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Quotes of the Day:
And now that you don't have to be perfect, you can be good.
- John Steinbeck “East of Eden”
"... We believe in free speech and free press. In fact, we are in thorough accord with the principle of democracy, equal opportunity, sound economic policies, free intercourse with the nations of the world, making conditions of life of the entire people most favorable for unlimited development.
We believe in liberty of action in all matters, provided such actions or utterances do not interfere with the rights of other people or conflict with the laws and interests of the nation.
Let us pledge our solemn word to carry out these cardinal points to the best of our ability, as long as there is life remaining within us."
AIMS AND ASPIRATIONS OF THE KOREANS [CONCLUDING STATEMENT OF THE FIRST KOREAN CONGRESS]
- Drafted by Yu Il-han (柳一韓; 유일한), April 14, 15,16 (Philadelphia, 1919)
"There are no traffic jams along the extra mile."
- Roger Staubach
1. S. Korea voices regret over N. Korea's threat to forgo prior notice for future satellite launch
2. S. Korean, U.S. veterans of Korean War to reunite in Seoul ahead of 73rd war anniv.
3. S. Korea launches upgraded veterans ministry
4. Yoon vows to take care of overseas Koreans in ceremony launching new agency
5. Framework to share information on N.K. missiles in real-time
6. Public support for domestic nuclear weapons wanes despite growing threats
7. Top US nuclear envoy warns N. Korea will pay 'consequences' for escalating tensions
8. Mutual success of Yoon-Kishida partnership will contribute to lasting success of Korea-Japan ties
9. China owes Korea much explanation
10. North Korea forces exhausted soldier-laborers to keep daily diary
11. N. Korea orders higher ed institutions to submit proposals to expand cooperation with foreign universities
12. Being a civil servant in N. Korea means having the “right background”
13. When and why did Koreans go from anti-American to pro-US?
14. Is It Ideology Or Expediency Behind Emerging Russia-China-North Korean Axis Against Backdrop Of Ukraine War? – Analysis
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1. S. Korea voices regret over N. Korea's threat to forgo prior notice for future satellite launch
They must not want South Korea and the international community time to prepare for salvage operations to recover debris from their next failed launch
S. Korea voices regret over N. Korea's threat to forgo prior notice for future satellite launch | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by 이민지 · June 5, 2023
SEOUL, June 5 (Yonhap) -- South Korea on Monday expressed regret over the North's threat to forgo prior notice to an international maritime safety agency when launching its purported military spy satellite in the future.
Following a botched attempt to launch what the North claims to be a satellite-carrying rocket last week, the country condemned the International Maritime Organization (IMO) on Sunday for adopting a resolution denouncing its rocket launch and hinted that it may not notify the organization for future launches.
"North Korea's attitude, which is drifting further and further away from international norms and common sense, is very disappointing," Koo Byoung-sam, Seoul's unification ministry spokesperson, told a regular press briefing.
Stressing such an attitude only further isolates the recalcitrant regime from the international community, Koo called for the North to choose the "right" path for its future.
Prior to last week's launch, the North had notified the IMO and Japan of its plan to launch a satellite between May 31 and June 11.
In an article carried by state media Sunday, the North claimed that the IMO has been reduced to a "tool moving under the control of the White House," and defended the launch as an exercise of its sovereign right for self-defense.
Pyongyang has vowed to "correctly" put the satellite into orbit soon despite global condemnation that the move breaches multiple U.N. Security Council resolutions banning any launch using ballistic missile technology.
This photo provided by North Korea's Korean Central News Agency on June 1, 2023, shows the launch of the North's new Chollima-1 rocket carrying a military reconnaissance satellite, Malligyong-1, from Tongchang-ri on the North's west coast the previous day. (For Use Only in the Republic of Korea. No Redistribution) (Yonhap)
mlee@yna.co.kr
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en.yna.co.kr · by 이민지 · June 5, 2023
2. S. Korean, U.S. veterans of Korean War to reunite in Seoul ahead of 73rd war anniv.
S. Korean, U.S. veterans of Korean War to reunite in Seoul ahead of 73rd war anniv. | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by 김현수 · June 5, 2023
By Kim Hyun-soo
SEOUL, June 5 (Yonhap) -- Around 160 South Korean and U.S. veterans of the 1950-53 Korean War will reunite in Seoul this month, ahead of the war's 73rd anniversary, organizers said Monday.
A total of six veterans who will fly in from the United States and 150 South Korean veterans will attend a set of commemorative events to be hosted by the Saeeden Church in Yongin, 40 kilometers south of Seoul, from June 17-22 in Seoul and various other cities.
The church has been hosting the events every year since 2007, to thank and commemorate the service of the veterans who fought in the war against communist North Korea.
A file photo of the welcoming event held in South Korea in June 2019 for U.S. veterans of the 1950-53 Korean War and their families, provided by the Saeeden Church in Yongin, 40 kilometers south of Seoul (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
The six American veterans, including Paul Henry Cunningham, former president of the Illinois-based Korean War Veterans Association, will travel with their families. Also among the U.S. invitees were 20 members of the U.S. Armed Forces in Korea (USFK) and descendants of war veterans who are serving in the USFK.
From the Korean side, representatives from related organizations, such as the Korean Veterans Association, ranking political and government figures, and members of the Saeeden Church will attend the events.
The American veterans and their families will attend a commemorative ceremony and a welcoming reception on June 18, the second day of their visit to South Korea.
Participants pose during an event held in Chicago, the United States, on June 15, 2014, to commemorate the 64th Korean War anniversary in this file photo provided by the Saeeden Church in Yongin, 40 kilometers south of Seoul. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
While in the country, they will also visit the Seoul National Cemetery, the War Memorial of Korea in Seoul's Yongsan and the U.S. Eighth Army headquarters in Pyeongtaek, 60 kilometers south of the capital.
This year's event will be held in person for the first time in four years due to the pandemic, while marking the 73rd anniversary of the Korean War armistice and the 70th year of the Korea-U.S. alliance.
The church said it will not be inviting foreign war veterans to South Korea from next year, citing health and safety issues of the elderly. Four of the six U.S. veterans visiting this year are in their 90s, according to the church.
Pastor So Gang-seok, who has organized the events solely with financial aid derived from church offerings, said he will continue to seek to meet the war veterans to repay the kindness for their sacrifice.
"The freedom and privilege to worship God could not be enjoyed if it were not for the sacrifice and trouble of the war veterans," he said at a press conference held in Seoul to promote the event Monday.
He called for more attention from the South Korean government to financially support the veterans.
Nearly 6,000 people, including war veterans and their families from eight countries, have participated in the annual events so far, according to the church.
sookim@yna.co.kr
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en.yna.co.kr · by 김현수 · June 5, 2023
3. S. Korea launches upgraded veterans ministry
Good news. As I have written many times, I am always amazed how well the ROK honors the veterans of the sending states who came to defend Korea in 1950-53. It is good to see the ROK government work to improve the care for and the honoring of the Korean veterans as well.
(LEAD) S. Korea launches upgraded veterans ministry | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by 송상호 · June 5, 2023
(ATTN: ADDS more info in last para)
SEOUL, June 5 (Yonhap) -- South Korea officially launched the upgraded veterans affairs ministry on Monday, in a show of its renewed commitment to commemorating and honoring those who sacrificed themselves for the nation.
The upgrade of the Ministry of Patriots and Veterans Affairs (MPVA) from the previous sub-ministry level to full-fledged ministry status was among the 110 policy tasks pursued by the Yoon Suk Yeol administration launched in May last year.
At the ministry in Sejong, 130 kilometers south of Seoul, Park Min-shik, the first veterans minister under the Yoon administration, took office, pledging efforts to better honor national heroes and foster a social climate in support for them. He had led the pre-upgrade unit from May last year.
"I will make efforts to ensure that the ministry, which just took its first step forward, will fare successfully and that rewarding patriotism will be entrenched as the nation's spiritual foundation and culture," he said in his inauguration speech.
Park Min-shik, minister of the Ministry of Patriots and Veterans Affairs, delivers an inauguration speech at the government complex in Sejong, 130 kilometers south of Seoul, on June 5, 2023. (Yonhap)
Park also said that he will try to make honoring veterans and patriots "core values" toward a "sustainable future" beyond just rewarding sacrifices and contributions for what happened in the past.
The minister reiterated his ministry will push for a plan to create a new iconic park -- similar to the National Mall in Washington, D.C. -- in the central Seoul district of Yongsan to commemorate war veterans and other patriots.
The inauguration ceremony was attended by some 300 people, including Prime Minister Han Duck-soo, Vice Defense Minister Shin Beom-chul and foreign diplomats.
The ministry's upgrade will give greater authority to the minister as he has now become a full-fledged member of the Cabinet. The number of its employees will also increase by 26 to 337, according to officials.
Along with the upgrade, the government announced a plan to shift the authority for the management and operation of Seoul National Cemetery from the defense ministry to the veterans ministry -- in an effort to better manage such state facilities in an integrated manner.
sshluck@yna.co.kr
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en.yna.co.kr · by 송상호 · June 5, 2023
4. Yoon vows to take care of overseas Koreans in ceremony launching new agency
Yoon vows to take care of overseas Koreans in ceremony launching new agency | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by 김한주 · June 5, 2023
SEOUL, June 5 (Yonhap) -- President Yoon Suk Yeol vowed Monday to thoroughly take care of Koreans living overseas, including those who left their home country when it was impoverished and remitted their earnings to help lay the foundation of the country's economic modernization.
Yoon made the remark during the launching ceremony of the Overseas Koreans Agency, a new government agency headquartered in the western port city of Incheon, tasked with supporting overseas Koreans.
"When the 7.5 million-Korean network shares necessary information and experiences by closely connecting with each other, both overseas Koreans and the Republic of Korea will grow and develop together," Yoon said, referring to South Korea by its formal name.
Yoon highlighted the contribution made by thousands of Koreans who left their home when South Korea was poor and remitted their earnings back home, including miners and nurses who migrated to Germany in the 1960s and 1970s, ultimately contributing to their country's economic growth.
Furthermore, Yoon emphasized that the newly established agency would actively embrace multicultural families, overseas adoptees, and overseas Koreans residing in the country.
Yoon also mentioned a group of Korean victims of the 1945 atomic bombing of Hiroshima.
"It is the state's duty to empathize with the pain of our compatriots wherever they are in the world," he said.
Yoon became the first South Korean president to meet with Korean victims of the bombing, which occurred during Japanese colonial rule over the Korean Peninsula. The meeting took place when Yoon attended a Group of Seven summit in Hiroshima in late May.
Yoon also formally appointed Lee Key-cheol, former deputy foreign minister for overseas Koreans, as the inaugural head of the agency.
President Yoon Suk Yeol (L) poses for a photo with Lee Key-cheol, the inaugural head of the newly launched Overseas Koreans Agency, after presenting him with the agency's signboard during its opening ceremony in Incheon, 27 kilometers west of Seoul, on June 5, 2023. (Pool photo) (Yonhap)
khj@yna.co.kr
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en.yna.co.kr · by 김한주 · June 5, 2023
5. Framework to share information on N.K. missiles in real-time
Positive steps continue in trilateral cooperation. Someday (hopefully soon) we may have a fully integrated missile defense system.
Framework to share information on N.K. missiles in real-time
donga.com
Posted June. 05, 2023 07:51,
Updated June. 05, 2023 07:51
Framework to share information on N.K. missiles in real-time. June. 05, 2023 07:51. by Hyo-Ju Son hjson@donga.com.
South Korea, the U.S., and Japan agreed to build a framework to share North Korea’s missile alert information in real time and fully operate the framework by this year. They are planning to use the Hawaii Cell Remote Communication Site under the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command as a hub to communicate information among the three countries. The information to be shared is the estimated missile launch point, flight trajectory, and estimated landing location. The discussions which had taken place in Phnom Penh, Cambodia in November last year are being concretized.
South Korean Defense Minister Lee Jong-seop, U.S. Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin, and Japanese Defense Minister Yasukazu Hamada attended the trilateral meeting on June 3 at the 20th Asian Security Conference (Shangri-La Dialogue) held at the Shangri-La Hotel in Singapore. After the meeting, a joint statement was declared that the three countries would activate a real-time sharing mechanism to enhance their respective nation’s detection and evaluation capabilities to prepare for North Korea’s missile launch.
After meeting with Defense Minister Hamada on Sunday, Minister Lee replied that they would focus on preventing reoccurrence when asked about the conflict on patrol plans, which had been ongoing since December 2018. It is the first time in three years and six months since the defense ministers between Korea and Japan met.
“Both countries’ had clearly different positions for a long time and agreed that this would not be resolved by determining what is right or wrong. Regarding the patrol plan issue, both sides would leave the issue as it is and discuss ways to prevent the same incident from happening again based on mutual trust for a future-oriented relationship,” said a high-ranking official with the Defense Ministry.
한국어
donga.com
6. Public support for domestic nuclear weapons wanes despite growing threats
Cooler heads prevail? The Washington declaration is a good move for the alliance and illustrates the mutual respect and maturity of the alliance.
As an aside, the photo at the link of the large drone oversight is interesting. I have been waiting for the ROK to develop and demonstrate military capabilities adapted from the "Drone Show "at the opening ceremonies of the 2018 Olympics. I expect the ROK dp develop some innovative tactics, techniques, and procedures for the employment of drones in north Korea. https://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/nation/2023/06/205_352370.html
Public support for domestic nuclear weapons wanes despite growing threats
The Korea Times · June 5, 2023
President Yoon Suk Yeol and his U.S. counterpart Joe Biden shake hands during a joint press conference at the White House in Washington, in this April 26 photo. Despite intensifying North Korean security threats, public support for the idea of arming South Korea with its own nuclear weapons has been waning, a new study showed Monday. EPA-Yonhap
More South Koreans trust in US nuclear umbrella after Washington Declaration: poll
By Jung Min-ho
Despite intensifying security threats from North Korea, public support for the idea of developing the nation's own nuclear weapons program has been waning, a new study showed Monday.
According to a survey conducted by the Korea Institute for National Unification (KINU), a think tank, 60.2 percent of respondents said that they would support arming their country with its own nuclear weapons. This figure was a significant drop from 69 percent last year and the lowest since 2014, when the organization conducted its first study on the issue.
The rate of support for the deployment of U.S. nuclear weapons in South Korea also fell to 53.6 percent from 60.4 percent in 2022.
Asked whether they trust Washington's nuclear umbrella, its commitment to respond to a nuclear attack on South Korea by using its own nuclear weapons, 72.1 percent said they do.
Researchers said that the April 26 Washington Declaration, through which the U.S. reaffirmed its commitment to protecting South Korea from North Korea's possible nuclear attack by opening an official channel for nuclear consultations among other measures, affected some results in the study, which was carried out between April 15 and May 10.
Notably, trust in the U.S.' nuclear umbrella rose to 75.6 percent, among the 497 respondents, after the declaration was announced, compared to 68.7 percent who responded before the announcement. Yet the agreement appears to have had little impact on their opinions about the possible development of Korea's own nuclear arsenal, researchers added.
Drones fly during South Korea-U.S. joint military exercises at Seungjin Fire Training Field in Pocheon, Gyeonggi Province, May 25. AP-Yonhap
The study indicates that although a majority of South Koreans are still in favor of building their own nuclear weapons, they may not consider it a worthy trade-off if it jeopardizes the alliance with the U.S., on which they apparently place a higher value.
Asked to choose between having their own nuclear weapons and keeping the U.S. military forces in their country for security purposes, 49.5 percent said they would prefer the U.S. military, while 33.8 percent chose nuclear weapons; 16.8 percent said they were unsure.
Many polls conducted in recent years show an overwhelming level of support in South Korea for the development of the country's own nuclear weapons, with Pyongyang stepping up efforts to develop its nuclear and missile capabilities. However, KINU researchers said the high support rates could be attributed to the questionnaire's design, whereby respondents were not informed properly of the realistic risks the nuclear move would entail.
In the latest study, researchers laid out a list of six expected risks to the country creating its own nuclear weapons: facing economic sanctions, damaging the South Korea-U.S. alliance, destabilizing the region, high development costs, environmental destruction and tarnishing the peaceful image of South Korea.
When asked if the country should take the nuclear path despite those risks, support rates were far lower ― between 36 and 40 percent.
Additionally, a majority of the respondents said that they would support the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, simply known as NPT, with 68.2 percent saying countries without nuclear weapons currently should never be allowed to have them.
In another noticeable finding, 36.3 percent said that South Korea should help Taiwan if China tries to take control of the self-governing island, while 21.5 percent said it should not become involved.
The Korea Times · June 5, 2023
7. Top US nuclear envoy warns N. Korea will pay 'consequences' for escalating tensions
Perhaps we need to consider a comprehensive strategic strangulation campaign. Seems like we might be preparing for one with the recent ROK led international exercise on proliferation. We should include a very aggressive information campaign.
Top US nuclear envoy warns N. Korea will pay 'consequences' for escalating tensions
The Korea Times · by 2023-06-04 10:25 | North Korea · June 4, 2023
U.S. Special Representative for North Korea Sung Y. Kim delivers his speech during the trilateral meeting on North Korea with South Korea Special Representative for Korean Peninsula Peace and Security Affairs Kim Gunn and Japan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs Director-General for Asian and Oceanian Affairs Bureau, Funakoshi Takehiro at the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta, Dec. 13 2022. EPA-Yonhap
The top U.S. nuclear envoy has stressed the need to make North Korea realize its escalation of tensions will have "consequences," while warning any nuclear attack against South Korea will be met with a "swift, overwhelming and decisive" response.
In a recent exclusive written interview with Yonhap News Agency, Ambassador Sung Kim made the remarks, as tensions have flared anew with Pyongyang's botched launch of a space rocket last week.
"It's important to make clear to the DPRK that its escalatory behavior has consequences," he said, referring to the North by its official name, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. "The DPRK must also understand that the only viable path forward is through diplomacy."
Tensions on the Korean Peninsula have shown no signs of abating as the recalcitrant regime has hardened its rhetoric against the South and the United States, and conducted a series of weapons tests this year, including those on "underwater nuclear attack drones" and a new intercontinental ballistic missile.
Kim portrayed the situation as "very challenging."
"The DPRK has increasingly engaged in threatening and irresponsible rhetoric, including by characterizing some of its missile launches and other military activities as trial runs for the use of tactical nuclear weapons," he said.
"We continue to consult closely with the Republic of Korea (ROK), Japan, and other allies and partners about how to best engage the DPRK, deter aggression and coordinate international responses to the DPRK's violations of multiple UN Security Council resolutions," he added.
The North's drive to possess menacing weapons systems, including the recently unveiled Hwasan-31 tactical nuclear warhead, has further fanned security fears among South Koreans, despite the stepped-up efforts by the allies to strengthen extended deterrence, which refers to the U.S.' commitment to use the full range of its military capabilities to defend its ally.
Commenting on the public's concerns, the ambassador reiterated the U.S. commitment to South Korea remains "ironclad."
This photo, provided by North Korea's Korean Central News Agency on June 1, shows the launch of the North's new "Chollima-1" rocket carrying a military reconnaissance satellite, "Malligyong-1," from Tongchang-ri on the North's west coast the previous day. Yonhap
NK slams UN meeting on satellite launch, 'robbery' US demand
"Any nuclear attack by the DPRK against the ROK will be met with a swift, overwhelming and decisive response," he said.
Kim pointed out that a series of "prudent steps" to strengthen extended deterrence were elaborated in the Washington Declaration, which President Yoon Suk Yeol and U.S. President Joe Biden adopted during their White House summit in April.
"The alliance commitment in the Washington Declaration to engage in deeper, cooperative decision-making via dialogue and information sharing on nuclear deterrence will directly address nuclear threats to the ROK and the region," he said.
"The Washington Declaration's outlining of additional activities, including exercises, simulations and visible strategic asset deployments to the Korean Peninsula, will serve to increase the alliance deterrence," he added.
Noting disunity over North Korean provocations at the U.N. Security Council (UNSC), Kim said it has seen the regime escalating its ballistic missile launches, "each one of which violates multiple UNSC resolutions." North Korea is banned from any launch using ballistic missile technology under UNSC sanctions.
"It is unfortunate that in recent years the international community has not been able to speak with one voice in condemning the DPRK's reckless and destabilizing activity," Kim said.
He then called on China to exert its influence on the North to rein in the regime's provocative acts.
"We urge Beijing to use its influence to encourage the DPRK to refrain from further destabilizing behavior and return to the negotiating table," he said. "We also urge Beijing to fully and completely fulfill its obligations under the resolutions that U.N. Security Council members unanimously adopted."
Despite the North's provocative streak, Kim said the U.S. is open to dialogue with Pyongyang.
"We remain committed to diplomacy," he said. "We have also been clear that we are prepared to discuss any issue without preconditions, and we will also continue to seek to cooperate on humanitarian issues, regardless of the status of WMD and missile-related discussions."
Tighter cooperation between Seoul and Washington on North Korean issues and other regional and global challenges has stoked worries that China could consider taking economic steps against Seoul in the context of an intensifying Sino-U.S. rivalry.
Asked to comment on the matter, Kim said the U.S. regularly works with like-minded allies and partners, including South Korea, to exchange information and coordinate potential actions addressing possible future cases of Chinese "economic coercion."
"We are also assessing and mitigating vulnerabilities to economic coercion," he said. (Yonhap)
The Korea Times · by 2023-06-04 10:25 | North Korea · June 4, 2023
8. Mutual success of Yoon-Kishida partnership will contribute to lasting success of Korea-Japan ties
I hope the ROK and Japan can maintain the momentum.
Mutual success of Yoon-Kishida partnership will contribute to lasting success of Korea-Japan ties
The Korea Times · June 5, 2023
By Lee Jong-eun
This year's spring has been a busy time of bilateral diplomacy between South Korea and Japan. In March, South Korean President Yoon Seok Yeol visited Japan to meet Japan's Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, marking the first bilateral summit in 12 years. The summit revived shuttle diplomacy between the two heads of state. In early May, Kishida visited South Korea for another summit and invited Korea's president again to Japan to participate in the G7 Summit later that month. During the G7 Summit, the two leaders visited a memorial in Hiroshima commemorating the Korean victims of the atomic bomb.
A number of international press and policy experts have positively evaluated the diplomacy between Yoon and Kishida to overcome historical as well as contemporary tensions between their two countries. The proponents of improved Korea-Japan relations have expressed hope that the two leaders will continue to show proactive leadership in strengthening the bilateral partnership over economic and security areas. Several observers have even compared Yoon-Kishida diplomacy to the diplomacy between President Kim Dae-jung and Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi in the late 90s, attributed as having achieved major diplomatic breakthrough in bilateral relations.
There are also skeptics who have doubts about the durable success of the recent shuttle diplomacy. Recalling the cycles of rapprochement and conflicts that have characterized contemporary Korea-Japan relations, skeptical observers have expressed reservations that the next incident of bilateral dispute or controversy could halt or even reverse the progress from the two leaders' diplomatic endeavors.
For example, suppose South Korean domestic politics rally against the discharge of "treated" wastewater from Fukushima's nuclear plants into the ocean? Or suppose nationalist elements within Japan's domestic politics advocate vocally for territorial claims over South Korea's Dokdo islets? For Yoon and Kishida to succeed in establishing durable "future-oriented" bilateral relations, the two leaders face challenges from their respective domestic politics. And weaker the leader's political standing is within his country, the less political leverage he will have in restraining the domestic opposition to pursue substantive foreign policy actions.
For international negotiators, domestic political constraints on foreign policy negotiations are commonly described as a "two-level game." However, an important characteristic of the two-level game, often overlooked, is that foreign policy negotiations may provide policymakers with opportunities to overcome domestic political gridlocks. With foreign policy successes, the ruling government may gain political leverage to consolidate its domestic governance and policies.
Prime Minister Kishida benefited politically from the outcome of his bilateral diplomacy with President Yoon. Early this year, Kishida's government faced low public approval and criticisms for Japan's slow economic growth. Japan's domestic politics, however, have positively evaluated Kishida's outgoing diplomacies in the spring, including meeting with President Yoon, Ukraine's President Zelenskyy, and the hosting of the G7 Summit. As a result, Kishida's approval poll has risen to over 50 percent, strengthening his leadership over the ruling party and domestic politics.
The improvement in his popularity has bolstered Kishida's political agenda and has also expanded his political leeway in international diplomacy. During his visit to Korea, Kishida expressed personal remorse for the Korean victims of Japan's forced labor. At G7 Summit, Kishida became the first Japanese Prime Minister to commemorate Korean victims of the atomic bombings in Japan. Though these gestures might not be sufficient for the South Korean domestic political sentiment, they are indicators of Kishida's increased independence from the constraints of a more hardline faction within his government.
President Yoon, however, has not yet benefited politically from his diplomacy with Japan. The majority of South Korean domestic politics disapproved of Yoon's first summit with Kishida for making too many concessions. Even though the next series of shuttle diplomacy received more positive evaluations, Yoon's political approval has improved only marginally, hovering around 40 percent in the polls.
Japanese policymakers' common criticism of South Korea has been that the latter's foreign policy toward Japan frequently vacillates because of domestic political pressures. Japanese policymakers, however, should then ask themselves whether they could have been more effective in supporting their Korean counterparts who favor cooperative partnerships with Japan. Despite domestic criticisms, Yoon's government made concessions at the first bilateral summit, in part, based on a calculation to strengthen more moderate Kishida's leadership over more hardline members within Japan's domestic politics.
For the durable success of the bilateral partnership, however, the two governments should be mutually successful. If Japanese policymakers desire the diplomatic progress from the Yoon-Kishida partnership to continue, then Kishida's government should be proactive in supporting Yoon's government to become perceived as successful in the eyes of South Korean domestic politics.
For Kishida's government, supporting Yoon's government entails "denial of sticks, providing of crowns." Kishida's government should deny South Korean domestic opposition "sticks" to condemn Yoon's government's diplomacy toward Japan. Restraining the members of the Japanese government from provoking memories of historical grievance, is Kishida's responsibility in mitigating the South Korean government's vulnerability to domestic political backlash.
The success of the Kishida-Yoon partnership also depends on Japan's commitment to Yoon's foreign policy success in returning with "crowns" of achievements to South Korean domestic politics. Japan's endorsement of South Korea's hosting of the 2030 World Expo; the candidacy for a nonpermanent seat in the UN Security Council for 2024-2025 could be tangible demonstrations of Japan's support for its neighbor's rise as a "global pivotal state."
Will the Yoon-Kishida partnership achieve a durable Korea-Japan partnership? Or would it repeat the past patterns of progress and setbacks in bilateral relations? Only time will tell, but what is clear is that each leader has a stake in ensuring the success of the other partner. Though political constraints of the "two-level game" are still present, may the two leaders succeed in using their foreign policy partnership to transform together their countries' domestic politics.
Lee Jong-eun (jl4375a@student.american.edu), a Ph.D. candidate, is an adjunct faculty member at the American University School of International Service. His research specialties include U.S. foreign policy, South Korean politics and foreign policy, alliance management and East Asian regional security.
The Korea Times · June 5, 2023
9. China owes Korea much explanation
Excerpts:
Chinese President Xi Jinping pronounced China's goal to become a modernized socialist powerhouse in 2012 and a timeline for that path in 2017. Since then, Beijing sees every aspect of competition with the U.S. as a competition between the two contrasting systems, i.e. capitalism versus socialism.
China's mission is to prove to the world the superiority of socialism over capitalism. In light of the situation, Beijing now considers Korea's values-oriented foreign policy to be overexposed. China wants the world to respect a nation's right to choose its own path to development and political system for diverse reasons. That it fails to respect Korea's rights owes much explanation. Beijing has a lot of homework to do if it is sincere about improving ties with Seoul, instead of extending unilateral criticism. China must come forward as a responsible state as it would like to define itself.
China owes Korea much explanation
The Korea Times · June 5, 2023
By Choo Jae-woo
China is once again on Korea's back. Following President Yoon Suk Yeol's state visit to the U.S. and Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida's visit to Seoul last month, China did not hesitate to issue a successive warning message that Korea's seemingly values-driven diplomacy is deteriorating already-damaged bilateral relations with Beijing. China felt provoked very much by President Yoon's stated opposition to a change in the status quo of the Taiwan Strait by force. Beijing defines the Taiwan question as one of its "core interests," meaning that any external interference is precluded and not tolerated. An array of criticisms and warnings naturally followed from the usual channel for the Chinese foreign ministry's spokesperson, Chinese ambassador to Korea and on a unique occasion during a Chinese foreign ministry official visit to Seoul.
China apparently is not too pleased with the way Korea is pursuing its foreign policy. China's displeasure comes from three factors. One is the impetus behind its drive towards the so-called "global pivotal state" policy. China sees the Yoon government's values- and ideology-driven policy to be bothersome for obvious reasons. Korea apparently upholds values and ideology opposite to China's. As a result, they will remain divisive on global and regional challenges as their understanding and perception of these challenges will continue to differ as long as the respective countries continue to hold different values and ideologies. The other is the Yoon government's diplomatic moves towards improving ties with Japan. Another is the consequence of this endeavor by the government. China perhaps has all the rights to be concerned about the prospective inception of a cooperative security entity that includes the U.S.
Against this background, the visit by Liu Jinsong, director-general of the Department of Asian Affairs at the Chinese foreign ministry, to Seoul seemed to carry two missions. One is to facilitate the improvement of bilateral ties. The other is to address China's official position on its core national interests including the Taiwan question and critical concerns of areas. Although he was the first official to visit Korea since China's Vice President Wang Qishan did to attend President Yoon's inauguration May last year, Liu obviously had a stern warning message to deliver to his Korean counterpart.
The Chinese director-general's warning is said to have gone to an unprecedented level. If the alleged report that he issued the so-called "four nos," China's intent was clear: To let Korea know who's boss. According to reports, the "four nos" are: no cooperation if China's "core interests" (such as the Taiwan issue) are interfered with; no cooperation if South Korea adopts a unilateral pro-U.S./pro-Japan foreign policy; no high-level exchanges (such as a state visit by President Xi Jinping to South Korea); and no initiative by South Korea in relation to North Korea as long as Seoul and Beijing remain at odds.
In his public appearances, Chinese Ambassador Xing Haiming has been a fervent advocate of China's core interests. He insists on Korea respecting them and other key concerns of his country such as Korea's deployment of a U.S. Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) anti-missile battery, Korea's pursuit of values-based diplomacy and trilateral military cooperation with Japan and the U.S.
Additionally, Xing urges that Korea completely accept the "One China" policy. He, like his colleagues in the foreign ministry, bases the demand on the 1992 Joint Communique China and Korea signed when their relationship was normalized.
For Beijing to make Seoul's commitment to "One China" valid and effective, it must also align with Korea's core interest. "One China" is righteously about respecting China's territorial integrity and sovereignty regarding the territory. In return, Korea also expects to receive the same treatment from China with respect to the same matters. It is also the reason why the Yoon government has found reciprocal respect as the baseline of its China policy. However, Beijing has allowed its jet fighters to make illegal entry into Korea's Air Defense Identification Zone (KADIZ) on more than 600 different occasions since its drawing in 2013. It is responsible for People's Liberation Navy vessels straying over the maritime median line in the West Sea of Korea, which serves as an unofficial temporary maritime frontier as of today. Beijing owes Korea much explanation for violating Korea's territorial sovereignty.
China criticizing Korea's values-driven diplomacy proves the absence of independence and autonomy in its decision-making. Rather it reveals Korea being susceptible to America's pressure to accept its view on China as an authoritarian state. Chinese criticism is offensive to Korea as a sovereign nation. Korea was born to be a democratic state, whereas China is a communist state.
Chinese President Xi Jinping pronounced China's goal to become a modernized socialist powerhouse in 2012 and a timeline for that path in 2017. Since then, Beijing sees every aspect of competition with the U.S. as a competition between the two contrasting systems, i.e. capitalism versus socialism.
China's mission is to prove to the world the superiority of socialism over capitalism. In light of the situation, Beijing now considers Korea's values-oriented foreign policy to be overexposed. China wants the world to respect a nation's right to choose its own path to development and political system for diverse reasons. That it fails to respect Korea's rights owes much explanation. Beijing has a lot of homework to do if it is sincere about improving ties with Seoul, instead of extending unilateral criticism. China must come forward as a responsible state as it would like to define itself.
Choo Jae-woo (jwc@khu.ac.kr) is a professor of international relations at Kyung Hee University and director of the China Center at the Korea Research Institute for National Security. He was a visiting fellow at the Brookings Institution.
The Korea Times · June 5, 2023
10. North Korea forces exhausted soldier-laborers to keep daily diary
I had to include this one for the photo of the nKPA soldiers with the "nuclear backpacks" (or "frontpacks."). Please go to the link for the photo: https://americanmilitarynews.com/2023/06/north-korea-forces-exhausted-soldier-laborers-to-keep-daily-diary/
I wonder what these "nuclear soldiers" write in their diary?.
North Korea forces exhausted soldier-laborers to keep daily diary
North Korean soldiers (AP Photo/Wong Maye-E, File)
JUNE 04, 2023 RADIO FREE ASIA
This article was originally published by Radio Free Asia and is reprinted with permission.
North Korea is forcing exhausted soldiers assigned to a high-profile state construction project to keep a daily diary to prove their loyalty.
But many complain that after working 14-hour days with no weekends, they are too drained to think about what to write, a resident and a soldier in the country told Radio Free Asia.
North Korean leader Kim Jong Un in 2021 unveiled an ambitious plan to address a housing shortage in the capital Pyongyang by building 10,000 new homes in the city by the end of the year, and a total of 50,000 by the end of 2025.
Soldiers with orders to provide free labor for the project, called “stormtroopers,” live in squalid conditions with inadequate food rations and they are under pressure to meet tight deadlines.
On Feb. 25, Kim Jong Un and his young daughter Ju Ae attended the groundbreaking ceremony for the construction of a new street in Pyongyang’s Sopho district. During the ceremony, Kim presented a diary book to a contingent of young stormtroopers who were building houses in the city.
Diaries with the title “Days of My Youth” were later distributed to every soldier, and from then on, they were made to fill it with a new entry each day, a resident of the northeastern province of North Hamgyong told RFA’s Korean Service on condition of anonymity for security reasons.
“These stormtroopers … work 14 hours per day and they have no rest days except for major national holidays,” he said. “There are frequent accidents where workers fall because they were falling asleep on the job, but now on top of all this [authorities] are telling them to write daily journal entries.”
Forcing loyalty
Their entries will be checked once per week, according to the resident.
“If you skip even one day, or write an entry insincerely, you will be singled out in front of everyone and humiliated during life review sessions on Saturday,” he said.
The review sessions are not just a facet of the military.
Every North Korean citizen must attend such sessions in companies, organizations, or neighborhood watch units, and review how they can be more loyal. Citizens are made not only to criticize themselves, but also to report instances of deficient loyalty among their peers.
For the stormtroopers, the diary assignment is yet another way that the government is forcing them to prove their loyalty.
“How can they expect struggling young people who go to bed hungry every day to be in the mood to write a diary every day?” the resident said.
The diary also serves as a reminder of the project’s deadline, he said.
“At the bottom of each diary page it says ‘There are ______ days left to report loyalty to the Mother Party,’ implicitly urging the completion of the construction before Oct. 10,” which is Party Foundation Day.
A former stormtrooper who worked in Pyongyang, but was sent home to the northwestern city of Sinuiju after being injured in an accident, told RFA that the diary is also used in punishments.
“A member of the stormtrooper platoon I was in deserted because he was starving and he hid at a relative’s house in the city,” she said. “He was captured after ten days. The brigade commander forced him to write self-criticism letters to fill in the blank pages in his diary.”
People who have heard about the plight of the stormtroopers are unhappy that the government gave the diaries as gifts to the soldiers, but monitors what they write and punishes them for it, the soldier said.
Shortly after a major holiday in April, the party committee at North Korea’s top university received a letter penned by a citizen that strongly criticized diary censorship,” she said.
“The writer of the letter faked his name, so the judicial authorities couldn’t investigate any further.”
americanmilitarynews.com · by Radio Free Asia · June 4, 2023
11. N. Korea orders higher ed institutions to submit proposals to expand cooperation with foreign universities
There is already an "exchange" program with the University of British Columbia run by a Korean American that is focused on a 6 month "exchange that teaches the principles of market economies. It is run by a Korean American professor. As I recall she would travel to Pyongyang to follow up with the students. This was probably suspended due to COVID.
Although our concern would be nK espionage and United Front Department activities, I would encourage this in an effort to influence the Koreans from the north who would participate. Even though there extreme loyalty and ideological checks for the students, I think it would be worth the effort and risk.
N. Korea orders higher ed institutions to submit proposals to expand cooperation with foreign universities
North Korea appears intent in cultivating “global talent” by advancing the level of the country’s educational instruction and scientific research
dailynk.com
Students at Kim Il Sung University (Uri Tours, Flickr, Creative Commons)
North Korea’s government recently issued an order to major higher education institutions to submit proposals aimed at promoting cooperation with foreign universities, Daily NK has learned.
Speaking on condition of anonymity for security reasons, a source in Kangwon Province told Daily NK on Wednesday that “last week, Wonsan University of Economics and several other major universities received an order from the Education Commission to raise the level of their educational guidance and scientific research to global standards by forging friendly ties with developed universities overseas.”
The order comes in response to instructions from the Central Committee’s Science and Education Department to accelerate the cultivation of “national talent” by increasing international academic exchanges and cooperation with foreign universities in line with the global move to relax restrictions related to the COVID-19 pandemic.
According to the source, the government’s education commission ordered universities with pre-existing ties of cooperation with foreign universities – including Kim Il Sung University, Kim Chaek University of Technology, the Pyongyang University of Foreign Studies and Wonsan University of Economics – to submit written proposals to expand cooperation, while other major universities were told to submit proposals to open new pathways of cooperation with foreign universities.
The commission called on the schools to investigate whether leading foreign universities in sectors considered critical by the government – including economics, commerce, finance, information technology and international law – are interested in cooperation.
Through these efforts, North Korea appears intent in cultivating “global talent” by advancing the level of the country’s educational instruction and scientific research through expanding cooperation with foreign universities with certain specialties.
“The Workers’ Party stresses that it is of the utmost importance to cultivate core technical talent to contribute to developing the national economy as university students — the main players of the 21st century — receive guidance from professors and exhibit creativity in scientific research from an international perspective. Major universities are now concentrating on writing proposals aimed at expanding and creating new pathways for cooperation [with foreign universities],” the source said.
Translated by David Black. Edited by Robert Lauler.
Daily NK works with a network of sources who live inside North Korea and China. Their identities remain anonymous due to security concerns. More information about Daily NK’s reporting partner network and information gathering activities can be found on our FAQ page here.
Please direct any comments or questions about this article to dailynkenglish@uni-media.net.
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12. Being a civil servant in N. Korea means having the “right background”
To do anything of importance in north Korea you have to have the "right" background.
Being a civil servant in N. Korea means having the “right background”
Civil servants are assigned through recommendation and review, without any tests being administered
dailynk.com
FILE PHOTO: A market official on patrol in Sunchon, South Pyongan Province. (Daily NK)
In South Korea, jobs in the civil service are growing less popular because of modest salaries and the country’s top-down organizational culture. Many North Koreans, however, think of civil servants in their country as having one of the most desirable jobs available. That being said, since North Koreans do not have the freedom to pursue their own career, the most critical requirement for becoming a civil servant is having the right background.
“Civil service jobs — which is to say work for government agencies — is what most people prefer. The most popular departments, agencies and positions in the civil service are those that have eggs to eat,” a source in North Korea told Daily NK last Wednesday.
“Eggs to eat” is a slang expression in North Korea referring to the advantages that ensue from one’s position and authority. The existence of such an expression gives some indication of how widespread corruption is inside North Korea.
North Korea scored 17 points out of 100 in “2022 Corruption Perceptions Index,” a report published in January by Transparency International. North Korea ranked No. 171 out of 180 countries on the index.
In regard to how much civil servants in North Korea are paid, the source said that “government rations vary somewhat depending on responsibilities, department and agency. But since rations are effectively meaningless at present, people’s standard of living and situation depend upon how much authority they hold.”
How do people become civil servants in North Korea?
“There are no civil service exams here. There are some criteria for personnel assignments, but recommendations from agencies and work groups are also important,” the source said.
In short, civil servants are assigned through recommendation and review, without any tests being administered.
According to the source, the North Korean civil service is only open to graduates of four-year universities. Those who have completed graduate school are even more attractive candidates, while university department, family environment, class and background are also taken into account in civil service appointments.
“The biggest thing in being selected for the civil service is who recommended you. When people’s conditions and background are comparable, the important factor is who is pulling for you from up above,” the source said.
“For example, suppose that a secretary in a provincial party branch has approved a personnel assignment for a post in the branch, but the Central Committee Cadres Department has ordered that someone else be selected for the same post. If the two people’s qualifications are similar, the candidate from the Cadres Department will be given priority,” he explained.
When someone is being recommended by a high-ranking figure or agency, it’s safe to assume that individual is of good background. For that reason, personal background is the most important factor in entering the civil service, the reporting partner said.
On a related note, there appears to be a discrepancy between everyday language and legal language when it comes to civil servants.
Daily NK’s source said that the word gongmuwon, which is widely used in South Korea to mean “civil servant,” is not generally used in North Korea. Instead, the word used by North Koreans is samuwon, which can refer both to clerical staff and officials working for government agencies.
However, North Korea enacted a law about “determining the qualifications of civil servants (gongmuwon)” as Ordinance No. 1,397 of the Standing Committee of the Supreme People’s Assembly in 2005. Article 2 of that law defines gongmuwon as being “workers who hold certain administrative responsibilities and authority at government agencies.”
In short, it appears that the term gongmuwon is used in legal and administrative contexts, while the term samuwon is used on an everyday basis by ordinary people.
Translated by David Carruth. Edited by Robert Lauler.
Daily NK works with a network of sources who live inside North Korea, China and elsewhere. Their identities remain anonymous due to security concerns. More information about Daily NK’s reporting partner network and information gathering activities can be found on our FAQ page here.
Please direct any comments or questions about this article to dailynkenglish@uni-media.net.
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13. When and why did Koreans go from anti-American to pro-US?
A slow news day for the hard left Hankyoreh Ilbo. Take this historical analysis with a grain of salt.
When and why did Koreans go from anti-American to pro-US?
Posted on : Jun.5,2023 16:46 KST Modified on : Jun.5,2023 16:46 KST
South Koreans’ sentiments toward the US have fluctuated in response to the American attitude toward South Korea, South Korea’s changing economic status, and South Korea’s relationships with North Korea and China
Smoke pours out of a US cultural center in Busan on March 18, 1983. The arson was largely influenced by the Dec. 9, 1980, arson of a US cultural center in Gwangju, what some call the first act of the anti-American movement in Korea. (courtesy of the Korea Press Photo Association)
“In recent years, the debate surrounding anti-Americanism has rapidly escalated to become one of the most important issues not only on college campuses, but in our general society. The Molotov cocktail attacks on the US Embassy in Seoul and the American cultural center in Gwangju last month painfully demonstrated how deep anti-American sentiment has become, especially among the young.”These lines from a June 7, 1988, editorial in the Hankyoreh convey the stance that many in South Korea held toward the US at the time. This is a far cry from the current situation, where the US has been South Korea’s favorite neighbor, as demonstrated through various polls, for years.In the 70 years since the South Korea-US alliance was established in October 1953, South Koreans’ sentiments toward the US have fluctuated in response to the American attitude toward South Korea, South Korea’s changing economic status, and South Korea’s relationships with North Korea and China.Until the 1970s, South Korea was known as a place that held no anti-American sentiments, devoid of chants of “Yankee go home.” But the May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement in 1980 changed everything.Disappointment and anger at the US for allowing the new military government of Chun Doo-hwan and his ilk to take power unchecked fueled the anti-American movement.According to public opinion surveys conducted by the Dong-A Ilbo in the 1980s, the number of respondents who said they “liked” the US dropped from 69.9% in 1984 to 37.4% in 1988 and 30.1% in 1989.A litany of horrific crimes and accidents committed by the US Forces Korea (USFK) has sparked public outrage over the unequal relationship between Korea and the United States.Each time crimes by American troops in Korea came to light — the brutal murder of Yun Geum-i at a camptown in Dongducheon, Gyeonggi Province, in 1992; the murder of a female waitress at a club for foreigners in Itaewon, Seoul, in 2000; and the deaths of two middle school girls fatally struck by a US military armored vehicle in 2002 — there were strong calls for a revision of the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) to expand South Korea’s discretion in the investigation and trial process.In December 2002, 100,000 people carrying candles gathered in Gwanghwamun, Seoul, to demand the revision of SOFA and the punishment of the US soldiers who fatally struck the two schoolgirls, marking the beginning of what would become a mainstay in South Korean politics: the candlelight protest.With the launch of the Iraq War in 2003, there soon spread a sense of crisis that the next war the US will wage may be on the Korean Peninsula.In a 2008 Research & Research youth poll, when asked which country posed the greatest threat to South Korea’s security, the United States (28.4%) was cited by more respondents than North Korea (24.5%).The wave of anti-American sentiment began abating around 2010. Surveys on reunification attitudes carried out since 2007 by the Seoul National University Institute for Peace and Unification Studies have shown an annual rise in the proportion of respondents naming the US as the country they feel “closest to” among the four major powers associated with the Korean Peninsula.The rate of those perceiving the US as a “partner in cooperation” has remained steady above 80% since 2016, reaching a peak of 86.3% last year.When asked to rate their positive perception of five countries (the US, North Korea, China, Russia and Japan) on a scale from 0 to 100 in a regular Hankook Research survey last April, respondents gave the US the highest average score of 57.2, while Japan came in second with an average of 34.9.“The anti-American movement in South Korea seems to have abated as people here have come to perceive the South Korea-US relationship more and more as a relationship of equals,” said Sheen Seong-ho, a professor at the Seoul National University Graduate School of International Studies (GSIS).“South Korean society has been experiencing growth, and there has also been a shift in attitudes toward the US within the complex realities associated with things like the US-China strategic rivalry,” he explained.Will this high rate of positive attitudes toward the US continue going forward?“We could see this less as a case of attitudes toward the US becoming more positive and more as attitudes toward China and North Korea becoming more negative,” said SNU GSIS professor Park Tae-gyun, who wrote a commentary for the book “Anti-Americanism in Democratizing South Korea” (2017) by David Straub, a former diplomat who worked as head of the US Embassy in Seoul’s political bureau between 1999 and 2022.“Other potential variables include changes with the USFK, the US’ attitude toward the North Korean nuclear program, and South Korea’s relations with China and the North,” he predicted.By Jang Ye-ji, staff reporterPlease direct questions or comments to [english@hani.co.kr]
14. Is It Ideology Or Expediency Behind Emerging Russia-China-North Korean Axis Against Backdrop Of Ukraine War? – Analysis
My assessment: expediency.
Peace and stability in the region will only be attainable after the rule of the Kim family regime has ended. I strongly disagree with the last sentence of this piece.
Excerpts:
Those who overemphasize the dangerousness of the emerging axis in destabilizing the Korean Peninsula and broader Northeast Asian region citing the fate of Ukraine need to underline that unlike South Korea which is part of US military alliance, Ukraine is not a member of NATO nor does it share any bilateral security arrangements with the US. North Korea’s missiles tests and nuclear provocations cannot easily destabilize the Korean Peninsula and Northeast Asian region as the US not only has strong military presence in the region, it has determined allies which can effectively deter a Korean war.
The North Korean leader Kim Jong Un broke away from the self-imposed moratorium on the grounds that he did not receive expected concessions over the sanctions imposed on his country to resume dialogue on nuclear issues. The American expectations that the North Korean regime would bend under the weight of sanctions and succumb to its desire of unconditional and unilateral denuclearization or else it would give way to another regime are being belied under the prevailing circumstances which the North Korean leader seeks to exploit. The leader observed restraint for a certain timeframe indicates that the objective of peace and stability in the Korean Peninsula is not unattainable.
Is It Ideology Or Expediency Behind Emerging Russia-China-North Korean Axis Against Backdrop Of Ukraine War? – Analysis
eurasiareview.com · by Dr. Manoj Kumar Mishra · June 3, 2023
Although it was at the end of 2019 that the North Korean supreme leader Kim Jong Un had declared his intention to break away from a self-imposed moratorium on testing nuclear weapons and long-range missiles, it was only in 2022 that the country tested a record number of missiles including the ones reaching the US mainland.
North Korea in the context of the continuing war over the Ukrainian territory seems to have been led to believe that it can circumvent sanctions with the assistance of Russia and China despite indulging in provocative actions such as testing and displaying nuclear weapons capabilities and missile power and technologies.
The sharp dividing-line between the transatlantic powers on the one hand and Russia, China and North Korea on the other against the backdrop of the Ukrainian war suggests Pyongyang can make most out of this rising polarity and go on developing nuclear and missile power in defiance of the non-proliferation regimes. By doing so, it can force Washington to agree to a greater quantum of concessions over the existing sanctions on Pyongyang. Both Russia and China being permanent members of the UN Security Council can be expected to prevent it from punitive measures as well. Further, the transatlantic commitments to the ongoing war over the Ukrainian territory would prevent Washington from dedicating military and economic resources far exceeding the existing level towards another theatre – the Korean Peninsula.
The war over the Ukrainian territory has no simple and direct implications on North Korea’s nuclear weapons programme. The lessons are complex yet Pyongyang would like to use it as a pretext for strengthening its nuclear and missiles ambitions further. The Ukrainian war scenario provided the convenient context for Pyongyang to practically break away from the self-imposed moratorium on nuclear weapons programme and test missiles capable of carrying nuclear warheads including testing of Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles (ICBMs). At this critical juncture when Russia and Ukraine are engaged in a prolonged war that the North Korean supreme leader considered to swiftly implement the declaration he made at the end of 2019.
While North Korea has tested a variety of ballistic, cruise and hypersonic missiles, it has recently in April 2023 test-fired a solid-fuel ICBM after years of testing solid-fuel short-range missiles. Experts argue: ‘solid-fuel ICBMs come ready-fuelled, and would therefore enable North Korea to strike the US with far less warning’.
China and North Korea with authoritarian leaders at the helm share similar viewpoints on the war over the Ukrainian territory. First, these states have hesitated to consider the Russian action an invasion. Second, these countries did not support economic sanctions measures against Russia. Third, these powers put the blame on the role of the transatlantic military block – NATO for its intrusion into the Russian space and on the US for maintaining double standards on global issues. Russia and China share mutual interests in North Korea’s provocative actions to distract the Transatlantic attention from Ukrainian hotspot and to prop up an anti-US Axis which could bypass the stringent sanctions regime and keep the US attention cleft between two hotspots.
China and Russia have shared but not identical interests in Peace and Stability in Northeast Asia:
While the Axis is gathering strength in the background of the war over Ukrainian territory, it will be an overstatement to say that these powers pursue identical interests and there is likely to be a convergence of interests and ideology in the long-term. Russia now faced with stringent economic sanctions and military debacles would like to see more countries to join anti-US camp, challenge its hegemony and assist it in circumventing stringent economic sanctions. North Korea is unhesitatingly doing this. In the year 2000, Russia and North Korea signed the Treaty on Friendship, Cooperation and Good-Neighborly Relations.
This friendship treaty with Pyongyang enables Moscow to lend key security assistance too. However, this treaty contains no mutual defense clause unlike the agreement between China and North Korea. Sino-North Korean Mutual Aid and Cooperation Friendship Treaty signed between the two countries in 1961, on the other hand, includes provisions for mutual military assistance during war situations. These two treaties have been instrumental for Russia and China in bolstering the North Korean regime against the perceived American strategies towards weakening and then changing the regime in Pyongyang by replacing it with a pliable one. So long as the US is perceived to having a larger military footprint in the region posing substantial and credible threat to the North Korean regime, these powers are likely to consider North Korean nuclear and missile power an effective deterrent against the possible US encroachments.
A cursory look at the historical developments in the Korean Peninsula points to the fact that both China and Russia have a shared interest in peace and stability in the Peninsula and hence to contain North Korea’s nuclear ambitions, these powers supported key UN Security Council sanctions against it. However, they have guarded against the US desire to roll back Pyongyang’s nuclear weapon programme irreversibly while entrenching its own military presence through deployment of Missiles Defence Systems such as the Thermal High-Altitude Area Defence (THAAD) and invigorating its security ties with its allies in Northeast Asian region such as Japan and South Korea including through bilateral military exercises. Thus, these powers have been opposed to excessive sanctions and use of force at the UN Security Council against Pyongyang which could lead to its collapse and the US desire to install a pliable regime would be materialised.
As North Korea embarks on a path of amassing nuclear weapons and ICBMs, China and Russia would remain uncomfortable with this development as it would provide a spur to instabilities in the Peninsula and would provide the US a rationale for enhancing its military presence and role in the Peninsula.
China and Russia share similar objectives on the questions of stability and denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula also for reasons that both countries share border with North Korea (albeit Russia only shares a smaller 11miles border) and they remain apprehensive that instabilities and war on the Peninsula would cast immediate impacts and carry ominous repercussions including flight of refugees into their homelands.
Russia and China also remain cautious about the fact that threats from North Korea’s nuclear weapons programme would propel other countries of the region including South Korea and Japan to go nuclear. Japan and South Korea have frequently expressed their concerns emanating from Pyongyang and they are also willing to develop their military capabilities independent of the US security umbrella as well. This apart, Russia seeks unification of Korea and peace in the Peninsula for integration between its underdeveloped far-east and Korean Peninsula through railways, transportation and different economic project networks.
However, it would be a mistake to say that these powers pursue identical interests in the Korean Peninsula. China exercises far greater economic and military influence over the Northeast Asian region compared to Russia which it would seek to deepen further whereas Russia not only seeks to dilute its economic dependence on China but it is also in the look out for opportunities that could bring economic integration between its far-east and the Peninsula and with the broader region of Northeast Asia which could help it to attain the objectives of relieving it from economic dependence on China and establishing it as a major power in the region. Russia would prefer a multipolar Northeast Asian region where it can have consequential economic and security role rather than the region being dominated by China.
Ideology or Expediency provides glue to the Axis:
Many scholars have recommended formation of plurilateral groupings of liberal democratic states across the regions around the globe to hash out the dangers that the emerging axis can bring to the liberal democratic international order at the world stage and further advised for increased readiness to combat such axis by amassing more military power and forming military alliances.
These scholars are speculative of a dividing-line that is emerging in global politics based on ideology of authoritarianism including the axis between China-Russa-North Korea posing a formidable challenge to Liberal International Order on the one hand and ideology of liberal democracy which upholds the principles of liberalism and human rights at the world stage on the other which the transatlantic community is committed to.
Data on voting at the UN General Assembly on two key issues related to Ukraine – the first one to condemn the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the second one to suspend Russia from Human Rights Council -point to the fact that not all authoritarian states think alike nor there is convergence based on ideology. In an article entitled ‘The Russia-Ukraine War and The Seeds of a New Liberal Plurilateral Order’, the authors David L. Sloss and Laura A. Dickinson compiled the data on UN General Assembly voting on these two issues related to the war over the Ukrainian territory and observed the voting pattern on the basis of the ideological divisions and they found 45 percent of autocratic states voted to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and 16 percent of these states voted to suspend Russia from UN Human Rights Council.
However, a fact that cannot be ruled out that a higher percentage of these states perceive threats from increasing investments of the US towards inducing pro-democratic changes in various countries through organisations like National Endowment for Democracy and from its role in propping up pro-democratic forces to dislodge authoritarian leaders such as the Orange Revolution in Ukraine in 2004 and later the ouster of Ukrainian President Victor Yanukovych in February 2014. These actions not only threatened the authoritarian leadership in Russia, it must have sent a strong message to all the states with authoritarian leaderships to take a measured stance on the voting at the UN.
Confusing signals from the Ukrainian Tragedy:
The arguments of some scholars that war over the Ukrainian soil increasingly widens the gulf between the two ideologies by pitting one against the other are misleading if we look at the shared interests emerging from the context of war. Ukrainian war theatre does not have any straightforward implications for the North Korean nuclear and missile provocations.
It is widely believed that Pyongyang does not want to be another Ukraine without nuclear weapons to deter and defend itself. However, it needs to be noted that Ukraine’s denuclearization in 1994 was a wise decision in so far as it inherited nuclear warheads installed on its territory as a consequence of the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the ultimate control over which remained in the Russian hands. So just to retain these without technical knowledge to use would have unintended and destabilizing consequences. North Korea on the other hand has developed an indigenous nuclear weapon programme.
Those who overemphasize the dangerousness of the emerging axis in destabilizing the Korean Peninsula and broader Northeast Asian region citing the fate of Ukraine need to underline that unlike South Korea which is part of US military alliance, Ukraine is not a member of NATO nor does it share any bilateral security arrangements with the US. North Korea’s missiles tests and nuclear provocations cannot easily destabilize the Korean Peninsula and Northeast Asian region as the US not only has strong military presence in the region, it has determined allies which can effectively deter a Korean war.
The North Korean leader Kim Jong Un broke away from the self-imposed moratorium on the grounds that he did not receive expected concessions over the sanctions imposed on his country to resume dialogue on nuclear issues. The American expectations that the North Korean regime would bend under the weight of sanctions and succumb to its desire of unconditional and unilateral denuclearization or else it would give way to another regime are being belied under the prevailing circumstances which the North Korean leader seeks to exploit. The leader observed restraint for a certain timeframe indicates that the objective of peace and stability in the Korean Peninsula is not unattainable.
eurasiareview.com · by Dr. Manoj Kumar Mishra · June 3, 2023
De Oppresso Liber,
David Maxwell
Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy
Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation
Editor, Small Wars Journal
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
Phone: 202-573-8647
email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com
| 
