 2025

By Kim Seung-yeon

SEOUL, June 4 (Yonhap) -- With his election victory, President-elect Lee Jae-myung faces the task of turning his "pragmatic diplomacy" vision into action, especially in managing South Korea's alliance with the United States and its relations with regional powers, such as Japan and China, experts said Wednesday.

On the campaign trail, the liberal candidate championed pragmatic diplomacy as being "grounded in national interests," highlighting South Korea's alliance with the U.S. as the "foundation" of his envisioned foreign policy.

Lee has also pledged to pursue future-oriented relations with Japan, while squarely addressing historical issues stemming from Japan's 1910-45 colonial rule of Korea.

Regarding China and Russia, Lee has emphasized the importance of managing diplomatic relations with them "prudently," stating there is no need to "unnecessarily antagonize" the two neighbors.

Democratic Party presidential candidate Lee Jae-myung waves to supporters as he leaves a campaign stop near a shopping mall in Hanam, south of Seoul, on June 2, 2025. (Yonhap)

As sanguine as these may sound, Lee's vision has left many to wonder -- how he will play that out on the complex and shifting world stage, dogged by the sweeping U.S. tariff measures, the intensifying Sino-U.S. rivalry, and deepening military alignment between Russia and North Korea.

"Pragmatism is a very opaque concept. The new president needs to present what principles his pragmatism would entail, and he needs to show them fast," Park Won-gon, a professor at Ewha Womans University, said.

"That will be the starting point of his envisioned pragmatic foreign policy -- something the U.S. will be sure to take heed of, especially regarding how Lee positions himself on Washington's calls to keep an assertive China in check," Park said.

South Korea has a host of issues with Washington besides the tariffs, such as a potential realignment of U.S. troops stationed on its soil and strengthening deterrence against North Korea.

Speculation is growing that the Donald Trump administration could demand an increase in the burden-sharing for the upkeep of the 28,500 U.S. Forces Korea. Coordination on how to deal with deepening military cooperation between the North and Russia is also a key concern.

Once formally sworn in, Lee is expected to prioritize relations with Washington, possibly beginning with direct contact with Trump to swiftly restore top-level diplomacy with the ally.

Lee has said he would seek to put back on track the relations with its ally, which he said have been "damaged" by former President Yoon Suk Yeol's Dec. 3 martial law decree that led to his ouster.

In this AP file photo, U.S. President Donald Trump speaks in the Rose Garden at the White House in Washington, D.C., on April 2, 2025. (Yonhap)

Should Lee be invited, the upcoming summit of the Group of Seven advanced nations in Canada and the summit of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization -- both set to take place later this month -- could serve as an occasion to make his debut on the international stage as a head of state.

Some observers predict that Lee could hold his first bilateral talks with Trump on the sidelines of either of the planned gatherings.

Lee has also vowed to cement trilateral partnership with Washington and Tokyo, a pledge seen as a shift from his previously tough stance on Japan to appeal to centrist voters.

However, doubts remain over whether he will maintain this position, given his past criticism of the Yoon government's decision to settle the wartime forced labor compensation issue in Tokyo's favor.

"The Lee government will face serious difficulties if it fails to maintain improved Seoul-Tokyo ties, as a strong relationship with Japan is vital in helping both countries deal with Washington," Park said.

Announcing the foreign policy strategies last week, Lee called Japan an "important neighbor" for South Korea and vowed to work to lay a "solid foundation" for the bilateral relations.

"We will address historical and territorial issues based on principles, while taking a forward-looking and future-oriented approach in social, cultural and economic areas," he wrote on Facebook.

In this AFP photo, Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba answers questions during a budget committee session of the House of Councillors at parliament in Tokyo on June 2, 2025. (Yonhap)

Observers say the risk of Seoul-Tokyo ties spiraling downward is low -- at least for now -- given the lack of viable alternatives to the rapprochement Yoon pursued during his term on historical disputes.

Lee is also unlikely to reverse his pledge, especially as the two neighbors are set to mark the 60th anniversary of the normalization of diplomatic ties later this month.

Unresolved issues, such as Japan's lack of efforts in honoring Korean forced labor victims from the Sado mines and its recurring territorial claims over South Korea's Dokdo islets, could still resurface in the future, experts said.

Lee's approach to China is also a point of attention. The liberal leader has drawn criticism from conservatives for his perceived closeness to Beijing.

His remarks downplaying the cross-strait issue as something South Korea should not worry too much about have further fueled concerns, with critics calling his view of diplomacy "short-sighted."

Nevertheless, there is optimism surrounding the current relationship with Beijing, as Chinese President Xi Jinping is widely expected to visit South Korea for the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit, scheduled for October.

On relations with Russia, observers raised the specter that normalization of the ties will take time, given the stalled negotiations on ending the war in Ukraine and Moscow's closer ties with Pyongyang.

elly@yna.co.kr

(END)

Keywords

#Lee #foreign policy

en.yna.co.kr

9. China's Xi says highly values ties with S. Korea in congratulatory message to Lee

Strategic competition over the Korean peninsula. We need to recognize how we are competing with China here.

I know this is a very controversial statement (and I will be accused of bias) but the "loss" of Korea will have a greater global impact and direct impact on the US than the loss of Taiwan. We should think about that.

And of course we do not need to lose either or both. We have to recognize the linkage and the focal point for both is China.

China's Xi says highly values ties with S. Korea in congratulatory message to Lee | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Seung-yeon · June 4, 2025

BEIJING, June 4 (Yonhap) -- Chinese President Xi Jinping highlighted Wednesday the importance he attaches to developing bilateral relations with South Korea, as he congratulated new South Korean President Lee Jae-myung on his election win, Chinese media reported.

His message was delivered a day after Lee won Tuesday's election, as South Korea's foreign policy direction toward Beijing under Lee's leadership is drawing attention not only from the Asian neighbor, but also from its rival, the United States, amid their intensifying competition.

"China and South Korea are important neighbors and partners for cooperation," Xi was quoted as saying in the message by Xinhua News Agency. "The two countries have achieved much together by working hand in hand and overcoming differences in ideology and social systems, since the establishment of diplomatic ties 33 years ago."

Xi stressed that this "steady and healthy "development of the relations has contributed to ensuring regional peace and stability.

"I attach great importance to the development of the China-South Korea relations," he was quoted as stating.

Xi also said that China is "willing" to cement the two countries' friendship and uphold the objectives for mutual benefits.

"China is willing to work together with South Korea to steadily advance our strategic cooperative partnership," he said.

Xi's remarks came after a White House official expressed concerns over China's "interference and influence in democracies" in its first message to Lee following his election win, while affirming the South Korea-U.S. alliance as ironclad.

This undated photo released by Xinhua News Agency shows Chinese President Xi Jinping. (Yonhap)

elly@yna.co.kr

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en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Seung-yeon · June 4, 2025

10. Diplomat-turned-politician with expertise in Russia, N. Korea named Lee's top security adviser

Many of us have known and worked with Ambassador Wi for many years. He is a good man and this gives me confidence.

(profile) Diplomat-turned-politician with expertise in Russia, N. Korea named Lee's top security adviser | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Seung-yeon · June 4, 2025

By Kim Seung-yeon

SEOUL, June 4 (Yonhap) -- Wi Sung-lac, President Lee Jae-myung's pick for national security adviser, is a retired diplomat well-versed in Russia and North Korea affairs, who played a key role in shaping Lee's "pragmatic diplomacy" strategy during the presidential campaign.

Wi, 71, is known for advocating a practical yet principled foreign policy focused on national interests by maintaining stable ties with other regional major powers like China and Russia based on the alliance with the United States.

His approach is expected to be the guiding foreign policy principle in the early days of the Lee government.

"Based on his extensive policy experience and expertise in foreign and security affairs, I believe he will play a key role in achieving our national goals of pragmatic diplomacy, advanced defense and a peaceful and prosperous Korean Peninsula," Lee said, announcing Wi's appointment.

During his early career as a diplomat, Wi worked as the first secretary at the South Korean Embassy in Russia and as a director responsible for Russia affairs at the East European bureau of the foreign ministry.

In the early 2000s, Wi served as the director general for North American affairs, spearheading North Korea nuclear issues in 2003 when tensions had flared up with the second nuclear crisis.

In 2009, Wi served as South Korea's chief negotiator in nuclear talks with Pyongyang. In that capacity, he made an unsuccessful effort to resume the six-party talks -- involving the U.S., Japan, China and Russia, alongside the two Koreas -- which had stalled following North Korea's torpedo attack on a South Korean warship.

In later years, Wi served as the ambassador to Russia from 2011-15, a period that coincided with the death of former North Korean leader Kim Jong-il.

Wi entered politics as a foreign policy adviser to Lee during his 2022 presidential bid. In 2024, Wi won a parliamentary seat as a proportional representative of the Democratic Party.

A native of the Jangheung County in South Jeolla Province, Wi graduated from Seoul National University with a major in diplomatic studies. He passed the foreign service exam in 1979.

This undated file photo shows Wi Sung-lac, South Korea's new national security adviser to President Lee Jae-myung. (Yonhap)

elly@yna.co.kr

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en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Seung-yeon · June 4, 2025

11. Intelligence chief nominee Lee Jong-seok known as well-versed security expert

This shows us the way ahead for South Korea policy. Traditionally it is the intelligence channel to north Korea that has been the primary route for engagement. I expect that is what we will see the NIS chief do now.

(profile) Intelligence chief nominee Lee Jong-seok known as well-versed security expert | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Park Boram · June 4, 2025

SEOUL, June 4 (Yonhap) -- Lee Jong-seok, the nominee to lead the National Intelligence Service (NIS), is known for his well-rounded, experience-based expertise in security ranging from diplomacy to the two Koreas' unification.

A champion of a pro-engagement policy on North Korea, Lee, 67, has held various senior government posts under the previous liberal Roh Moo-hyun administration (2003-2008), playing a pivotal role in shaping his security policies.

From 2003-2005 under the Roh government, he served as the principal deputy national security adviser, and in 2006, as unification minister, playing a key role in the late president's pro-engagement policy toward Pyongyang.

He stepped down as minister later that year in the aftermath of North Korea's unexpected first nuclear test in October.

The nomination brings Lee back to public service for the first time in 19 years, following a hiatus during which he was affiliated mostly with academic institutions.

While working at the Sejong Institute in 2000, Lee was chosen to join the special entourage accompanying then President Kim Dae-jung to North Korea for a summit with then North Korean leader Kim Jong-il.

Announcing his nomination, the presidential office described Lee as an individual capable of strengthening the NIS' intelligence capabilities and safeguarding national interests against trade turmoil, based on his past experience.

"Lee is a person who could open a breakthrough to develop the stalled inter-Korean relations, based on his expertise," the office said.

National Intelligence Service Director nominee Lee Jong-seok (Yonhap)

pbr@yna.co.kr

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en.yna.co.kr · by Park Boram · June 4, 2025

12. Lee vows to unite nation, revitalize slowing economy

It is still "the economy, stupid" and I expect economic challenges will plague his administration.

(2nd LD) Lee vows to unite nation, revitalize slowing economy | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Eun-jung · June 4, 2025

(ATTN: ADDS details, background in paras 12-15)

By Kim Eun-jung

SEOUL, June 4 (Yonhap) -- President Lee Jae-myung was sworn into office Wednesday, pledging to unite a divided nation, revitalize the economy and pursue pragmatic diplomacy based on national interests.

Lee began his five-year term without a transition period earlier in the day as he won a snap election following the impeachment of former President Yoon Suk Yeol over his failed martial law bid in December.

"No matter whom you supported in this election, I will serve as a president for all to embrace and serve every citizen," Lee said in his inaugural address during a scaled-down ceremony held at the National Assembly.

President Lee Jae-myung takes the oath of office during a ceremony at the National Assembly in Seoul on June 4, 2025. (Pool photo) (Yonhap)

Lee vowed to unite a deeply fractured country over Yoon's martial law and subsequent impeachment and ouster.

"It is time to restore security and peace, which have been reduced to tools of political strife; to rebuild livelihoods and the economy damaged by indifference, incompetence and irresponsibility; and to revive democracy undermined by armored vehicles and automatic rifles," he said.

On the economy, Lee pledged to adopt a "pragmatic and market-oriented" approach to revitalize growth and foster advanced technologies, such as artificial intelligence and semiconductors.

"I will make a government that supports and encourages, not one that controls and manages," he said.

In regard to foreign policy, Lee emphasized pursuing "pragmatic" diplomacy centered on national interests to address challenges arising from the shifting economic and security landscape.

"We will strengthen South Korea-U.S.-Japan cooperation based on a solid Korea-U.S. alliance and approach relations with neighboring countries from the perspective of practicality and national interest," he said.

While underscoring the need for strong deterrence against North Korea's threats, Lee left the door open to resuming dialogue with the North, which has been stalled since

"We will open channels of communication and pursue dialogue and cooperation with the North to build lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula," he added.

He faces multiple challenges as his inauguration came after six months of a leadership vacuum in the wake of Yoon's martial law debacle, which left South Korea's export-dependent economy vulnerable to U.S. President Donald Trump's sweeping tariffs.

Lee also faces pressing security challenges, including mounting pressure from the Trump administration for South Korea to increase its financial contributions toward the upkeep of the 28,500 U.S. troops stationed on the peninsula. The discussions come amid growing concerns about a potential realignment of U.S. forces to better counter China's expanding regional influence.

Following Lee's election, a White House official affirmed the "ironclad" South Korea-U.S. alliance while expressing concerns over "Chinese interference and influence in democracies."

Lee is expected to hold a phone call with Trump as early as later this month, according to diplomatic sources.

The ceremony was attended by the heads of the three branches of government, Cabinet members and lawmakers. No foreign dignitaries have been invited.

Prior to the event, Lee paid tribute at Seoul National Cemetery to honor fallen service members.

President Lee Jae-myung burns incense at a memorial at Seoul National Cemetery in Seoul on June 4, 2025. (Pool photo) (Yonhap)

A formal inauguration ceremony will be held July 17 in conjunction with the Constitution Day commemoration, the presidential office said in a release.

The event will be titled an "Appointment Ceremony," reflecting Lee's belief that "the people appoint the president," the office said.

Holding the ceremony on Constitution Day underscores his commitment to "firmly uphold the constitutional order," it added.

ejkim@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Eun-jung · June 4, 2025

13. Lee faces tariffs, burden-sharing, other headwinds for S. Korea-U.S. alliance

We must sustain the alliance to defeat China. It is in US strategic and national security interests to have a strong ROK/US alliance.

My recommendation to President Lee is that he begin with the talking point that South Korea owns its defense burden and shares strategic interests toward north Korea and China with the US and therefore supports the stationing of US forces at the largest US military based outside of the US (provided by the ROK government) to assist in deterrence and defense and along with South Korean forces, provides the US strategic agility for addressing multiple contingencies in the Asia/Indo-Pacific region.

We cannot afford another Acheson mistake.

(News Focus) Lee faces tariffs, burden-sharing, other headwinds for S. Korea-U.S. alliance | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Song Sang-ho · June 4, 2025

By Song Sang-ho

WASHINGTON, June 3 (Yonhap) -- With little time to bask in his triumph, South Korean President-elect Lee Jae-myung faces the daunting task of reinforcing the Seoul-Washington alliance amid President Donald Trump's calls for "reciprocal" trade, greater defense burden-sharing and alignment on deterring China.

Wading into the rough waters of geopolitics, Lee is bound to navigate multiple headwinds for the alliance at a time when South Korea's place in Trump's policy agenda has appeared shaky in the wake of ousted former President Yoon Suk Yeol's martial law debacle in December.

His embrace of a "pragmatic" foreign policy that values the alliance as its "foundation" has raised cautious optimism, but Trump's unabated tariff pressure, a hardening Sino-U.S. rivalry, a potential U.S. troop cut and other nettlesome issues continue to fuel uncertainties over the bilateral relations.

Lee Jae-myung, then presidential candidate of the Democratic Party, gives a thumbs-up after a speech to citizens in Seoul on June 2, 2025. (Pool photo) (Yonhap)

"Both the Lee and Trump administrations will need to remain pragmatic on core security and economic issues to sustain a durable alliance," Patrick Cronin, the chair for Asia-Pacific security at the Washington-based Hudson Institute, told Yonhap News Agency via email.

"Friction and instability are inevitable, but deft and substantive deal-making will be essential to provide the ballast needed to keep the alliance steady -- so it doesn't capsize like a poorly built North Korean destroyer," he added, referring to a warship that the North said was damaged during its launch ceremony last month.

For Lee, the most pressing task at hand is to reach a wide-ranging deal with Washington over U.S. tariffs, non-tariff barriers, and economic and industrial cooperation before July 8, when Trump's 90-day suspension of "reciprocal" tariffs ends.

In April, the Trump administration announced 25 percent reciprocal tariffs on South Korea, putting the Asian ally on the list of the "worst offenders." Reciprocal tariffs took effect on April 9, but Trump placed the three-month pause shortly afterward to allow for negotiations.

Lee's administration is now charged with avoiding or minimizing the impact of not only the reciprocal tariffs but also various sectoral tariffs, including 25 percent levies on imported steel and aluminum, which Trump plans to double to 50 percent, starting Wednesday.

For Asia's fourth-largest economy heavily reliant on trade, new U.S. tariffs have been a serious source of economic concerns. New U.S. tariffs had been much expected to hit South Korea, with U.S. data putting last year's goods trade deficit with Korea at US$66 billion.

Tariffs aside, non-tariff barriers have been a key part of the bilateral negotiations. The U.S. Trade Representative has taken issue with Korea's restrictions on imports of U.S. beef from cattle aged 30 months or older and living modified organisms, and overseas transfer of high-precision map data.

U.S. President Donald Trump delivers remarks on tariffs in the Rose Garden at the White House in Washington on April 2, 2025, in this photo released by Reuters. (Yonhap)

"The most immediate challenge is negotiating a trade deal with the U.S. The outcome of the trade deal as well as discussions on alliance burden-sharing will likely set an early tone for U.S.-South Korea relations under Lee," Andrew Yeo, the SK-Korea Foundation chair at the Brookings Institution's Center for East Asia Policy Studies, told Yonhap News Agency.

"If both Trump and Lee can claim a win on the trade front, the new South Korean president will have more room to breathe in managing other issues pertinent to the alliance. On the other hand, U.S. unilateral demands or the unwillingness to offer concessions may push Lee to tilt further towards China."

Finding an optimal policy approach toward China that does not strain ties with the U.S. would be a tough challenge for Lee, when the Trump administration wants its Indo-Pacific allies and partners to coalesce around its efforts to deter Chinese aggression.

On the campaign trail, Lee vowed to "stably" manage the relationship with China under his leitmotif of pragmatism, which Yeo said demonstrated an openness to engage with countries with "more adversarial relations with the U.S.," such as China, North Korea and Russia.

"Another key challenge is potential differences in Seoul and Washington's perspective on China and the role the alliance might play in deterring Chinese aggression, including on the Taiwan Strait," Yeo said.

"Close ties between Seoul and Beijing would be problematic for the Trump administration which is asking its allies in Asia to increase defense spending to strengthen deterrence against China."

Bruce Bennett, a senior defense analyst at RAND Corp., noted the need for Lee to take a cautious approach toward China to ensure that South Korea would not be needlessly perceived as "contrary to U.S. interests" when the U.S. sees China as its principal adversary.

"I point to the need for Lee to be careful in drawing too close to China and thereby alienating the Trump administration. Lee has five years to build a relationship with China, and so I recommend that he proceed slowly," Bennett said. "The Trump administration also undoubtedly recognizes Lee's progressive tendencies and how they may conflict with the Trump administration's political philosophy."

Another brewing issue for the allies is the possibility of a U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) troop drawdown, a topic that resurfaced following a recent Wall Street Journal report that the Pentagon is considering withdrawing about 4,500 troops of the 28,500-strong USFK and moving them to Guam and other locations.

Chief Pentagon spokesperson Sean Parnell has dismissed the report as "not true," but a senior U.S. official pointed out the need last week to "calibrate" U.S. force posture on the Korean Peninsula to deter China, leaving open the possibility of an adjustment to the USFK troop level.

The report came amid a reignited debate over the issue of "strategic flexibility" -- a term referring to the use of USFK troops to address China-related contingencies or other operations outside the Korean Peninsula in a move away from their traditional focus on deterring North Korea.

This photo, taken on May 23, 2025, shows U.S. military aircraft at Camp Humphreys, a key U.S. base in Pyeongtaek, some 65 kilometers south of Seoul. (Yonhap)

"The Trump administration should acknowledge Seoul's concerns regarding political sensitivities related to strategic flexibility and its implications for ROK-China relations," Yeo said. ROK is short for South Korea's official name, the Republic of Korea.

"To address this concern, Seoul and Washington might frame strategic flexibility and the expanded role of the U.S.-ROK alliance as a response to shifts in the broader geopolitical environment, such as China-Russia-North Korea-Iran linkages rather than just a China problem," he added.

Trump's drive for an increase in allies' defense spending would likely figure prominently when the Lee administration starts high-level engagement with Washington, observers said.

Trump has said that South Korea has not sufficiently "reimbursed" America for its "big-time" protection of the Asian ally, a narrative that reinforced speculation that he might call for a rise in Seoul's share of the cost for stationing the USFK.

During his speech at an annual defense forum in Singapore last week, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth made clear that the U.S. wants Asian allies to jack up their defense spending.

"It is hard to believe a little bit, after some trips to Europe that I am saying this, but thanks to President Trump, Asian allies should look to countries in Europe as a newfound example. NATO members are pledging to spend 5 percent of their GDP on defense, even Germany," he said. GDP is short for gross domestic product.

"It doesn't make sense for countries in Europe to do that, while key allies and partners in Asia spend less on defense in the face of an even more formidable threat, not to mention North Korea."

His remarks appeared to mark a subtle shift from Trump's focus on some members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) that the president once called "delinquent."

"Washington's push for greater burden-sharing -- and expectations that wealthy allies assume a larger share of defense costs -- will likely trigger speculation about U.S. troop withdrawals and even independent nuclear options," Cronin said.

"While such tensions may cause initial anxiety, I expect both governments to find practical ways to modernize the alliance while simultaneously investing in their respective national defense capabilities."

U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth delivers his speech during the 22nd Shangri-La Dialogue summit in Singapore on May 31, 2025, in this photo released by the Associated Press. (Yonhap)

Bennett anticipated that Trump will want to see South Korea's plan to raise its defense budget at least up to 3 percent of its GDP.

"The Trump administration will undoubtedly know that a decade or so ago South Korea promised to bring its defense budget up to 3 percent of its GDP and yet has never risen it to much above 2.5 percent," he said.

Another key task for the alliance is policy coordination over North Korea diplomacy at a time when Pyongyang appears to have little appetite for engagement with either Washington or Seoul amid its deepening alignment with Moscow.

Trump has repeatedly expressed his openness to resuming dialogue with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, while Lee has voiced hope for renewed cross-border engagement, tension reduction and trust-building with Pyongyang.

"But neither will sacrifice national security to achieve it. Real concessions from Kim Jong-un will be necessary to move beyond symbolic gestures," Cronin said.

Cronin stressed the need for reliable and secure communication channels between the allies for policy coordination.

"Ideally, I would like to see decision-makers in Seoul and Washington operate with the cohesion of the Combined Forces Command -- like a data center with 'five nines' of uptime: fewer than five minutes of disconnect per year," he said. The command is a unified unit of South Korean and U.S. forces headquartered in South Korea.

Bennett proposed that Lee and Trump take a "carrot and stick" approach toward the North.

"If Kim closes his new uranium enrichment plant and subjects it to IAEA monitoring, the U.S. and South Korea will work together to reduce some specific sanctions against North Korea (the carrot)," Bennett said. IAEA refers to the International Atomic Energy Agency.

"But if Kim fails to take this action, the U.S. and South Korea will modernize nuclear weapon storage that exists in South Korea (and has not been used since 1991) as well as build some new nuclear weapons storage facilities (the stick)."

Kim Jong-un attends the groundbreaking ceremony of the Rakwon County Offshore Farm in the city of Rakwon, South Hamgyong Province, in this photo published by the Korean Central News Agency on Feb. 15, 2025. (For Use Only in the Republic of Korea. No Redistribution) (Yonhap)

sshluck@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Song Sang-ho · June 4, 2025

14. Lee calls for 'watertight' military readiness in phone talks with JCS chairman

Lee calls for 'watertight' military readiness in phone talks with JCS chairman | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Eun-jung · June 4, 2025

By Kim Eun-jung

SEOUL, June 4 (Yonhap) -- President Lee Jae-myung on Wednesday called for "watertight" military readiness in his first phone talks with South Korea's military chief, shortly after assuming his role as commander-in-chief.

During the phone talks, Lee received a security briefing from Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) Chairman Adm. Kim Myung-soo on North Korea's military activities and the readiness posture of South Korea's armed forces. The briefing took place approximately two hours after Lee formally began his five-year term.

"The president urged the military to maintain a watertight readiness posture by closely monitoring developments in North Korea, grounded in the South Korea-U.S. combined defense posture," the presidential office said in a statement.

During the conversation, Lee praised the military for its restraint in "passively responding to an unlawful order" issued by former President Yoon Suk Yeol during his brief imposition of martial law on Dec. 3, as troops' attitude helped prevent major unrest during the emergency, the office added.

Lee also called on the military to remain focused on its duty to safeguard national security and to earn the trust and support of the public.

President Lee Jae-myung receives a security briefing from Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Adm. Kim Myung-soo at his residence in Incheon, west of Seoul, on June 4, 2025. (Yonhap)

ejkim@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Eun-jung · June 4, 2025

15. Lee nominates PM, spy chief on 1st day of taking office

(LEAD) Lee nominates PM, spy chief on 1st day of taking office | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Eun-jung · June 4, 2025

(ATTN: ADDS details from 4th para; CHANGES photo; RECASTS headline; ADDS byline)

By Kim Eun-jung

SEOUL, June 4 (Yonhap) -- President Lee Jae-myung on Wednesday nominated one of his close confidants, Rep. Kim Min-seok of the Democratic Party (DP) who served as a top campaign aide, as his candidate for prime minister, marking his first personnel announcement since he took office earlier in the day.

Kim, a former student activist turned four-term lawmaker, played a key role in Lee's presidential campaign.

"Kim brings extensive legislative experience, strong policy expertise in public livelihood issues, international perspective and unifying political leadership -- the right person to lead the nation through crises and restore the people's economy," Lee told a press conference at the presidential office.

President Lee Jae-myung (C) delivers his first personnel announcement during a press conference at the presidential office in Seoul on June 4, 2025. (From L to R) National Intelligence Service chief nominee Lee Jong-seok, Prime Minister nominee Kim Min-seok, Lee, chief of staff Kang Hoon-sik and National Security Adviser Wi Sung-lac. (Yonhap)

He also named former Unification Minister Lee Jong-seok to head the National Intelligence Service, the nation's spy agency.

While both nominees must undergo confirmation hearings, the prime minister nominee requires parliamentary approval before being formally appointed by Lee.

On his first day in office, Lee announced his picks for top aides.

Kang Hoon-sik, a three-term DP lawmaker and a key campaign figure, was appointed as chief of staff.

Kang has worked closely with Lee since the 2022 presidential election, in which Lee lost narrowly to his then conservative archrival Yoon Suk Yeol, and oversaw campaign strategy during the June 3 election.

Wi Sung-lac, a seasoned diplomat turned lawmaker, was appointed as national security adviser.

Wi formerly served as South Korea's ambassador to Russia and as chief negotiator for the six-party talks on North Korea's denuclearization. He became a DP lawmaker through the proportional representation system last year.

Lee said Wi will play a key role in achieving his vision for "pragmatic diplomacy, defense based on cutting-edge technologies and the Korean Peninsula for peace and prosperity."

In addition, retired Army General Hwang In-kwon was tapped to lead the Presidential Security Service, while DP lawmaker Kang Yu-jung, who served as Lee's campaign spokesperson, was named presidential spokesperson.

ejkim@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Eun-jung · June 4, 2025

16. PM nominee is strategist, former democracy activist

(profile) PM nominee is strategist, former democracy activist | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Haye-ah · June 4, 2025

SEOUL, June 4 (Yonhap) -- Kim Min-seok, the nominee to become President Lee Jae-myung's first prime minister, is known as a leading strategist of the ruling Democratic Party.

The 61-year-old four-term lawmaker is considered a member of the "New Lee Jae-myung" faction as he began helping Lee during the previous presidential campaign in 2022 as chief of the strategy and planning office.

Born in Seoul, Kim graduated from Seoul National University with a sociology degree after serving as president of the student body during the pro-democracy movement of the 1980s.

In 1996, he was elected to the National Assembly at the age of 32 as the youngest member at the time and won reelection four years later.

In 2002, he resigned in order to run for mayor of Seoul but lost the election to Lee Myung-bak.

Following his return to the National Assembly in 2020, he won reelection for a fourth term during last year's parliamentary elections.

Kim has served as the DP's chief policymaker and a senior member of its Supreme Council.

He was also a standing co-chief of the DP election committee during the recent presidential campaign.

Kim Min-seok, President Lee Jae-myung's pick for prime minister, enters the new president's inauguration ceremony at the National Assembly in Seoul on June 4, 2025. (Pool photo) (Yonhap)

hague@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Haye-ah · June 4, 2025

17. Lee's presidential win heralds return to engagement with defiant N. Korea

It takes two to tango. I am not sure Kim will want to engage any time soon.

(News Focus) Lee's presidential win heralds return to engagement with defiant N. Korea | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Park Boram · June 4, 2025

By Park Boram

SEOUL, June 4 (Yonhap) -- President-elect Lee Jae-myung is expected to reinstate his liberal predecessors' engagement policy with North Korea even as Pyongyang has advanced its nuclear arsenal and escalated a hostile stance toward Seoul, backed by its growing alignment with Russia, experts said Wednesday.

During the term of ousted former President Yoon Suk Yeol, South Korea maintained a hard-line policy toward North Korea, suspending an inter-Korean tension reduction pact, signed in 2018, while doubling down on joint military exercises with the United States and deterrence capabilities.

Experts said President-elect Lee is expected to revive the former liberal Moon Jae-in government's engagement policy with North Korea and introduce measures to support peace efforts, following a breakdown in inter-Korean relations during the Yoon government.

"Albeit not exactly the same as the Moon government, Lee is expected, first and foremost, to take measures to foster an atmosphere for inter-Korean dialogue and ease tensions, in line with the policy pursued under Moon," Hong Min, a senior research fellow at the Korea Institute for National Unification, told Yonhap News Agency.

While in office from 2017-22, Moon held three summit meetings with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, all in 2018, and the two Koreas signed the Comprehensive Military Agreement in September that year, designed to ease border tensions and prevent accidental clashes, although no tangible progress was made in denuclearizing North Korea.

Lee's presidential victory came amid frosty inter-Korean relations and deepening military alignment between the North and Russia, including North Korea's troop dispatch to support Moscow's war against Ukraine.

This image, provided by the Kremlin, shows North Korean leader Kim Jong-un (R) and Russian President Vladimir Putin toasting during their summit in Pyongyang in June 2024. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)

In November 2023, South Korea partially suspended the inter-Korean tension reduction pact in response to North Korea's launch of a military spy satellite and fully halted it in June 2024 over the North's cross-border balloon campaigns.

North Korea is now believed to be close to completing nuclear and missile capabilities comparable to those of a nuclear state, and is developing warships and nuclear-powered submarines capable of carrying nuclear weapons, reportedly with technical assistance from Russia.

Cornered by stringent international sanctions, North Korea turned to Russia for resources and cooperation, signing a mutual defense treaty -- the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership -- with Moscow in June last year, and subsequently deploying more than 10,000 troops to support Russia's war against Ukraine.

In a dramatic escalation of hostility toward Seoul, the North's leader Kim Jong-un in 2023 designated South Korea as the regime's primary enemy and declared the two Koreas as separate countries "hostile" to each other, and has since eliminated "unification" with the South from its policy agenda.

Democratic Party presidential candidate Lee Jae-myung greets his supporters at a campaign rally in Cheonan, about 80 kilometers south of Seoul, on May 25, 2025. (Pool photo) (Yonhap)

Against this backdrop, Lee has promised as part of his campaign pledge to reinstate the suspended inter-Korean military accord with North Korea, restore severed communication lines with Pyongyang, and curb anti-North broadcasting and leaflet campaigns along the border, in order to ease tensions and ultimately pursue the denuclearization of the country.

Hong at the Korea Institute for National Unification, predicted that Lee may begin with relatively easy administrative actions, such as blocking leaflet campaigns and nullifying the Yoon government's blanket suspension of the military agreement, as well as sending peace-seeking messages to North Korea on key occasions, such as the August 15 National Liberation Day.

Chances for improvement in inter-Korean relations remain prohibitively slim, however, as North Korea's advanced nuclear and missile arsenals, coupled with its growing alignment with Russia, leave little incentive for the regime to pursue inter-Korean cooperation.

South Korea may need to seek a breakthrough in stalled inter-Korean relations by playing a greater role in brokering dialogue between North Korea and the U.S. or by repairing its fractured ties with Russia and China -- North Korea's traditional allies -- Hong noted.

"If Russia or China make continued efforts to improve ties with South Korea, there's a chance that North Korea may seek dialogue with the South, whether feigned or genuine, to increase its leverage," he said.

Unfortunately, however, chances for bringing North Korea back to the dialogue table for denuclearization, especially within a single five-year presidential term, appear exceedingly slim, most experts agreed.

North Korea policy should be instead developed from a mid- to long-term perspective, aiming first to reduce North Korean military threats through realistically feasible measures, such as arms reduction, rather than pursuing the prohibitively demanding goal of outright denuclearization, which will take a long time to achieve, they said.

pbr@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Park Boram · June 4, 2025

18. South Korea’s New President: Frying Pan to Fire

South Korea’s New President: Frying Pan to Fire

csis.org · by Critical Questions by Victor Cha and Andy Lim Published June 3, 2025

Photo: ANTHONY WALLACE/AFP via Getty Images

Remote Visualization

Lee Jae-myung of the Democratic Party of Korea (DPK) secured a landslide victory in the 21st South Korean presidential election on June 3. With 49.42 percent of the vote and a 79.38 percent voter turnout—the highest since 1997—Lee comes into office with a solid popular mandate and comfortable control of the National Assembly, something his predecessor never had.

Q1: What happened in today's election?

A1: After a frenetic 60-day election campaign, South Koreans may hope that today’s result marks the beginning of a long-awaited normalization for the country, which has endured a 6-month constitutional and political crisis stemming from former President Yoon Suk Yeol’s short-lived imposition of martial law and subsequent impeachment. The election outcome was largely expected for Lee, who never lost his lead as the frontrunner, while the former ruling People Power Party failed to coalesce around a single candidate and overcome the stigma of being the party of the man who plunged the country into crisis.

The victory today marks a tremendous political comeback for Lee, who narrowly lost the previous presidential election by a mere 0.7 percent to the now disgraced Yoon, and was at one point mired in five ongoing legal cases, one of which had clouded his eligibility to run for this election until the Constitutional Court’s decision in late March. Furthermore, Lee’s win today brings back to office progressive political forces in South Korea that were last in office in 2022 under President Moon Jae-in, two years earlier than expected (South Korean presidents serve a single, five-year term).

Lee takes office on June 4, with no transition period due to the unique nature of this snap election, and will immediately have to tackle an unenviable backlog of domestic and foreign policy challenges. In this sense, the election closed the impeachment chapter but opens a new and even more challenging one.

Q2: Who is Lee Jae-myung?

A2: Lee Jae-myung is the leader of the progressive Democratic Party of Korea, a former National Assemblyman, and a two-time presidential candidate. He was mayor of Seongnam, governor of Gyeonggi Province, and is now the 14th president of South Korea. This is a remarkable achievement for someone who grew up in a slum south of Seoul, dropped out of middle school to work in sweatshops, and worked as a human rights lawyer and labor activist for two decades before entering politics in 2005.

Q3: What challenges await the new president?

A3: Lee arguably faces the most daunting challenges of any South Korean president since Kim Dae-jung was elected to office in the midst of Korea’s liquidity crisis in 1997. In South Korea’s two previous impeachment crises (2004 and 2017), recovery from the economic downturns relied on China’s economic boom in 2004 and the South Korean semiconductor export boom in 2017, but no such favorable factors exist today. On the contrary, what Lee must deal with is a markedly less forgiving external environment—war in Ukraine and Gaza, U.S. tariffs, Chinese export controls, and North Korea-Russia relations—all of which work against South Korea’s economic recovery.

Q4: What will the priority be for the next South Korean government?

A4: The economy will be the top priority for Lee. The Bank of Korea recently cut the 2025 growth forecast by almost half (from 1.5 percent to 0.8 percent), which marks only the fourth time the forecast has dipped below 1 percent growth since 1987. Furthermore, the global trade war between the United States and China, Korea’s two most important trading partners, has started to hurt the Korean export-led economy, with total global exports and car exports down 1.3 percent and 4.4 percent respectively last month. Korean exports to the United States and China have been hit even harder, with each falling by about 8 percent last month, while car exports to the U.S. market have dropped by more than 30 percent year on year.

The interim government that preceded Lee made no progress in alleviating the bevy of Trump tariffs, including the 10 percent baseline tariffs, 25 percent auto tariffs, 25 percent auto parts tariffs, 25 percent tariffs on imports from Mexico, and 50 percent aluminum and steel tariffs. South Korean trade negotiators under the interim government failed at winning tariff exemptions. With a reported June 4 deadline for countries to present their best trade deals and just a little over a month before the 90-day tariff pause ends on July 8, President Lee will find himself with little to no time to spare before tackling the most important task of his early presidency: reaching a deal with Trump.

Furthermore, there is an unspoken state of quiet crisis in the security aspects of the U.S.-Korea alliance as the Trump administration has plowed ahead with policies with major implications for Korea, including strategic flexibility and the potential withdrawal of a brigade from the Korean Peninsula. Reflective of these problems, Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth skipped Seoul on his two trips to the region. Secretary of State and interim National Security Advisor Marco Rubio has yet to make a trip to the region.

Q5: What are Lee’s views on major foreign policy issues?

A5: On relations with the United States, Lee has refashioned himself into a staunch supporter of the alliance, calling it the foundation of South Korean diplomacy. The two leaders will probably have their first meeting on the sidelines of the G-7 summit meeting in Alberta later this month. There will be much to discuss: tariffs, potential troop withdrawals, and North Korea policy.

On Japan, Lee has given interviews this year in which he has acknowledged the importance of trilateralism and strong Korea-Japan relations and disavowed any concerns that his presidency would reverse Yoon’s reconciliation efforts with Japan and the Camp David process. This position will resonate with the Trump administration.

On China, Lee has called for a pragmatic, balanced approach and expressed willingness to “stabilize and manage” ties, underscoring China’s geographic and economic importance. Such policies could clash with the Trump administration, which has made clear that allies cannot expect to hedge between the United States and China by maintaining economic ties with the latter and defense ties with the former.

And lastly, on North Korea, Lee has called for dialogue and cooperation with Pyongyang but has acknowledged that an immediate inter-Korean summit is infeasible. Lee has also promised to reinstate the 2018 inter-Korean military agreement, restore inter-Korean hotlines, and halt leaflet campaigns toward North Korea. Trump will likely re-engage with North Korea at some point, but could bypass Seoul in negotiating directly with the North Korean leader.

Victor Cha is president of the Geopolitics and Foreign Policy Department and Korea Chair at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington, D.C. Andy Lim is deputy director and fellow with the Korea Chair at CSIS.

Critical Questions is produced by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a private, tax-exempt institution focusing on international public policy issues. Its research is nonpartisan and nonproprietary. CSIS does not take specific policy positions. Accordingly, all views, positions, and conclusions expressed in this publication should be understood to be solely those of the author(s).

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Victor Cha

President, Geopolitics and Foreign Policy Department and Korea Chair

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Andy Lim

Deputy Director and Fellow, Korea Chair

Programs & Projects

KAI inks US$700 mln deal to export FA-50 aircraft to Manila | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Minji · June 4, 2025

SEOUL, June 4 (Yonhap) -- South Korean defense firm Korea Aerospace Industries Ltd. (KAI) has signed a deal with the Philippine defense ministry to export 12 FA-50 light attack fighters, the state arms procurement agency said Wednesday.

The US$700 million deal signed on Tuesday marks the second round of FA-50 exports to Manila, following an initial supply of 12 jets in 2014, according to the Defense Acquisition Program Administration (DAPA).

South Korea and Manila have been in talks over the FA-50 deal, with DAPA Minister Seok Jong-gun and Philippine Defense Secretary Gilberto Teodoro discussing arms industry cooperation during their meeting in Manila in March.

The Philippines has introduced various South Korean-made weapons systems over the years, including FA-50 light attack aircraft, frigates and corvettes, emerging as Seoul's biggest arms trade partner in Southeast Asia.

The FA-50 has been exported to six countries, including Indonesia, Iraq, Malaysia, Poland and Thailand, so far.

This April 17, 2025, file photo, provided by the Air Force, shows an FA-50 fighter landing at an air base in the southwestern city of Gwangju. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)

mlee@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Minji · June 4, 2025

20. Lee Jae-myung: South Korea's new president has a Trump-shaped crisis to avert

Lee Jae-myung: South Korea's new president has a Trump-shaped crisis to avert

BBC

South Korea's new president has a Trump-shaped crisis to avert

2 hours ago

Jean Mackenzie

Seoul correspondent

Reporting fromSeoul

Watch: BBC on the ground in Seoul as new president is announced

South Korea's new president, Lee Jae-myung, has secured a storming victory, but his honeymoon will barely last the day.

The former opposition leader is not getting to enjoy the two-month transition period usually afforded to new leaders, so they can build their team and nail down their vision for the country.

Instead he is entering office immediately, to fill the hole left by the impeachment of the former president, Yoon Suk Yeol, who last December tried and failed to bring the country under martial law.

In electing Lee, with almost 50% of the vote , South Koreans have vehemently rejected the military dictatorship that was almost forced upon them. Lee campaigned on the promise that he would strengthen South Korea's democracy and unite the country, after a divisive and tumultuous six months.

But that will have to wait. First, he has a Donald Trump shaped crisis to avert.

In the coming months, Trump has the power to destabilise South Korea's economy, its security, and its volatile relationship with North Korea.

South Koreans were dismayed when Trump slapped 25% tariffs on all Korean imports in April, after already hitting the country with aggressive tariffs on its core industries – steel and cars. They had assumed that being longstanding military allies from the days of the Korean War, and having a free-trade agreement with the US, would spare them.

If these tariffs take effect "they could trigger an economic crisis", a seasoned advisor to Lee's Democratic Party, Moon Chung-in, said.

Before Trump's announcements, South Korea's economy was already slowing down. The martial law chaos constricted it further. Then, in the first quarter of this year, it contracted. Fixing this has been voters' number one demand, even above fixing their beleaguered democracy.

Getty Images

Lee Jae-myung is entering office immediately, after the impeachment of the former president Yoon Suk Yeol

But without a president, talks with Trump have been on hold. They cannot be put off any longer.

And there is much more than South Korea's economy at stake in these negotiations.

The US currently guarantees South Korea's security, by promising to come to its defence with both conventional and nuclear weapons, were it to be attacked by its nuclear-armed neighbour, North Korea. As part of this deal there are 28,500 US troops stationed in the country.

Yet Trump has made clear he does not plan to differentiate between trade and security when negotiating with South Korea, signalling that Seoul is not pulling its weight in either area.

In a post on his Truth Social platform in April, Trump said that during initial tariff talks with South Korea he had "discussed payment for the big time military protection we provide", calling it "beautiful and efficient one-stop shopping".

This approach makes Seoul uniquely vulnerable.

Evans Revere, a former senior US diplomat based in Seoul, fears a crisis is coming. "For the first time in our lifetime we have a US president who does not feel a moral and strategic obligation towards Korea".

In his first term as president, Trump questioned the value of having US forces stationed in Korea and threatened to withdraw them unless Seoul paid more to have them. It seems likely he will demand more money this time around.

Seoul may not want to pay more, but it can afford to. A bigger problem is that Trump's calculations, and that of his defence department, seem to have changed. This is no longer just about the money. Washington's top priority now in Asia is not just stopping North Korea attacking the South, it is also to contain China's military ambitions in the region and against Taiwan.

Getty Images

The US currently guarantees South Korea's security, with 28,500 US troops stationed there

Last year, a now senior US defence official, Elbridge Colby, said that South Korea was going to have to take "overwhelming responsibility for its own self-defence against North Korea", so the US could be ready to fight China.

One option is that the troops stationed here would switch their focus to constraining China. Another, touted by a couple of US defence officials last month, is that thousands of soldiers would be removed from the peninsula altogether and redeployed, and that Seoul's military would also have to play a role in deterring Beijing.

Not only could this put South Korea in a dangerous military predicament, but it would also create a diplomatically difficult one.

President Lee, who historically has been sceptical of Korea's alliance with the US, wants to use his presidency to improve relations with China, South Korea's powerful neighbour and trading partner. He has stated several times that South Korea should stay out of a conflict between China and Taiwan.

"We must keep our distance from a China-Taiwan contingency. We can get along with both", he said during a televised debate last month.

Martial law fractured South Korea. Can this election heal the nation?

North and South Korea are in an underground war - Kim Jong Un might now be winning

The political advisor Mr Moon, who once served as national security advisor, reiterated Lee's concerns. "We are worried about America abandoning us, but at the same time we are worried about being entrapped in American strategy to contain and encircle China", he said. "If the US threatens us, we can let [the forces] go", he said.

For Mr Revere, the former US diplomat, this combination of Lee, Trump and China threatens to create "the perfect storm". "The two leaders may find themselves on very different pages and that could be a recipe for a problematic relationship. If this plays out, it would undermine peace and stability in North East Asia".

In Pyongyang, Kim Jong Un will no doubt be watching closely, keen to exploit the shifting ground. His nuclear weapons programme is more dangerous than ever, and nothing or no-one has been able to convince him to wind it down - including Donald Trump who, during his first term, was the first US president to ever meet a North Korean leader.

Since returning to office Trump has indicated he would like to resume talks with Kim, which ended without agreement in 2019. In Seoul, there is real concern that this time the pair could strike a deal that is very bad for South Korea.

The fear is that Trump would take an "America first" approach, and ask Kim to stop producing his intercontinental ballistic missiles that threaten the US mainland, without addressing the multiple short-range nuclear weapons pointed at Seoul. And in return, Kim could demand a high price.

Getty Images

Donald Trump was the first US president to ever meet a North Korean leader

Kim has far more leverage than he did in 2019. He has more nuclear warheads, his weapons are more advanced, and the sanctions that were supposed to put pressure on his regime have all but collapsed, thanks largely to Vladimir Putin. The Russian leader is providing Kim with economic and military support in return for North Korea's help fighting the war in Ukraine.

This therefore gives Kim the cover to make more audacious requests of the US. He could ask Trump to accept North Korea as a nuclear weapons state, and agree to a deal that would reduce Pyongyang's weapons count rather than get rid of them altogether. Another of his requests could likely be for the US to remove some the security it provides South Korea, including the troops.

"North Korea is in the driver's seat now. The only curveball is how much risk President Trump will take", said Sydney Seiler, who was involved in the 2019 negotiations on the US side. "The idea there might be some sort of troop withdrawal [included in a deal] is really not that far-fetched".

Mr Seiler stressed that the US would "not leave South Korea in the dust," but advised South Korea's new president to "establish a relationship with Trump early on", and be clear they expect to be part of any process, if talks materialise.

The new president must move quickly on all fronts, added Mr Revere, arguing that Lee's first homework assignment should be to come up with a list of 10 reasons why South Korea is an indispensable partner and why American dollars are being well spent; reasons that can convince a sceptical and transactional Trump.

Seoul is hoping it can use its shipbuilding expertise to convince the US it is a valuable partner

One Ace card South Korea is hoping to play is its shipbuilding prowess. It builds more vessels than any other country bar China, which is now the world's dominant ship builder and home to the largest naval fleet. This is a frightening prospect for the US whose own industry and navy are in decline.

Last month I visited South Korea's flagship shipyard in Ulsan on the south coast - the largest in the world – where Hyundai Heavy Industries builds 40-50 new ships a year, including naval destroyers. Sturdy cranes slotted together sheets of metal, creating vessels the size of small villages.

Seoul is hoping it can use this expertise to build, repair and maintain warships for the US, and in the process convince Washington it is a valuable partner.

"US shipbuilding difficulties are affecting their national security", said Jeong Woo Maan, head of strategy for Hyundai's naval and ship unit. "This is one of the strongest cards we have to negotiate with".

In his campaign for president, Lee Jae-myung declared he did not want to rush into any agreements with Trump. Now in office, he could quickly find himself without this luxury.

21. South Korea Takes an Election Left Turn

"Left" will be the most used descriptor for President Lee I think.

This is probably a once in five year editorial from the Wall Street Journal editorial board about Korea. It will soon return to the back burner for most pundits.

South Korea Takes an Election Left Turn

Voters punish the ruling party for its former leader’s coup attempt.

https://www.wsj.com/opinion/south-korea-election-lee-jae-myung-yoon-suk-yeol-e44740ca

By The Editorial Board

Updated June 3, 2025 7:21 pm ET

Lee Jae-myung, presidential candidate for the Democratic Party, left, and his wife Kim Hye-gyeong at the party's election night event in Seoul. Photo: SeongJoon Cho/Bloomberg News

South Koreans took a left turn in Tuesday’s presidential election, continuing their decades-long pattern of moving between right and left and back again. Lesson for the right in the rout by leftist Lee Jae-myung: Don’t attempt a political coup and expect to be rewarded by voters.

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The election was supposed to be held in 2027, but President Yoon Suk Yeol was impeached after he declared martial law in December. Mr. Yoon was frustrated by legislative opposition to his agenda and decided to take a page from the strongman playbook. Bad idea.

South Koreans rushed to the National Assembly to protest and lawmakers terminated Mr. Yoon’s emergency order within hours. Tuesday was democracy’s payback. Kim Moon-soo, the candidate from Mr. Yoon’s People Power Party, didn’t have a chance and lost 41% to 49%.

Mr. Lee is sometimes called South Korea’s Bernie Sanders, and his domestic agenda will be the most left-wing in memory. His Democratic Party controls 171 of 300 seats in the Legislature, so he’ll have political running room. He wants to move toward a four-day workweek, starting with four and a half days, as well as expand vacation and sick leave.

He also wants to shut down all coal-fired power plants by 2040 and even reduce the use of natural gas. South Korea is now a wealthy country and suffers from some of the same welfare-state demands and cultural anxieties as most rich democracies.

The U.S.-Korea relationship could also be in for some stress. Mr. Lee says he supports the alliance, but he also wants good relations with his trading partners in China. In March the Korea Herald quoted Mr. Lee as saying that “whatever happens in the Taiwan Strait, or whatever happens between China and Taiwan, what does that have to do with us?”

That was unwise given that the U.S. still has 28,500 troops stationed in South Korea, many within range of North Korean weapons. President Trump has long questioned the U.S. defense presence on the Korean peninsula, and the Trump Administration leaked days before the South Korean vote that it is considering a reduced deployment.

A trade fight with the U.S. over Mr. Trump’s tariffs could spill into such security decisions. That would certainly please the North Korea-China-Russia axis that would love to see the Americans leave Northeast Asia.

Left-wing governments in Seoul have typically pursued better relations with North Korea, including commercial deals and “humanitarian aid” that inevitably is pocketed by the regime to stay in power. This “sunshine policy” has never succeeded in easing either the North’s tyranny over its own people or its military hostility toward the South.

Then again, Mr. Trump also wants some kind of nuclear and security deal with the North’s Kim Jong Un. So Mr. Lee may have that in common with the U.S. President.

(dramatic music)

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Journal Editorial Report: The week’s best and worst from Kim Strassel, Allysia Finley and Kyle Peterson.

Appeared in the June 4, 2025, print edition as 'South Korea Takes a Left Turn'.

22. Trump taps Korean American official for top Pentagon Asia post

Trump taps Korean American official for top Pentagon Asia post

John Noh, who served on the House China panel, is nominated to steer Indo-Pacific security affairs

https://www.chosun.com/english/people-en/2025/06/04/CSB6RD4MPRALRORKI7QKTGLDXI/

By Kim Eun-joong (Washington),

Park Su-hyeon

Published 2025.06.04. 15:56

Updated 2025.06.04. 17:44

John Noh, nominee for assistant secretary of defense for Indo-Pacific security affairs./U.S. Department of Defense

John Noh, a veteran Army officer and former prosecutor, would take over one of the Pentagon’s most sensitive Asia policy roles.

U.S. President Donald Trump has nominated John Noh, a Korean American defense official, to serve as assistant secretary of defense for Indo-Pacific security affairs — a pivotal post overseeing U.S. military strategy and alliances across East and Southeast Asia, including South Korea, Japan, China and North Korea.

The move formalizes Noh’s role five months after he stepped in as acting deputy following the departure of Ely Ratner, a Biden-era appointee who left when the Trump administration took office in January.

If confirmed by the Senate, Noh would take charge of one of the Pentagon’s most strategically significant portfolios, at a time when tensions with China remain high and U.S. partners in the region are seeking clarity on Washington’s long-term posture.

Noh brings a diverse background to the role. A former U.S. Army officer who served in Afghanistan, he later worked as a federal prosecutor in Houston from 2019 to 2021. He holds degrees from Brown University and Stanford Law School.

Before joining the Defense Department as deputy assistant secretary for East Asia, Noh served as legal counsel to the House Select Committee on the Chinese Communist Party — a key panel shaping congressional oversight of U.S.-China policy.

23. North Korea Races to Fix Capsized Warship by Kim’s Deadline

No win situation for Kim's workers. Execution for failure to launch and then execution for failure to recover it by the deadline.

North Korea Races to Fix Capsized Warship by Kim’s Deadline

The vessel, which was partially submerged after a failed launch, is now back upright

https://www.wsj.com/world/asia/north-korea-races-to-fix-capsized-warship-by-kims-deadline-1b15e9b1

By Dasl Yoon

Follow and Timothy W. Martin

June 4, 2025 6:20 am ET

North Korea covered its new warship in blue tarp after a failed launch, as seen in this satellite image taken last week. Photo: MAXAR TECHNOLOGIES/epa-efe/shutterstock

Key Points

What's This?

North Korean warship that capsized last month has returned to an upright position, satellite imagery shows.
Kim Jong Un witnessed his Choe Hyon-class destroyer topple into the water during a risky launch maneuver.
The Choe Hyon-class warship appears to have incurred damage to the sonar bow section.

SEOUL—The North Korean warship that capsized last month during a botched launch has returned to an upright position, satellite imagery shows, as the country works to restore the vessel before leader Kim Jong Un’s patience runs out.

The 5,000-ton destroyer is one of Kim’s crown jewels in his dream of modernizing his decades-old navy.

At a May 21 launch event, Kim witnessed his Choe Hyon-class destroyer—only North Korea’s second such modernized warship—topple into the water. Officials had deployed a risky “side launch” maneuver to get the ship off the dock.

It failed. The destroyer’s bow remained on land, while the stern plunged into the surrounding waters—flipping on its side and partially sinking. “Absolute carelessness,” Kim told officials.

That was exactly two weeks ago. In the mishap’s immediate aftermath, North Korea vowed to pump out the seawater over several days; the ship would be back upright in roughly 10 days. It covered the ship in blue tarps, hiding the damage from the outside world.

The effort appears to be on track, despite the end-of-June target to restore the ship being met with skepticism, according to 38 North, a leading authority on North Korea’s military that analyzed satellite imagery of the Chongjin shipyard on June 2.

Helipad markings that would be on the stern’s deck are now visible, said 38 North, a website affiliated with the Stimson Center, a Washington, D.C.-based think tank.

The Choe Hyon-class warship—named after a former North Korean guerrilla fighter—appears to have incurred damage to the sonar bow section, it added. Repairs would typically require the ship to be taken out of the water, then moved to the types of dry docks that the Chongjin shipyard lacks, 38 North said.

For now, the damaged bow remains on the dock’s launch mechanism, suggesting repairs will begin with that part of the warship, 38 North said.

North Korean state media hasn’t reported on whether the submerged vessel has been lifted out of the water. The most recent official mention of the warship came last week with a report that work restoring the balance of the warship was under way. North Korea has called the gaffe an “unpardonable crime.”

The North Korean warship does appear to be upright in the satellite imagery from the 38 North report, and hitting the intended timeline seems plausible, said Choi Il, a retired South Korean navy captain.

“North Korea moved fast to keep the ship from sinking further into the sea,” said Choi, who now heads the Submarine Research Institute in South Korea, which archives documents.

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Write to Dasl Yoon at dasl.yoon@wsj.com and Timothy W. Martin at Timothy.Martin@wsj.com

24. What North Korean defectors hope to see from new ROK President Lee Jae-myung

I am sure many in thenroth Korean diaspora are concerned.

What North Korean defectors hope to see from new ROK President Lee Jae-myung

Some fear an engagement push could sideline escapees, advocating a firm stance on Kim regime and defector rights

https://www.nknews.org/2025/06/what-north-korean-defectors-hope-to-see-from-new-president-lee-jae-myung/

Jooheon Kim June 4, 2025

Images: NK News and screenshot from KNN News YouTube channel

Lee Jae-myung’s victory in the snap election to replace impeached President Yoon Suk-yeol has ushered in a new era in South Korean politics, potentially setting up major changes in Seoul’s policy toward North Korea.

But as Lee pledges to pursue “dialogue, communication and coexistence” with Pyongyang, some defectors fear that the new administration will push escapees aside in service of its diplomatic goals, expressing hope that the president will retain a firm stance toward the Kim Jong Un regime and safeguard defectors’ rights.

Ahead of Lee’s anticipated victory, NK News spoke to four defectors now living in the South about what they hope to see from the new president.

Some advocated a more pragmatic diplomatic posture, suggesting that South Korea should maintain open channels with China and Russia rather than relying solely on the U.S. Others insisted that the U.S.-ROK alliance should remain the foundation of national defense.

On unification, the majority cautioned against pursuing hasty integration and underscored the growing cultural divide between North and South Koreans.

And above all, they stressed that defectors should not become bargaining chips in inter-Korean relations.

DOUBTS ABOUT PROGRESSIVES

While some 34,000 North Korean escapees have resettled in South Korea over the years, precise data on their political affiliations and who they voted for in the snap presidential election remains unavailable.

However, anecdotal evidence suggests that defectors tend to support conservatives, likely due to the South Korean Right’s prominent anti-communist stance.

Two defector groups publicly supported Kim Moon-soo of the People Power Party (PPP) ahead of the election, citing his appointment of some 40 defectors to public service positions when he was the governor of Gyeonggi Province. Several defectors have also served as PPP lawmakers in the National Assembly in recent years, while none have served for the Democratic Party.

Meanwhile, only one of the defectors interviewed by NK News expressed support for Lee Jae-myung, with the others backing Kim Moon-soo or declining to comment on who they would vote for.

All of this suggests that many in the defector community will be disappointed by Lee’s victory.

“Progressive governments have focused too much on dialogue and cooperation, while neglecting North Korea’s nuclear weapons and human rights abuses,” said Lee Young-hyeon, a DPRK-born lawyer practicing law in the South.

The lawyer criticized past progressive administrations for their “indifference” toward defectors, citing the forced repatriation of two North Korean fishermen during the Moon Jae-in administration.

He also argued that South Korea’s new president should take a dual-track approach to the DPRK that consistently applies pressure on Pyongyang over its nuclear arsenal and human rights violations, while simultaneously supporting North Korean civilians through humanitarian aid, inter-Korean dialogue and family reunions.

“We must treat the regime and the people separately,” Lee said.

This photo appears to show one of the two North Korean fishermen resisting during the Nov. 2019 repatriation | Image: Ministry of Unification

Seok Beom-zin, a defector now working as an indie film director, acknowledged that heavily focusing on military security can sometimes hinder dialogue.

But like Lee, he raised concerns about the negative impacts of overprioritizing inter-Korean relations.

“Many defectors already have a kind of fear about this,” he told NK News. “Whenever inter-Korean relations improve or exchanges increase, that fear resurfaces.”

The conservative Yoon administration notably prioritized support for defectors as a central part of its inter-Korean policy, highlighting human rights abuses in the DPRK while shunning engagement. Relevant initiatives under Yoon included creating North Korean Defectors’ Day and increasing financial assistance for defector resettlement.

Following Yoon’s impeachment, some activists and defectors expressed concern about the loss of a leader who had presented himself as an ally, fearing that a DP presidency would reduce focus on DPRK human rights.

ONE KOREA, WITH CAVEATS

While many defectors still long to see their hometowns again, they expressed doubts about whether unification is feasible and whether South Korea’s new president should actively pursue it.

Lee Jae-myung now faces questions about how to recalibrate ROK policy toward the DPRK following Kim Jong Un’s late 2023 rejection of unification, as well as his predecessor Yoon’s de facto embrace of unification by absorption.

“If unification doesn’t actually make life better than it is now, then maybe we don’t need it,” defector Kim Sang-yun, head director at the South-North Korea Sports Culture Research Institute, told NK News.

He warned that even if the Koreas unify, true social integration won’t happen automatically and could cause serious conflicts.

“If North and South Koreans start mixing freely without preparation, friction is inevitable,” Kim said. “Years of negative indoctrination about South Korea won’t vanish overnight.”

While some focus on economic benefits, he believes social clashes are the real concern. He advocates for slow, careful steps rather than rushing unification.

The film director Seok said he opposes the two-state solution put forward by Kim Jong Un but acknowledged that reunification appears increasingly unrealistic.

“I’m not for sudden absorption or symbolic unification. We need to recognize how culturally distant we’ve become and prepare gradually,” he said.

But Seok dismissed leaflet campaigns by South Korean activists and allegedly even the Yoon administration as ineffective, emphasizing the need for dialogue to achieve long-term stability.

Lee Jae-myung has argued that anti-regime leafleting and South Korean military loudspeaker broadcasts only serve to heighten tensions with Pyongyang, though he has also questioned whether an inter-Korean summit is possible in the current geopolitical environment.

Lee Jae-myung, South Korea’s newly elected President, greets his supporters during a Democratic Party rally at Yeouido | Image: NK News (June 4, 2025)

US ALLIANCE AND NUCLEAR DETERRENCE

When it comes to the U.S.-ROK alliance and Seoul’s need for nuclear weapons, the political divide between defectors is clearer.

Lawyer Lee expressed strong support for strengthening the U.S.-ROK alliance, rejecting the idea of developing an indigenous nuclear deterrent without American consent as politically unfeasible.

“We can’t push the DPRK to denuclearize while secretly pursuing our own program. It’s not credible,” he said, arguing instead for continued reliance on U.S. extended deterrence within the alliance framework.

By contrast, Kim Hyung-deok, president of the Corea Peace and Prosperity Center, argued that the ROK is too focused on the U.S. alliance and needs to do more to maintain good relations with Russia and China.

“South Korea is like a large store — you can’t only let in priests and ban gangsters. You deal with everyone,” he said.

In line with this, he argued that Seoul needs to push to take its defense into its own hands through nuclear armament, viewing U.S. opposition as a hurdle to be overcome.

“Why do we keep clinging to the U.S. military for our defense? That might have made sense in the 1970s, but today, South Korea’s economy is over 40 times bigger than North Korea’s — maybe even 100 times,” he said.

Kim Sang-yun similarly suggested that South Korea should reduce its reliance on U.S. forces and strengthen domestic defense, arguing that it should nurture economic ties with China and Russia to ease North Korean tensions.

Lee Jae-myung has expressed skepticism about South Korea pursuing nuclear weapons and redeploying U.S. tactical nuclear weapons to the peninsula.

But while he has emphasized the centrality of the U.S. alliance to ROK security, he has also called for a “flexible” approach to diplomatic ties with neighbors China and Russia, for instance refusing to comment on whether South Korea would support Taiwan if China invades.

DEFECTORS AS STAKEHOLDERS

Despite their differences of opinion, all four defectors who spoke to NK News stressed that how the new administration treats DPRK escapees is a litmus test for its commitment to South Korean values.

Seok cautioned against pushing defectors aside to further political goals.

“When South-North relations improve too quickly, defectors fear they’ll be sacrificed for diplomacy,” he said.

Kim Hyung-deok also opposed the political use of defectors, instead placing importance on fighting for freedom to travel between the two Koreas, even before unification.

“The defector issue will disappear once inter-Korean relations improve,” he said.

Kim Sang-yun called for broader government support for defectors with diverse backgrounds like himself, not just those with expertise in North Korean studies or politics.

Meanwhile, Lee Young-hyeon emphasized that defector policies should be bipartisan and consistent.

“Whether it’s Lee Jae-myung or Kim Moon-soo in power, defectors must be fully protected and supported.”

Edited by Bryan Betts

25. Lee Jae-myung vows to counter North Korea while seeking peace at inauguration

Pragmatic includes knowing your target audience so that you can use the right words.

Lee Jae-myung vows to counter North Korea while seeking peace at inauguration

In speech, newly elected South Korean president celebrates ROK military might but stresses peace is ‘cheaper than war’

https://www.nknews.org/2025/06/lee-jae-myung-vows-to-counter-north-korea-while-pursuing-peace-at-inauguration/

Joon Ha Park June 4, 2025

South Korean President Lee Jae-myung recites the presidential oath at his inauguration on June 4, 2025. | Image: MBC News via YouTube

South Korea’s newly elected President Lee Jae-myung vowed to counter North Korean threats with military deterrence while simultaneously pushing for dialogue and peace, delivering his inaugural address after being sworn in as leader on Wednesday.

In his speech at the National Assembly’s Rotunda Hall, Lee emphasized that South Korea has “defense budget double the size of North Korea’s GDP and the world’s fifth-largest military,” and said the ROK will “respond firmly” to “North Korean nuclear and military provocations.”

However, he also vowed to keep communication channels open with Pyongyang and pursue lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula through cooperation.

“No matter how costly, peace is still cheaper than war. It is better to win without fighting than to win through conflict, and the most reliable form of security is peace that requires no fight at all,” Lee said in his televised address to approximately 300 guests.

Lee mentioned North Korea three times in the speech, expressing the need to uphold the strong ROK-U.S. alliance and strengthen trilateral cooperation with Japan. He also pledged to pursue diplomacy toward neighboring countries based on “national interest and pragmatism.”

Experts told NK News that Lee Jae-myung’s approach to North Korea signals a sharp pivot from his predecessor’s hardline stance, prioritizing diplomacy and peace-building over confrontation.

Lim Eul-chul, a professor at Kyungnam University’s Institute for Far Eastern Studies described Lee’s inaugural remarks as a “complete reversal” from the Yoon administration.

“The Yoon government sought peace through strength — prioritizing military readiness, the ROK-U.S. alliance and even the possibility of armed conflict,” Lim said. “By contrast, the Lee administration views the avoidance of war as the most secure and beneficial form of peace.”

Shin Seung-ki, a research fellow at the Korea Institute for Defense Analyses (KIDA), said Lee’s vision for inter-Korean relations reflects a clear emphasis on renewed dialogue and reconciliation, comparing it broadly to former liberal President Moon Jae-in’s engagement-focused policy.

But he emphasized that a shift in the international environment is shaping Lee’s policies.

“We are no longer living in an era of ideologically driven conflicts. Today’s wars are about national interests and power consolidation. Against that backdrop, the Lee administration appears to be pursuing a more pragmatic strategy,” the KIDA expert said.

Lim noted that Lee’s overtures, while potentially helping to reduce tensions, are not without risk as Pyongyang pushes forward its development of nuclear weapons and long-raise missiles.

“The more North Korea escalates, the harder it becomes to maintain a peace-first posture,” he warned. “At some point, Lee will face difficult decisions, and Pyongyang will be watching closely.”

North Korean leader Kim Jong Un’s formal rejection of reunification and designation of South Korea as a “belligerent” and separate state has further eroded prospects for future inter-Korean dialogue.

As the opposition candidate from the Democratic Party, Lee cruised to victory in South Korea’s presidential election on Tuesday, convincingly defeating conservative rival Kim Moon-soo of the People Power Party.

His election has ended an extended leadership vacuum since former President Yoon Suk-yeol’s short-lived imposition of martial law and subsequent impeachment, which stymied Seoul’s response to evolving North Korean military threats and the disruptive return of alliance-skeptic Donald Trump.

South Korean President Lee Jae-myung receives a briefing from South Korean military leadership at the ROK Joint Chiefs of Staff combat control center on June 4, 2025 | Image: ROK Defense Ministry

Prior to his inauguration, Lee immediately took office without a transition period after the National Election Commission confirmed his victory on Wednesday morning, assuming responsibilities as commander-in-chief and speaking by phone with Adm. Kim Myung-soo, the chairman of South Korea’s Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS).

During the call, Lee urged the military to maintain a “thorough state of readiness” based on the South Korea-U.S. alliance, praising the armed forces’ dedication and emphasizing the importance of earning public trust. Kim assured Lee there were no issues with defense readiness, and Lee asked that soldiers remain focused so that the public would not worry about security.

U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio released a statement congratulating Lee on his win, pledging to deepen trilateral cooperation with Japan and boost “economic resilience” across the region.

Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba also offered “sincere congratulations” with a social media message written in Korean. He emphasized that Japan and South Korea are vital neighbors and partners in addressing global challenges, urging closer communications and stronger people-to-people exchanges.

In a statement carried by the state-run Xinhua News Agency, Chinese President Xi Jinping called South Korea a key partner and affirmed a shared commitment to peace, stability and prosperity in the region.

Lee’s inauguration speech on Wednesday largely focused on themes of inclusive growth, national unity and ROK global leadership, relegating the DPRK to a relatively brief mention near the end.

During his campaign, Lee similarly shied away from North Korea issues, focusing instead on economic policies and restoring democratic governance after Yoon’s martial law.

However, he vowed to restore the 2018 inter-Korean Comprehensive Military Agreement, which had placed restrictions on military activities near the border but was abandoned by both Seoul and Pyongyang in recent years. He also called for a halt to psychological warfare tactics, including propaganda loudspeaker broadcasts and the distribution of anti-North Korean leaflets across the border.

While offering few specifics on how to deter Pyongyang’s growing nuclear and missile threats, Lee emphasized the need to strengthen South Korea’s indigenous missile defense capabilities, pledging improvements to the country’s Three-axis Defense System.

Lee also pledged to prioritize improvements in North Korean human rights — an issue many liberal leaders have avoided over concerns it could hinder inter-Korean dialogue.

Later on Wednesday afternoon, Lee visited the JCS combat control center to inspect military readiness alongside acting defense minister Kim Seon-ho and Adm. Kim Myung-soo, according to a daily briefing from the Presidential Office.

During the visit, Lee stressed the need to restore public trust in the armed forces, saying that national security and defense are the “foundation of South Korea’s physical safety.”

The new president stressed to military officials present that it is “essential to dispel public concern and reaffirm trust in a military that remains loyal to its duty.”

Updated at 5:44 p.m. KST on June 4 with expert comments and additional information about Lee’s visit to the JCS combat control center. Edited by Bryan Betts

26. Why the US mentioned ‘China interference’ when congratulating Lee Jae-myung

There are those who recognize that Korea is a battleground in strategic competition with China. But we must not misunderstand this. While China certainly would like Korea to move to its sphere eof influence China has a more important intermediate objective and that is to split the ROK/US alliance and create dilemmas for the US. Our challenge is to not emotionally react to Lee's election and suspect him of wanting to side with China. We need to focus on Chinese subversion and the attempts to divide the alliance. If we focus on Lee as the bad guy then we play right into China's hands. They want us to undermine mutual trust between the ROK and US. And the more we make Lee out to be the bad guy in this relationship the more likely we are to actually drive Lee toward China and the we ourselves will contribute to the conditions that undermine the strength of the alliance.

Why the US mentioned ‘China interference’ when congratulating Lee Jae-myung

Unusual statement may have aimed to pressure new ROK president to align with US even as it focuses less on North Korea

https://www.nknews.org/2025/06/why-the-us-mentioned-china-interference-when-congratulating-lee-jae-myung/

Jooheon Kim | Shreyas Reddy June 4, 2025

A policeman stands watch during a Democratic Party rally | Image: NK News

The White House’s first statement on new South Korean President Lee Jae-myung’s election victory has made headlines for its focus on Chinese interference, underscoring fears about the Trump administration deprioritizing allied efforts to combat North Korean threats.

“The U.S.-ROK Alliance remains ironclad. While South Korea had a free and fair election, the United States remains concerned and opposed to Chinese interference and influence in democracies around the world,” the White House said in a statement to Reuters and South Korean media outlets on Tuesday

The State Department, by contrast, offered a more traditional diplomatic tone, issuing a separate note of congratulations to Lee without mentioning China.

The White House’s unusual statement suggests that some Washington conservatives fear Lee may lean toward Beijing, showing how hardliners may be shaping Trump’s foreign policy.

With the U.S. shifting its focus to countering China, the statement may be a signal that Seoul is still expected to stay aligned — even as the new ROK president tries to balance relations with major powers.

OFF TO A ROCKY START

The White House’s comment about Chinese interference appears to have come out of nowhere, but may reflect concerns in some corners of the Trump administration about South Korean progressives returning to power.

Following former President Yoon Suk-yeol’s impeachment in December, conservative voices in the U.S. voiced fears that Lee would pursue pro-China and pro-DPRK policies as president, a stance that echoed Yoon supporters’ conspiracy theories about “communists” overrunning the country.

While Lee has been keen to downplay such concerns and has even expressed his willingness to “crawl under [Trump’s] legs” to preserve the alliance, American conservatives were quick to revive this rhetoric after his victory on Tuesday.

After Lee’s election became clear, far-right political activist Laura Loomer warned on social media that “the communists have taken over Korea,” while conservative pundits repeated Yoon supporters’ claims of Chinese interference in the election and stressed that South Koreans won’t allow Lee to “sell them out to either China or North Korea.”

Lee Jae-myung, South Korea’s newly elected President, greets his supporters during a Democratic Party rally at Yeouido | Image: NK News (June 4, 2025)

Benjamin Engel, an assistant professor of Korean Studies at Dankook University, told NK News that “far-right MAGA media personalities” like Loomer may have impacted the White House’s position on South Korea.

Engel described the statement as “baffling” considering Lee’s support for the U.S.-ROK alliance on the campaign trail, but said the inclusion of China may be aimed at sending a message.

“This is potentially a sort of preemptive warning to South Korea not to move toward China which seems to be a serious concern in Washington not only along the far-right but even more traditional conservative foreign policy experts,” he said.

However, he added that nothing is certain until Trump himself takes a position on the new ROK administration, with the two leaders yet to hold their first phone call.

“It looks like this [statement] is coming from some … fringe elements of ‘Trump World,’ Mason Richey, a professor of international politics at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, told NK News.

He explained that these officials are “rightly focused on China’s undermining of other states and the hybrid warfare that they carry out,” but added that including such comments when acknowledging the new leader of an ally makes for “an inauspicious start.”

Richey suggested these “fringe elements” may seek to undermine U.S. support for Lee from the very beginning of his presidency, but noted that it is unclear whether Trump or other senior officials buy into this rhetoric.

Despite the White House’s mixed messages, there shouldn’t be any concerns about bilateral cooperation based on this statement alone, according to James Minnich, a professor at the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies in Honolulu.

However, Engel warned that such messages may incite “anti-American sentiment” on South Korea’s left, which may interpret it as questioning Lee’s “democratic legitimacy.”

“If this type of rhetoric from the U.S. continues, it’s likely to turn the ‘South Korea may move close to China after Lee’s election’ into a self-fulfilling prophecy,” he said.

IMPLICATIONS FOR ALLIED COOPERATION

The White House’s decision to highlight concerns over Chinese interference underscores a recent shift in U.S. priorities that could hold major implications for joint deterrence against North Korean threats.

Since taking office, Trump and his top security officials have placed greater emphasis on countering Beijing’s growing influence and military might, while leaving allies to lead the charge against other threats.

As part of this shift, some members of the administration have proposed that South Korea take on greater responsibility for defending against North Korea, enabling U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) to concentrate more on Beijing and potential Taiwan contingencies.

While U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth recently warned that the DPRK remains a formidable challenge in the Indo-Pacific region, officials such as Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Elbridge Colby have consistently argued that defense priorities should focus more on countering Beijing’s growing influence.

Pete Hegseth during the Senate Armed Services Committee nomination hearing | Image: Senate Armed Services Committee (Jan. 14, 2024)

While these proposals have exacerbated South Korean fears of abandonment, Minnich said the focus on containing multiple threats represents “a natural progression” for the USFK.

“The only place where U.S. forces have consistently, since the fall of the Soviet Union, been single-threat focused is the Korean Peninsula,” the former USFK Policy Branch chief said. “This is unsustainable in the long term.”

Going forward, he said American troops stationed in South Korea could be expected to operate in theaters beyond the peninsula, while noting that the allies have yet to discuss how this would work as Seoul seeks to balance relations with the U.S. and China.

Richey cautioned against interpreting these shifts as a sign that Washington is abandoning its commitment to Pyongyang deterrence.

“They’re looking for greater investment and capability and capacity on the part of South Korea to manage the threat from North Korea more autonomously, but it doesn’t mean that the United States is checking out of that role,” he added.

The bigger issue for Lee, who has expressed support for renewed inter-Korean engagement despite Kim Jong Un’s opposition, is ensuring Trump does not leave Seoul out of a future return to diplomacy.

“At some point presumably Pyongyang and Washington are going to start talking,” Richey said. “To what extent the Lee administration is going to have a role to play in all of that, and the ‘Korea-passing’ aspect, is the bigger worry.”

Edited by Alannah Hill

27. How South Korea’s Next Leader Should Handle Kim Jong-un

How South Korea’s Next Leader Should Handle Kim Jong-un | Journal of Democracy

By Sheena Chestnut Greitens

journalofdemocracy.org

South Korea is about to elect a new president. North Korea has changed in recent years. Seoul’s approach to the Kim regime must change to reflect new risks — and Korea’s democratic strength.

May 2025

On June 3, South Koreans will elect a new president — the next step in moving past the turmoil precipitated by former president Yoon Suk Yeol’s ill-advised declaration of martial law in December 2024, and his subsequent impeachment. Lee Jae-myung of the Democratic Party is the strong frontrunner in the race, raising the prospect of a progressive again holding the presidency.

A key strategic choice facing South Korea’s next president will be his approach to relations with North Korea. Earlier this month, Lee signaled that he may revert to previous progressive policies that emphasize intergovernmental cooperation between the North and South and attempt to build trust with Pyongyang. Returning to the progressive status quo ante, however, would be both a mistake and a missed opportunity.

The environment in Pyongyang has shifted dramatically since 2017, when a progressive candidate, Moon Jae-in, last won the presidency. The North Korean regime has since rejected reunification as a national goal, formally named South Korea an enemy, and joined Russia as a cobelligerent in its illegal war of aggression against Ukraine.

South Korea’s next president cannot afford to ignore these developments and the risks they pose. Instead, Lee should embrace South Korea’s liberal-democratic identity as the cornerstone of inter-Korean relations, aligning the country’s global brand with one of its most enduring national priorities. Doing so will require an unusual degree of vision and political courage — but South Korea’s next president must make the most of this opportunity.

Competing Visions of Democracy

Every president of the Republic of Korea (ROK) since 1948 has pursued reunification — adding a third strategic imperative to the goals of security and economic prosperity that most heads of state pursue. Managing inter-Korean relations therefore adds a layer of complexity to South Korea’s domestic and foreign policymaking. While there has been some broad consistency since Seoul’s democratization in the late 1980s, approaches to North Korea tend to differ across the progressive-conservative divide.

The debate over inter-Korean policy reflects divergent conceptions of what liberal democracy means for South Korea. History and identity guide how progressives or conservatives seek reunification with an authoritarian rival. The two camps differ over which rights to emphasize when formulating inter-Korean relations; how to sequence rights and political integration when discussing unification between two starkly different political systems; and who is a legitimate participant in the design and execution of inter-Korean policy.

Korean progressives emphasize economic and social rights in their stance toward the North, and focus on improving the welfare of North Koreans through intergovernmental rapprochement with Pyongyang — a process that has often led them to constrain the role of civil society organizations and activists to keep political dialogue going. Conservatives treat consideration of civil and political rights as a precondition for discussions of unification. They are skeptical of the compromises necessary to achieve rapprochement with Pyongyang, and elevate the role of North Korean defectors, including those who openly call for political change to the Kim regime, rather than prioritizing intergovernmental contact.

These differences were starkly visible during the last progressive presidency, that of Moon Jae-in (2017–22). Moon, who followed conservative presidents Park Geun-hye (2013–17) and Lee Myung-bak (2008–13), sought to restart inter-Korean head-of-state summits, culminating in the Panmunjom Declaration with Kim Jong-un in 2018 in which the two leaders pledged to work to reduce tensions and pursue reconciliation, including a formal end to the Korean War.

At the same time, however, Moon’s government reduced funding for civil society groups, particularly those that engaged in defector-led activism, and justified such measures on the grounds that they posed an obstacle to government efforts at inter-Korean rapprochement. For example, in May 2020, after a complaint from Kim Jong-un’s sister, Kim Yo-jong, the Moon government criminalized the launch of balloons carrying information into North Korea, a campaign spearheaded by North Korean defector-activists and backed by international human-rights groups.

In a decision that sparked domestic and international backlash, the Moon government repatriated two North Korean defectors who had sought asylum in the South, denying them aspects of due process such as access to legal counsel, a hearing, and the right to appeal that are normally afforded to ROK citizens — a category that South Korea has long insisted includes North Koreans. In taking these steps, Moon Jae-in joined a line of progressive presidents from Kim Dae-jung (1998–2003) onward who have been criticized for prioritizing top-down forms of inter-Korean engagement at the expense of the rights of the North Korean people, and of propping up a corrupt, repressive government with little to show in return.

Moon was succeeded by conservative president Yoon Suk Yeol, who advocated for a different relationship between South Korea’s identity as a liberal democracy and its inter-Korean policy objectives. (As I have written elsewhere, Yoon’s emphasis on liberal democracy, and the concrete ways that he incorporated that emphasis in South Korea’s foreign policy, made his December invocation of martial law especially shocking to outside observers — and ultimately, deadly to his presidency.)

Before his impeachment, however, Yoon proposed a vision of “unification grounded in liberal democracy,” articulated in a March 2024 policy agenda released by the Ministry of Unification. Under this approach, human rights formed the foundation of the pursuit of unification, rather than being framed as an obstacle to it. Yoon’s government also incorporated human-rights advocacy into South Korean diplomatic activity; re-funded civil society work on North Korean human rights; increased the resettlement-assistance grants given to North Korean defectors in the South; declared a new holiday recognizing North Korean defectors; and objected to Chinese repatriation of North Korean defectors. A white paper released by the Ministry of Unification highlighted these efforts in early May — even as candidates campaigned to become Yoon’s replacement.

The intergovernmental dimensions of Yoon’s North Korea policy, however, were more confrontational and controversial. These included: reorganization of the Ministry of Unification to de-emphasize intergovernmental engagement; several lawsuits against the Kim regime over South Korean–built facilities in Kaesong; a return to describing North Korea as an “enemy” in defense white papers; and eventually the suspension of a 2018 joint military agreement intended to defray inter-Korean tensions along the heavily militarized DMZ border. Perhaps most important, Yoon’s declaration of martial law blamed “the threats of North Korean communist forces” and “shameless pro-North anti-state forces” — a characterization widely seen as lacking credibility.

The Status Quo Ante Is a Mistake

If political muscle memory kicks in, as it seems to be doing now, South Korea’s next president may be tempted to simply revert to the policies of previous progressives: trying to improve relations with the North Korean government and de-emphasizing the rights of the North Korean people and defector population. Lee Jae-myung’s stated platform offers a more cautious vision than some of his predecessors, emphasizing family reunions and risk-reduction measures while avoiding more controversial symbols like summits, but he also proposed to restart the cross-border leaflet campaigns. Analysts are waiting to see whether his current rhetoric signals a true evolution toward pragmatism, or a savvy but temporary campaign pivot.

That would be a mistake, for two reasons. First, it ignores the risks presented by changes in Pyongyang. Second, the martial-law declaration and its aftermath have already been costly and chaotic for South Korean domestic politics, but this period has in some ways demonstrated South Korea’s commitment to democracy. The new president should not sacrifice the opportunity to use the crisis for good.

Aggressive turns in North Korean domestic and foreign policy over the last few years make a return to past approaches infeasible. In January 2024, Kim Jong-un announced that North Korea no longer considered South Korea a “partner of reconciliation and reunification” — instead, it became a “primary foe and invariable principal enemy.” North Korea later incorporated this shift into its constitution and destroyed one of the most visible symbols of the hope for reunification: the Arch of Reunification in Pyongyang. The regime has also strengthened “cultural protection” laws that crack down on the distribution and consumption of South Korean media, with penalties including execution. Executing citizens for liking K-pop and Korean dramas is difficult to square with a renewed South Korean effort at rapprochement.

Strategic developments in North Korea’s military-security sector have buttressed the changes in its political stance toward the South. Pyongyang announced an updated nuclear policy, including a list of circumstances under which it would consider nuclear first use. Development of its missile and drone programs has continued, including via reported cooperation with Moscow. Lastly, following the signing of a “Treaty of Comprehensive Strategic Partnership” with Russia in November 2024, North Korea sent troops to fight near Kursk in Putin’s brutal war against Ukraine.

The changes from the North have prompted corresponding developments in South Korea, aimed at strengthening its alliance with the United States and trilateral coordination with the United States and Japan. South Korea’s next president would be ill-advised to jeopardize these concrete defense and security benefits by pursuing a détente that Pyongyang has already rejected.

South Korea’s next president cannot ignore the changing reality of North Korea’s policies and behavior: Kim Jong-un is a belligerent dictator who has said plainly that he is uninterested in unification, regards South Korea as an enemy, and is actively fighting in a war of aggression against a sovereign European democracy. Any return to summitry without substantive changes from the Kim regime will appear naïve — and could lend support to those in Washington who may be reluctant to continue supporting South Korea’s defense.

But there is another, more optimistic reason for South Korea’s next president to reformulate inter-Korean policy: It gives the new president an unusual opportunity to demonstrate global democratic leadership. South Korea’s progressive leaders were on the frontlines of the fight for democracy in the 1980s, and the election of a new president in June will symbolize — in South Korea and for many around the world — the success of efforts to protect a democracy that was hard won and is worth defending.

In an era of backsliding, when democracy seems both fragile and under threat, South Korea’s response to impeachment has stood out as a bright spot. Citizens and civil society mobilized, legislators in both parties used their powers to constrain executive overreach, the military exercised restraint, and the Constitutional Court carefully and clearly outlined the grounds upon which martial law was illegitimate and damaging to the constitutional order. South Korea’s status as a global democratic exemplar — at a moment when things easily could have gone the other way — gives the next president unique credibility.

To make the most of this opportunity, the next ROK president, especially if he comes from the progressive side of the aisle, should resist the partisan temptation to be “anything but Yoon,” and avoid throwing the proverbial baby out with the bathwater. Embracing the strengths of South Korea’s identity as one of the world’s leading democracies requires taking the centrality of liberalism seriously: letting it guide South Korea’s approach to its own defector community, to North Korean human rights, and to inter-Korean relations.

Three Big Questions

The next South Korean president will have to rethink his answers to three questions that shape the heart of inter-Korean policy: What issues and democratic rights to emphasize? When to talk about those issues? And who to involve in the process?

When crafting inter-Korean policy, progressives typically emphasize economic rights and socioeconomic welfare, pursued through government-led aid and economic engagement; conservatives focus on the need for expanding civil and political rights in North Korea. A liberal-democratic approach should pursue both: It should offer humanitarian outreach that improves the socioeconomic welfare of North Koreans through intergovernmental channels where possible, and then also actively support civil society in filling the likely gaps. (It should also pursue these goals without the corruption charges that have damaged the credibility of past efforts at inter-Korean rapprochement.) Finally, the new government’s focus on improving socioeconomic welfare should explicitly include the welfare of resettled North Koreans in the South.

The next president must emphasize that rights apply to all citizens equally, including North Korean defectors. South Korea considers all North Koreans full citizens of the Republic of Korea; taking seriously this claim means that the next president must continue the ROK’s diplomatic advocacy and efforts to protect North Koreans abroad from repatriation or abuse. He must also allow defector-citizen activists who have resettled in the South to engage in free assembly and free speech, as allowed by the ROK’s constitutional democracy. My own research has shown that these civil and political rights are deeply valued by those who’ve left the North — as much or more than economic and social rights. Respect for these values must be reflected in policy.

When should each component of inter-Korean relations be emphasized? A new progressive president should retain human-rights advocacy as a pillar of South Korean foreign policy from the beginning, as that is when the world will be watching closely. The ROK should continue engaging in human-rights issues at the UN and advocating against the forced repatriation of defectors from China and Southeast Asia in its bilateral diplomacy.

South Korea should also lead global discussions on the emerging challenge of transnational repression. This is a major issue facing escapees from North Korea, and one where South Korea’s democratic identity, global convening power, and ability to offer concrete solutions could be a significant force for global democratic good.

Who should be involved in making and carrying out inter-Korean policy? Again, broad-based involvement from civil society will strengthen the democratic legitimacy of the new president’s inter-Korean policy. In the long run, too, people-to-people ties will be critical to unification — and the North Korean regime’s paranoia about foreign infiltration should not be a reason for a thriving democracy to block its own citizens from communicating with family or friends in the homes they left.

The North Korean diaspora is not a monolith. Some civically engaged defectors will have different ideas from the next president, but he should resist the temptation to treat them as obstacles to inter-Korean progress. Instead, he should recognize them as individuals whose bravery is consonant with South Korea’s own democratic activists, and as citizens with a legitimate stake in the future of their homeland.

Broad-based incorporation of civil society may also help insulate inter-Korean policy from the partisan polarization that plagues South Korean domestic politics, and help create a broader, more sustainable foundation for policy that lasts beyond the president’s time in office. Such an approach also invites global support for South Korea’s leadership, as defector communities abroad have previously recruited support from publics and leaders in the places where they reside, building successful transnational coalitions in the process.

The coming election presents South Korea’s next president with a choice. Reversion to old patterns, while familiar, fails to account for changing circumstances in North Korea, South Korea, and the global security environment, and could close doors for the people of South Korea and the whole Korean peninsula. Instead, South Korea’s next president should seize the opportunity to transform inter-Korean policy.

Sheena Chestnut Greitens is associate professor at the University of Texas at Austin, where she directs UT’s Asia Policy Program and serves as editor-in-chief of the Texas National Security Review. She is also a nonresident scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Image credit: GAVRIIL GRIGOROV/POOL/AFP via Getty Images

28. South Korea's New President Could Transform the Korean Peninsula

Peaceful co-existence? Letting go of the dream of unification? Give me a break. First we must align our assumptions about the nature, objectives, and strategy of the Kim family regime. Once we understand this we will understand that peaceful co-existence is a fantasy.

Excerpts:

At a minimum, Lee should articulate a new vision—the peaceful coexistence of two sovereign states—and nudge the South Korean public toward a more realistic and constructive approach. Paradoxically, by letting go of the dream of reunification, South Koreans would likely increase the actual contact they can have with North Koreans and facilitate reunions between the dwindling number of relatives directly divided by the Korean War. If Seoul moves away from its insistence on reunification, Pyongyang will very likely be more open to contact at the people-to-people level.

None of this will be easy. But Lee can provide the consistent focus on North Korea that Trump lacks. If Lee can foreclose the unrealistic prospect of reunification, stop insisting on North Korea’s complete denuclearization, and offer Kim a path toward healthy economic development, he will open room for a détente. That would make it possible to put in place a wide variety of policies that reduce tensions on the Korean Peninsula. And if Lee succeeds, the U.S.-South Korean alliance can itself undergo a necessary transformation into a partnership based on fostering peace rather than preparing for war.

South Korea's New President Could Transform the Korean Peninsula

Foreign Affairs · by More by John Delury · June 3, 2025

South Korea’s New President Could Transform the Korean Peninsula

How Lee Jae-myung Can Push Trump and Kim Back to Real Diplomacy

John Delury

June 3, 2025

Lee Jae-myung, South Korea's new president, at a campaign rally in Seoul, June 2025 Kim Hong-Ji / Reuters

JOHN DELURY is Visiting Professor of Political Science at John Cabot University. He was the Tsao Fellow in China Studies at the American Academy in Rome and a Professor at Yonsei University in Seoul.

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The debilitating political vacuum that has reigned in Seoul since South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol’s impeachment on December 14 has finally ended. On June 3, Lee Jae-myung won South Korea’s presidential election by a decisive margin. Lee, a liberal who narrowly lost the country’s last election to Yoon, has promised to fix both his society’s broken politics and its mounting economic problems with a domestic agenda that includes improving conditions for workers, shoring up the public sector, and boosting growth in strategic areas such as AI and defense.

But for foreign observers, the Lee government’s most significant policies will be those targeted at North Korea. The new president has promised to be less hawkish than Yoon, and his timing is fortuitous. With U.S. President Donald Trump back in office, Lee will have a rare window of opportunity to make progress with North Korea—which remains one of the most intractable problems in international security. During Trump’s first term, the United States and South Korea tried using diplomacy to persuade Kim Jong Un, North Korea’s leader, to slow his nuclear weapons program and stop his military provocations. Their efforts bore some fruit, despite criticism from national security veterans who had become resigned to isolating North Korea. But the process stalled when Trump lost interest, prompting a return to the status quo ante.

After five years without dialogue, leaders in Seoul and Washington could resume productive diplomacy with Pyongyang. In theory, Lee and Trump are well suited as a pair to wrangle the North Korean dictator. Trump yearns to make bold televised deals, and his taste for the dramatic appeals to Kim’s desire to command global attention at flashy summits. Lee can be equally brash, and his gritty determination to improve relations with Pyongyang can keep momentum going if and when Trump’s attention flags.

But both Lee and Trump will need to proceed with a clear-eyed understanding of the new obstacles imposed by the failure of the last attempt at negotiation, which will make it hard to get Kim back to the table. Lee, in particular, must be ready to sacrifice the unrealistic rhetoric about fully denuclearizing North Korea and reunifying the two countries that has long dominated South Korean politics, as well as the fantasy that imposing sanctions will change North Korean behavior.

There are, of course, downsides to diplomacy with Kim, including the likelihood that he will continue his efforts to ally with Russia and the risk that he will retreat once the going gets tough. But trying to restart talks is worth those dangers. Although many observers tend to assume that its isolation and economic misery make North Korea nonthreatening, its new partnership with Russia has given it more power, and without diplomacy, a new war on the Korean Peninsula cannot be ruled out. A pragmatic approach could reduce tensions—and yield a détente between Pyongyang, Seoul, and Washington in the near future.

WILL POWER

The past decade has shown that managing the North Korean risk comes down to one underlying factor: political will in Seoul and Washington. Trump is an outlier among U.S. presidents in that he enjoys dealing with the ruling Kim family. Making a deal with North Korea was a signature focus of his first term’s foreign policy, and sealing it remains a piece of unfinished business.

Trump, in fact, deserves credit for the breakthrough achieved at the 2018 Singapore summit, the first-ever meeting between the U.S. and North Korean heads of state. His willingness to meet with Kim encouraged the Korean leader to stop testing intercontinental ballistic missiles, partially demolish his nuclear weapons test site, and offer to freeze the further development of his nuclear program. The progress Trump set in motion was dependent on equal participation from Seoul. South Korea’s president at the time, Moon Jae-in, doggedly pursued a détente with North Korea and teed up each step in the negotiations. Over the course of a dizzying 12 months of summitry, which began after Kim accepted Moon’s invitation to participate in the January 2018 Winter Olympics in Seoul, all three parties—Pyongyang, Seoul, and Washington—appeared ready to fundamentally change their relationship.

But this opening soon closed. By the time Trump met Kim for a second summit in Hanoi, Trump’s attention had drifted from North Korea, and both men’s greed for a quick deal derailed their fragile progress. On the summit’s first night, the White House announced that the two leaders were ready to sign a “joint agreement” the following day. When both sides insisted on maximalist goals in the next morning’s talks, however, Trump simply walked out before lunch was served. This was a serious mistake: had the U.S. president remained and engaged with his North Korean counterpart, he might have been able to persuade Kim to fully shutter the Yongbyon nuclear facility and lock in the moratorium on missile testing.

In 2018, Pyongyang, Seoul, and Washington appeared ready to change their relationship.

Instead, by 2020, diplomacy had broken down. Ostensibly in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, North Korea imposed the harshest lockdowns on the planet; even its diplomats were sealed off from foreign contact. Weeks ahead of U.S. President Joe Biden’s inauguration, Kim laid out a five-year plan for North Korea’s military modernization; a year later, one of the first pandemic-related restrictions Kim loosened was to allow missile launches. Over the course of 2022, North Korea tested 69 missiles, the most in any year on record. He unveiled one military innovation after another—a nuclear submarine, a guided-missile frigate, military reconnaissance satellites, attack drones. Ankit Panda, a nuclear policy analyst at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, recently described Kim’s effort to expand his country’s nuclear capabilities as “breathtaking.”

It didn’t help that when South Koreans narrowly elected Yoon to the presidency in March 2022, he pursued a hard-line approach toward Pyongyang. Yoon’s tough-guy stance only reinforced Biden’s disdain for talking to Kim. For the first time since the end of the Cold War, a U.S. presidential term came and went without a single meeting between U.S. and North Korean officials.

To be sure, Biden officials made other kinds of progress in Asia, strengthening the United States’ Indo-Pacific alliances and facilitating trilateral security cooperation with Japan and South Korea. But they left the North Korean security problem worse than they found it. Thanks in part to Washington’s inattention on Biden’s watch, Kim embarked on a profound strategic reorientation toward Russia. In April 2019, after the aborted Hanoi summit, Kim visited Vladivostok to meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin. When Kim returned to Russia in September 2023, he sealed an alliance between the countries by opening a spigot of ammunition transfers to Russia for its war in Ukraine. Putin reciprocated with a historic visit to Pyongyang the following summer, and the two leaders signed a major defense treaty.

On the basis of the treaty alliance, Putin has been supplying fuel, food, and advanced weaponry to Kim. Meanwhile, starting in the fall of 2024, North Korea sent Russia the most precious resource in any alliance—troops. By the time Biden left the White House, over 10,000 North Korean fighters had been deployed on the Russian front. By providing such aid, North Korea collapsed the divide between the East Asian and European theaters in a way not seen since World War II.

STRAIGHT AIM

These developments would not appear to make 2025 an auspicious year for Washington to reopen negotiations. But the underlying logic that drove Kim to negotiate in 2018 still holds. That year, Kim made a startling announcement: now that his country’s efforts to establish nuclear deterrence were “complete”—and considering that South Korea and the United States seemed serious about détente—North Korea would prioritize a new strategy and put “all efforts on economic construction.”

Kim desperately wants to enable North Korea’s escape from the chronic backwardness in which it has been mired since the end of the Cold War. His country remains one of the poorest in Asia: a quarter of the population lives near the subsistence level, foreign trade is minimal, and its GDP is a small fraction of South Korea’s. The breakdown in diplomacy after the failed Hanoi summit forced Kim to backtrack on his shift from guns to butter, but his underlying ambition remains. Kim’s major domestic speeches still dwell on economic issues and promises of a more prosperous future, just as they did seven years ago. Between inspecting munitions plants and attending missile tests, Kim keeps making visits to scallop farms and tourist projects. North Korea’s political old guard may be resistant to change, but Kim need point no further than China and Vietnam to show how ruling parties in communist states can retain power while encouraging rapid economic growth.

Putin’s assistance is helping the North Korean economy limp along. But Russia lacks the means to transform the country. China has the economic muscle and infrastructural capacity to lift up North Korea, but Kim is extremely wary of giving Chinese President Xi Jinping too much leverage over his government, and North Koreans are generally suspicious and resentful of China owing to Beijing’s long history of putting its own interests ahead of Pyongyang’s. That leaves South Korea and the United States as the partners that could enable a true economic transformation.

At a strategic level, therefore, Kim has reasons to reciprocate proactive entreaties by Seoul and Washington. At a minimum, he gains prestige from attending summits with the U.S. president; such meetings provide a domestic propaganda boost as well as more leverage in dealing with North Korea’s neighbors. Kim’s appearance at the Singapore summit led to five meetings with Xi in the space of 12 months, because Xi was forced to treat Kim as something closer to an equal given the importance Trump placed on engaging with the North Korean leader. Another round of summitry with Trump would give Kim new cards to play with Xi—and with Putin, too.

LONG GAME

Since returning to the White House in January, Trump has been a bit of a tease when it comes to North Korea. He has trumpeted his “great relationship” with Kim and promised that his administration “will have relations with North Korea” but so far offered no serious moves to restart negotiations. The slow beginning is not surprising given that making progress with Kim’s regime will be a hard slog, requiring upfront sacrifices from Seoul and Washington. The chasm in mindset between the U.S. and the North Korean leadership, as well as Trump’s insistence on making deals himself, means that Trump’s team is unlikely to cultivate deep relationships with North Korean officials. During Trump’s first term, his negotiator, Stephen Biegun, struggled to get face time with his North Korean counterparts, who were deeply distrustful of Trump’s advisers. Negotiations happened, somewhat frantically, when Trump and Kim were in the same room.

This is where Seoul can come in. In 2018, members of Moon’s team did meet intensively with their North Korean counterparts, hashing out details in their common language and getting to know one another. This inter-Korean dialogue produced concrete agreements in September 2018: the Pyongyang Declaration and the Comprehensive Military Agreement, which lowered the risk of conflict in the demilitarized zone and along the two countries’ maritime border. South Korea’s new president should mimic Moon’s approach by pushing his national security staff and economic advisers to get into the weeds with their North Korean counterparts. A pragmatic, detail-oriented approach by Lee can supplement Trump’s theatrics.

But Lee will have to overcome three large hurdles if he wants to make progress toward a détente with Kim. First, he will have to convince Kim that South Korea can offer North Korea something Russia cannot. That means demonstrating that South Korea can help put North Korea on a path toward significant economic progress—which, in turn, will require Lee to lessen or lift sanctions. Lee can begin by removing the sanctions that South Korea imposed in 2010. But the more important effort will be to convince Trump to call off the Treasury Department’s hunt for new sanctions targets and persuade the UN Security Council to pare back its own sanctions. At the Hanoi summit, Trump would not budge on sanctions relief. But that meeting’s collapse—and, more broadly, the utter failure of sanctions to prevent North Korea from developing its nuclear potential—may prompt him to support Seoul’s push.

Lee can provide the consistent focus on North Korea that Trump lacks.

Lee and Trump should also make it clear that complete denuclearization is not the raison d’être of negotiations. To be sure, the two leaders should ask Kim to take practical steps toward nuclear restraint, such as providing more transparency regarding North Korea’s nuclear program, ceasing his provocative weapons tests (if the United States and South Korea halt their own provocative military exercises), and shutting down the Yongbyon nuclear testing facility. But Lee and Trump must frame these requests as steps in a broader, reciprocal process of improving relations rather than harping on the demand that North Korea surrender its entire nuclear arsenal.

Finally, Lee will have to shift his language around reunification. Early last year, in a stunning policy reversal, Kim recognized South Korea as a sovereign state and challenged Seoul to agree on a national border. In doing so, he tossed out his country’s—and his family’s—long-standing precept that North Korea and South Korea must be reunified. That put the ball in Lee’s court.

Unlike Kim, Lee lacks the authority to unilaterally change his country’s policy. The South Korean constitution defines the Republic of Korea as encompassing the entire Korean Peninsula and its adjacent islands and stipulates that the country pursue “a policy of peaceful unification based on the basic free and democratic order.” But South Koreans’ views on reunification are evolving: according to polling last year by the Korea Institute for National Unification, less than half of South Korean millennials see reunification as necessary.

At a minimum, Lee should articulate a new vision—the peaceful coexistence of two sovereign states—and nudge the South Korean public toward a more realistic and constructive approach. Paradoxically, by letting go of the dream of reunification, South Koreans would likely increase the actual contact they can have with North Koreans and facilitate reunions between the dwindling number of relatives directly divided by the Korean War. If Seoul moves away from its insistence on reunification, Pyongyang will very likely be more open to contact at the people-to-people level.

None of this will be easy. But Lee can provide the consistent focus on North Korea that Trump lacks. If Lee can foreclose the unrealistic prospect of reunification, stop insisting on North Korea’s complete denuclearization, and offer Kim a path toward healthy economic development, he will open room for a détente. That would make it possible to put in place a wide variety of policies that reduce tensions on the Korean Peninsula. And if Lee succeeds, the U.S.-South Korean alliance can itself undergo a necessary transformation into a partnership based on fostering peace rather than preparing for war.

JOHN DELURY is Visiting Professor of Political Science at John Cabot University. He was the Tsao Fellow in China Studies at the American Academy in Rome and a Professor at Yonsei University in Seoul.

Foreign Affairs · by More by John Delury · June 3, 2025

De Oppresso Liber,

David Maxwell

Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy

Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation

Editor, Small Wars Journal

Twitter: @davidmaxwell161

Phone: 202-573-8647

email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com

De Oppresso Liber,

David Maxwell

Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy

Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation

Editor, Small Wars Journal

Twitter: @davidmaxwell161

email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com

If you do not read anything else in the 2017 National Security Strategy read this on page 14:

"A democracy is only as resilient as its people. An informed and engaged citizenry is the fundamental requirement for a free and resilient nation. For generations, our society has protected free press, free speech, and free thought. Today, actors such as Russia are using information tools in an attempt to undermine the legitimacy of democracies. Adversaries target media, political processes, financial networks, and personal data. The American public and private sectors must recognize this and work together to defend our way of life. No external threat can be allowed to shake our shared commitment to our values, undermine our system of government, or divide our Nation."

Access NSS HERE

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(News Focus) Hard-bitten and pragmatic, Lee stages ultimate comeback with presidential election win | Yonhap News Agency

South Korean Left-Leaning Candidate Wins Presidential Election

Lee Jae-myung, who survived an assassination attempt last year, secured the presidency

[Lee Jae-myung's victory certain] US experts: "Establishing relations with China and US-ROK trade negotiations are the first challenges"

"Lee Jae-myung government must be cautious about rapid progress in Korea-China relations amid worsening US-China relations"

"Korea should consider preemptive increase in defense budget"... "Korea-US consultations must prevent reduction of US troops in Korea"

(LEAD) White House affirms 'ironclad' alliance after Lee's win, voices concerns over Chinese influence | Yonhap News Agency

(2nd LD) Rubio congratulates Lee, affirms 'ironclad' alliance, stresses 3-way cooperation with Japan | Yonhap News Agency

Lee takes note of importance of policy coherence in relations with Japan | Yonhap News Agency

Pentagon reiterates 'ironclad' commitment to S. Korea, alliance after Lee's election win | Yonhap News Agency

(News Focus) Lee's 'pragmatic diplomacy' vision put to test in U.S. alliance, regional power ties

China's Xi says highly values ties with S. Korea in congratulatory message to Lee | Yonhap News Agency

(profile) Diplomat-turned-politician with expertise in Russia, N. Korea named Lee's top security adviser | Yonhap News Agency

(profile) Intelligence chief nominee Lee Jong-seok known as well-versed security expert | Yonhap News Agency

(2nd LD) Lee vows to unite nation, revitalize slowing economy | Yonhap News Agency

(News Focus) Lee faces tariffs, burden-sharing, other headwinds for S. Korea-U.S. alliance | Yonhap News Agency

Lee calls for 'watertight' military readiness in phone talks with JCS chairman | Yonhap News Agency

(LEAD) Lee nominates PM, spy chief on 1st day of taking office | Yonhap News Agency

(profile) PM nominee is strategist, former democracy activist | Yonhap News Agency

(News Focus) Lee's presidential win heralds return to engagement with defiant N. Korea | Yonhap News Agency

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WILL POWER

STRAIGHT AIM

LONG GAME