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Quotes of the Day:
“A body of men holding themselves accountable to nobody ought not to be trusted by anybody.”
– Thomas Paine
“You should not be afraid of someone who has a library and reads many books; you should fear someone who has only one book; and he considers it sacred, but he has never read it.”
– Friedrich Nietzsche
“You do not have to burn books to destroy a culture. Just get people to sort reading them.”
– Ray Bradbury
1. FULL TEXT Lee Jae-myung's inaugural speech
2. South Korea faces a reckoning: Political dysfunction, moral drift and the path to unification
3. South Korea needs a content strategy!
4. Experts react: What does South Korean President Lee Jae-myung mean for Indo-Pacific security?
5. Will South Korea’s new president restart dialogue with North Korea?
6. Lee Jae-myung takes the helm of a fractured and unmoored Korea
7. S. Korea views White House comments about Chinese interference unrelated to election: official
8.N. Korea's state media reports on Lee's presidential win for 1st time
9. N. Korea's Kim vows unconditional support for Russia over war against Ukraine
10. The Significance of the UN General Assembly High-Level Meeting on North Korean Human Rights
11. 4 N. Koreans on wooden boat cross maritime border in East Sea: military
12. Some North Koreans 'cynical' about South Korea's new president
13. North Korean defectors call on President Lee to “show sincerity on North Korean human rights”
14. A smuggled North Korean smartphone reveals how the regime censors information
15. Lee appoints DP's think tank head to lead policy planning committee
16. South Korea’s New Leader Name Checks North Korea but Not China
17. A look at South Korea’s surreal, sizzling election-night TV graphics
1. FULL TEXT Lee Jae-myung's inaugural speech
A lot of good words in this speech (highlights in excerpts below). But two glaring omissions: human rights in north Korea and unification. And north Korea is only mentioned once. And China is not mentioned at all.
Excerpts:
Unity is the mark of competence; division is the consequence of incompetence.
Only those without the will or ability to improve lives sow division and hatred to maintain power.
I will be a president who ends divisive politics and overcomes crisis through national unity.
,,,
From now on, there are no progressive issues or conservative issues — only the people's issues and Korea’s issues.
Whether it be policies from Park Chung-hee or Kim Dae-jung, if they are useful and necessary, we will adopt them without bias.
My government will be a pragmatic, market-oriented government — not one of control and regulation, but of support and encouragement.
...
Through practical diplomacy centered on national interest, we will turn the global upheaval in economy and security into an opportunity to maximize our national interest.
We will reinforce the Korea-U.S. alliance, strengthen trilateral cooperation with the U.S. and Japan and approach relations with neighboring countries through the lens of practicality and national interest.
We will expand Korea’s diplomatic reach, raise our international stature and enlarge our economic territory.
...
With a defense budget twice that of North Korea, the world’s fifth-ranked military, and the Korea-U.S. alliance, we will deter nuclear threats and military provocations while keeping open channels of dialogue to establish peace on the Korean Peninsula.
FULL TEXT Lee Jae-myung's inaugural speech
https://www.koreatimes.co.kr/southkorea/politics/20250604/full-text-lee-jae-myungs-inaugural-speech
Published Jun 4, 2025 11:55 am KST
Updated Jun 4, 2025 2:48 pm KST
Respected and beloved fellow citizens,
I am Lee Jae-myung, honored to greet you as the 21st president of the Republic of Korea, chosen by your hands.
I stand here today with an immeasurable sense of responsibility and boundless gratitude.
Embracing the 52 million hopes and aspirations entrusted to me by the 52 million citizens of this nation, I now take my first step as the 21st president of the Republic of Korea, toward a truly democratic republic.
The future is calling to us.
It is time to restore livelihoods on the brink and revive growth to build a tomorrow where everyone can live in happiness.
It is time to reclaim national security and peace, which have been reduced to political weapons; to rebuild livelihoods and the economy, which have crumbled under indifference, incompetence and irresponsibility; and to restore democracy, devastated by armored vehicles and automatic rifles.
Now is the time to bridge division and hatred with coexistence, reconciliation and solidarity — and to open a new era of national happiness filled with dreams and hope.
As author Han Kang once said, the past helps the present, and the dead save the living.
Now, it is our turn to become the past that will save the future generations.
I make this solemn promise to the people.
I will respond to your urgent call to sow the seeds of hope upon deep and painful wounds and to build an entirely new nation.
Regardless of whom you supported in this election, I will embrace all and serve all as the “president for everyone,” honoring your mandate for unity.
Korea continues to write a new chapter in history — rising from colonization to become the only nation to succeed in both industrialization and democratization, ranking tenth in economic power and fifth in military strength, and now leading global culture through K-culture.
And now, this proud nation of the East has opened a new chapter in the global history of democracy — resisting a military coup not with force, but with bare hands holding light sticks.
The world watches with awe as the people of Korea embark on this extraordinary journey, showcasing their extraordinary capability.
Our radiant revolution — K-democracy — has become a compelling model for the world, offering a path forward for those struggling to protect democracy.
Beloved fellow citizens,
We now stand at a critical turning point of great transformation.
The old order is fading, and a new global shift in civilization is underway —ushering in an era of super-advanced technologies and boundless competition driven by artificial intelligence, with changes arriving faster than the blink of an eye.
The climate crisis threatens humanity, and industrial transformation presses upon us.
Rapid changes in the international order — protectionism, restructured supply chains — threaten our survival.
But if we take the lead and drive these changes instead of trailing behind, we can unlock limitless opportunities.
Unfortunately, we now face a complex web of overlapping crises in every sphere — livelihoods, economy, diplomacy, national security and democracy.
The present and future of our country are under threat.
Restoring the lives of our weary citizens and rebuilding democracy, peace and national dignity will demand unimaginable sweat, tears and patience.
Yet like the rose that blooms in June, seeking sunlight even beneath the shadows, our people have found direction amid confusion and despair.
Following the will of the sovereign people as our compass, we will press forward — across rugged mountains and through thickets of hardship.
We begin with restoring livelihoods and reviving the economy.
We will immediately launch an emergency task force to confront economic stagnation and kick-start a virtuous economic cycle using state finances as priming water.
The new Democratic administration under Lee Jae-myung will be a government of just integration and pragmatic flexibility.
Unity is the mark of competence; division is the consequence of incompetence.
Only those without the will or ability to improve lives sow division and hatred to maintain power.
I will be a president who ends divisive politics and overcomes crisis through national unity.
We will recover what was lost to internal upheaval — livelihoods, economy, security, peace, democracy — and build a society of sustained growth and progress.
Never again must a rebellion deprive the people of their sovereignty through weapons entrusted to protect them.
We will conduct a thorough investigation, hold those responsible to account and establish firm safeguards against recurrence.
We will restore dialogue and communication upon the values of coexistence and unity and revive politics built on compromise and concession.
Let us consign outdated ideologies to the museum of history.
From now on, there are no progressive issues or conservative issues — only the people's issues and Korea’s issues.
Whether it be policies from Park Chung-hee or Kim Dae-jung, if they are useful and necessary, we will adopt them without bias.
My government will be a pragmatic, market-oriented government — not one of control and regulation, but of support and encouragement.
To ensure creative and proactive corporate activity, we will transition to a negative regulatory system and provide strong backing so that entrepreneurs can freely start businesses, grow and compete globally.
We will not tolerate violations of rules that harm others — such as endangering lives, infringing workers’ rights, oppressing the weak or manipulating stock markets for unfair gain.
Innovation and new growth are possible only in a nation where the basic conditions of life are guaranteed for all and where a robust social safety net allows for bold challenges.
Both individuals and the state must grow in order to share.
Through practical diplomacy centered on national interest, we will turn the global upheaval in economy and security into an opportunity to maximize our national interest.
We will reinforce the Korea-U.S. alliance, strengthen trilateral cooperation with the U.S. and Japan and approach relations with neighboring countries through the lens of practicality and national interest.
We will expand Korea’s diplomatic reach, raise our international stature and enlarge our economic territory.
Respected citizens,
This great revolution of light commands us not only to end rebellion but to build a new and shining nation.
I solemnly accept the people’s mandate to build a new nation of hope.
First, I will build a country where the people are truly the masters.
The Republic of Korea is a democratic republic and sovereignty belongs to the people.
I will ensure constant communication with the people and build a true democratic republic where your voices are reflected in daily governance.
We will steadfastly push forward the societal reforms demanded in the plaza of light.
Second, I will build a country that grows and advances once again.
Inequality in opportunity and resources has deepened. The vicious cycle of inequality and polarization hinders growth.
As low growth reduces opportunities, competition has become a zero-sum war where one must lose for another to win. Youth, driven into extremes, now fight one another along gender lines.
A society where failure means death, combined with divisive politics, has bred extremism that threatens our social fabric.
By creating new engines of growth and sharing opportunities and outcomes, fair growth will open the door to a better world.
Just as past generations raised their children by selling fields and farms, laying the foundation for today’s Korea, the government will prepare for the future with bold investment and support.
With massive investment in cutting-edge industries like AI and semiconductors, we will become a leading industrial powerhouse.
In response to the global climate crisis, we will swiftly transition to a society centered on renewable energy. This includes replacing energy imports, enhancing corporate competitiveness through RE100 and revitalizing local areas with renewable energy networks that span the entire nation.
Third, I will build a country where all live well together.
Korea, once lacking resources, achieved compressed growth by channeling investment into specific regions and groups.
Now, this unbalanced growth strategy has hit its limits. Inequality and polarization hinder further development.
To achieve sustainable growth, we must shift our strategy — toward balanced regional development, fair growth and a just society.
We will decentralize power away from the capital area, build cooperative industrial ecosystems linking large, medium, small and venture firms and eliminate privileges and favoritism to create a fair society.
Sharing growth opportunities and benefits is the path to sustainable development. Growth and distribution are not contradictions — they are complementary. Corporate advancement and respect for labor can absolutely coexist.
Fourth, I will build a nation where culture thrives.
“The one thing I most desire is the power of a great culture,” said Baekbeom Kim Gu — and that dream is becoming reality.
From K-pop and K-dramas to K-movies, K-beauty and K-food, Korean culture is captivating the world.
Culture is economy and culture is international competitiveness.
We must transform Korea’s global cultural wave into industrial growth and quality jobs.
We will significantly grow Korea’s cultural industries. With strong support for the arts, we will become a cultural powerhouse setting global standards — one of the top five global soft power leaders.
Fifth, I will build a safe and peaceful nation.
Safety and peace are the foundation of public happiness. Safety is bread, and peace is economy.
We will uncover the full truth behind national tragedies — Sewol, Itaewon, Osong underpass — and build a society where lives and property are never at risk.
We will heal the wounds of division and war and design a future of peace and prosperity.
No peace is too expensive; it is always better than war. Better than winning a war is avoiding one altogether, and the best security is peace that eliminates the need for war.
With a defense budget twice that of North Korea, the world’s fifth-ranked military, and the Korea-U.S. alliance, we will deter nuclear threats and military provocations while keeping open channels of dialogue to establish peace on the Korean Peninsula.
We will restore the military’s honor and public trust, tarnished by illegal martial law, and ensure the military is never again used in politics.
Beloved fellow citizens,
Through countless life-and-death moments, we have made it this far by holding onto faith in the people and following the path you paved.
Now, following the mission you have entrusted to me, I will seek hope.
The Korean people have always been strongest when united and have overcome every hardship through unity.
In defiance of colonial oppression, we rose with the March 1st Movement and founded the Provisional Government of Korea.
From the ruins of division and war, we stunned the world with industrialization.
We achieved democracy in the face of brutal dictatorship, and through two peaceful, bloodless revolutions, reclaimed our sovereign power.
With such extraordinary power, there is no crisis our people cannot overcome.
A nation that leads the world through the strength of culture, one that pioneers change with advanced technology, one that serves as a model of democracy — when Korea leads, it becomes the world’s standard.
Respected citizens,
Recovery and growth ultimately serve one purpose: the happiness of our people, the rightful owners of this land.
Let us build a true democratic republic where all the nation’s strength is devoted to its people.
Let us rise above our differences, acknowledge and respect one another and move forward together — toward a nation where the people are the true sovereigns, a nation where all can find happiness, toward the true Republic of Korea.
It is you — the people, who resisted a rebellion fueled by state power and illuminated the world with hope — who are the heroes of this historic journey.
As a faithful servant of the sovereign people, and as the delegate entrusted with the lives of 52 million citizens and the nation’s future, I will fulfill my responsibilities as the 21st president of the Republic of Korea with all my strength.
Thank you.
The speech by President Lee Jae-myung is translated by a generative AI and edited by The Korea Times.
2. South Korea faces a reckoning: Political dysfunction, moral drift and the path to unification
This is unlike any of the pundit analysis of the past 2 days and provides some important perspectives.
Excerpts:
The political turmoil of recent months, including former President Yoon Suk-yeol's controversial martial law declaration and the ongoing legal entanglements of President-elect Lee Jae-myung, should not be dismissed as partisan spectacles. They reveal deeper structural flaws that threaten South Korea's social fabric and future stability. Amid growing public disillusionment, the new administration must take bold, systemic steps to restore confidence in governance, reaffirm national identity and reignite the vision of peaceful Korean unification.
I. Political Paralysis and Institutional Decay
II. The Judiciary in Disarray
III. A Nation Facing Demographic Crisis
IV. Economic Imbalance and Structural Vulnerabilities
V. Reclaiming the Mission of Unification
To Korea's Next Leader: A Call to Courage
Conclusion: Korea's Defining Choice
South Korea stands at a crossroads. One path leads toward further polarization and decline. The other points toward renewal, reconciliation and long-term peace. That choice does not belong to one party or administration-it belongs to the Korean people. Educators, judges, business leaders, parents and youth all have a role to play in rebuilding what has been eroded.
History will judge this generation not by the wealth it accumulated or the institutions it preserved, but by the vision it restored. The time for superficial fixes is over. The work of national rebuilding must begin.
South Korea faces a reckoning: Political dysfunction, moral drift and the path to unification - UPI.com
By Youngjun Kim
upi.com
June 4 (UPI) -- South Korea's transformation from colonial subjugation and a war-ravaged state into one of the world's leading economies and cultural exporters is a story of extraordinary resilience and ambition. Yet, beneath this remarkable trajectory lies an increasingly fragile foundation -- one marred by political dysfunction, institutional distrust, demographic collapse, and a waning sense of national purpose.
The political turmoil of recent months, including former President Yoon Suk-yeol's controversial martial law declaration and the ongoing legal entanglements of President-elect Lee Jae-myung, should not be dismissed as partisan spectacles. They reveal deeper structural flaws that threaten South Korea's social fabric and future stability. Amid growing public disillusionment, the new administration must take bold, systemic steps to restore confidence in governance, reaffirm national identity and reignite the vision of peaceful Korean unification.
I. Political Paralysis and Institutional Decay
The December 2024 martial law declaration was a jarring reminder of the fragility of democratic norms. President Yoon's overreach resulted in his impeachment and further polarized an already fractured political landscape. Yet, his opponents in the Democratic Party have themselves fueled a cycle of retribution through repeated attempts to impeach officials and politicize legal proceedings.
South Korea's political climate has become one in which elections are viewed not as opportunities for civic renewal, but as battles for institutional control. The line between opposition and prosecution is increasingly blurred. Voters perceive justice as selectively applied, and both major parties bear responsibility for undermining public trust.
President-elect Lee inherits a nation divided, with his own credibility under scrutiny. The Supreme Court has upheld a ruling against him for violating election laws, while additional charges -- including bribery and breach of trust -- remain unresolved. His first task must be to restore confidence by ensuring legal transparency and avoiding the perception of using office as a shield from prosecution.
II. The Judiciary in Disarray
Beyond political reform, South Korea faces a crisis of judicial legitimacy. Once regarded as a stabilizing force, the courts are now viewed by many as politicized and inconsistent. High-profile rulings frequently seem contradictory, and prosecutorial discretion is often perceived as unaccountable and overly aggressive.
The judiciary's credibility cannot be restored through rhetoric alone. Structural changes are essential. These include insulating judges from political pressure, establishing clear and consistent standards for legal decisions, and introducing mechanisms to protect citizens from prosecutorial overreach. Restoring rule of law is not merely a matter of governance -- it is a prerequisite for national unity and long-term stability.
III. A Nation Facing Demographic Crisis
South Korea also faces an unprecedented demographic collapse. In 2024, the country recorded the lowest fertility rate in the world -- just 0.72 births per woman. This statistic is more than a demographic concern; it is a civilizational alarm. A society that cannot sustain its population will struggle to maintain its economy, social systems and global standing.
While economic burdens -- rising housing costs, long working hours, and education expenses -- are certainly contributors, the crisis runs deeper. There is a growing cultural and psychological alienation from marriage, parenthood and traditional family structures. Young adults increasingly view child-rearing as a burden rather than a joy, and many elders live in isolation. South Korea now faces the intergenerational consequences of decades of material progress without sufficient moral and social investment.
Government incentives have done little to reverse this trend. What is needed is a broader cultural shift -- one that restores value to family life and reaffirms intergenerational responsibility. This includes rethinking education, media narratives and social policy to reinforce rather than undermine traditional bonds. Prosperity, both economic and societal, begins with the strength of families.
IV. Economic Imbalance and Structural Vulnerabilities
Economically, South Korea's headline figures remain impressive, but the structural underpinnings are weakening. The continued dominance of large conglomerates (chaebols) has stifled innovation and exacerbated inequality. Labor disputes, youth unemployment and real estate speculation all point to systemic inefficiencies.
Privatizing the financial system, empowering small and medium enterprises and improving access to affordable housing are necessary to create a more equitable and sustainable economic environment. Equally important is reducing reliance on a narrow group of trade partners. South Korea must diversify beyond China and prepare for the implications of U.S. trade policy, particularly under a second Trump administration.
President-elect Lee has spoken of a vision for South Korea as a "global pivotal state." To make that more than a slogan, he must pursue pragmatic trade policies and regulatory reforms that support broader economic participation. A resilient economy is one where citizens believe that effort and enterprise are rewarded fairly -- and that national progress is not confined to elites.
V. Reclaiming the Mission of Unification
Perhaps most neglected in recent discourse is the question of national unification. For decades, unification with North Korea has been treated as a distant aspiration. But it remains central to Korea's historical identity and geopolitical future. The continued division of the peninsula is not just a strategic anomaly; it is a civilizational wound.
Efforts toward unification cannot proceed in a vacuum. South Korea's internal cohesion 00 its institutional integrity, civic morale, and cultural unity -- will shape the feasibility of any future reconciliation. A divided South cannot realistically unify a divided Korea.
This is why unification must be approached not as a partisan platform, but as a national mission rooted in civic education, economic strategy and long-term diplomacy. Public awareness campaigns should highlight the potential cultural and economic benefits of unification, while civil society should be mobilized to support grassroots dialogue and cross-border cooperation. Internationally, this requires strengthening ties with key allies like the United States and rebuilding trust with Japan to coordinate regional security.
Ultimately, unification efforts must be based on Korean Dream rooted in Korea's founding ideal of Hongik Ingan -- "to benefit all humanity." That vision requires not only civil and political will, but national character.
To Korea's Next Leader: A Call to Courage
To South Korea's new president: Your administration begins at a defining moment. The country does not need ideological fervor or managerial efficiency alone. It needs leadership grounded in truth, justice and vision. Judicial reform must come not as a tool for settling scores, but as an instrument of renewal. Family policy must move beyond subsidies to embrace cultural restoration. Economic policy must prioritize inclusivity and sustainability.
Lead not by fear or faction, but by courage and conscience. Conduct your own legal affairs with transparency and openness. Speak plainly about the challenges the country faces. Mobilize citizens not just to believe in Korea's potential, but to take part in its restoration.
Conclusion: Korea's Defining Choice
South Korea stands at a crossroads. One path leads toward further polarization and decline. The other points toward renewal, reconciliation and long-term peace. That choice does not belong to one party or administration-it belongs to the Korean people. Educators, judges, business leaders, parents and youth all have a role to play in rebuilding what has been eroded.
History will judge this generation not by the wealth it accumulated or the institutions it preserved, but by the vision it restored. The time for superficial fixes is over. The work of national rebuilding must begin.
upi.com
3. South Korea needs a content strategy!
This Is also some unusual analysis with unique perspectives. The idea of a content strategy could be very useful.
Excerpts:
Lee Jae-myung had barely begun celebrating his victory when he was slapped with the “communist” label by American right-wing influencers. Not analysts. Not diplomats. Not intelligence officials. Influencers.
This matters. Because those same influencers shape the media diet of Donald J. Trump. I’ve already written about the need for a new foreign media strategy but it needs repeating.
Time is running short - but no one will listen. It’s hard to listen when you’ve gotten by doing the same schtick with a clueless Washington for years and years.
But this brings up a very important issue. All those who will be screaming communist about Lee may feel good about what they are doing but we have to consider what is in the US interests. It is an important US national interest that we sustain a strong ROK/US alliance. The internal issues are a result of external subversion efforts by China dn north Korea. Unfortunately we are going to see pundits, or as Professor Robertson describes them, influencers. are going to attack President Lee and his administration for ideological reasons and this will only have a negative effect on the alliance. None of these attacks will do anything positive for the ROK/US alliance and in fact they actually will be supporting China's and north Korea's political warfare strategy which is
The bottom line is we need to ask which is more important, scoring "influencer points" by calling out President Lee and calling him a communist or protecting US national interests that include a strong ROK/US alliance.
Commentary
South Korea needs a content strategy!
American right-wing influencers have already labelled South Korea's new president Lee Jae-myung as a “communist”. Trump is suredly watching...
Jun 04, 2025
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It didn’t take long. Just minutes after it became clear that Lee Jae-myung won South Korea’s presidential election, American conservative social media lit up with a verdict: “RIP South Korea.” According to Laura Loomer: “the communists have taken over.”
It was viral, visceral—and dangerous. As of writing 1.9 million views.
Lee Jae-myung had barely begun celebrating his victory when he was slapped with the “communist” label by American right-wing influencers. Not analysts. Not diplomats. Not intelligence officials. Influencers.
This matters. Because those same influencers shape the media diet of Donald J. Trump. I’ve already written about the need for a new foreign media strategy but it needs repeating.
Time is running short - but no one will listen. It’s hard to listen when you’ve gotten by doing the same schtick with a clueless Washington for years and years.
The result: no coordinated media campaign; no miraculous great relationship for Lee Jae-myung; and one big suck-up payment to Trump from the Korean taxpayer.
South Korea’s most extreme conservatives share social media echo chambers alongside America’s most extreme conservatives. Interaction is low and largely one way - from Trumpworld to Korean conservative YouTube. When South Korea does leak into Trumpworld, it does so through the most extreme South Korean influencers.
In a rational diplomatic universe, South Korea’s new president would be preparing policy papers, appointing envoys, and outlining a five-year plan for strategic autonomy and alliance management. But Lee doesn’t live in that universe.
He lives in the Trump timeline.
And in this timeline, diplomacy isn’t conducted through cables—it’s conducted through content.
Trump doesn’t care what Korea’s National Assembly passes. He doesn’t care about joint statements or strategic partnerships. He cares what’s trending on social media, what his favorite talk show host just said, or which meme hits the conservative bloodstream.
Right now, Lee Jae-myung has already started losing the war.
To a certain corner of the American right, Lee has already been cast as a radical leftist, a socialist, or worse—a sympathizer with the North and with China. The facts don’t matter. The narrative has already been seeded.
And that’s a serious problem.
Because if Lee walks into his first interaction with Trump or his surrogates already branded as a "communist," then he’s already lost half the battle. In Trumpworld, impressions matter more than facts—and bad impressions metastasize fast.
Here’s the hard truth: the U.S.-ROK alliance is no longer just about mutual interests or shared values. It’s about media optics.
If Lee wants to survive the next four years without being publicly humiliated, slapped with tariffs, or accused of undermining “freedom values,” he needs to respond with speed and savvy.
He needs a content strategy. And he needs it now!
That means flipping the script. That means shaping the narrative before Trumpworld cements its version. That means no more playing defense on policy—Lee’s team needs to play offense in the American media ecosystem.
Imagine this:
- A Fox News segment praising Lee’s support for U.S. veterans.
- A viral YouTube clip of Lee visiting a Korean War memorial and quoting Ronald Reagan.
- A tweetstorm showcasing Lee’s commitment to regional stability and containing Chinese influence.
- Think tank op-eds ghostwritten to frame Lee as a pragmatic reformer, not a radical.
- Sponsored interviews on conservative podcasts reframing Lee as a “jobs president,” tough on unions, and pro-market (yes, with spin).
This isn’t pandering. It’s survival.
Because if the only version of Lee available to Trump’s orbit is a scary caricature invented by Breitbart headlines and Rogan-adjacent rants, then no amount of actual diplomacy will matter.
The Trump presidency operates on vibes over verification.
South Korea can have the world’s best military alliance, the tightest economic interdependence, and the most aligned Indo-Pacific strategy—but if Trump feels like Korea is disloyal, disrespectful, or socialist? He’ll act accordingly.
We’ve seen this before. Trump nearly pulled U.S. troops out of Korea because he believed Seoul was “freeloading.” That wasn’t based on DoD assessments—it was based on cable news rants and viral outrage.
Lee Jae-myung cannot let himself become the next target.
So, here’s the strategy:
Treat Trump not like a president, but like a media consumer with nuclear codes. Understand his information diet, infiltrate his echo chamber, and feed him the story you want him to believe.
It’s not pretty. It’s not diplomatic. But it’s smart.
Trump doesn’t respond to foreign policy arguments. He responds to emotional resonance. Loyalty. Flattery. Familiarity. Applause lines.
In that world, South Korea isn’t a strategic ally. It’s a character on Trump’s personal reality show. And Lee Jae-myung has just been written in as the villain.
It’s time to change the script - it will soon be too late.
4. Experts react: What does South Korean President Lee Jae-myung mean for Indo-Pacific security?
Experts react: What does South Korean President Lee Jae-myung mean for Indo-Pacific security?
atlanticcouncil.org
No time for a victory party. Early Wednesday morning, Democratic Party candidate Lee Jae-myung was named the winner of South Korea’s presidential election, and later the same day he will be sworn into office, without the typical two-month transition period. The election and immediate instatement follow a stretch of political upheaval in South Korea. In April, conservative President Yoon Suk Yeol was removed from office, after he declared a short-lived state of martial law in December 2024. So, will Lee’s leadership mean a calmer political future for the country? Looking at the wider region, how will the leadership shift from right to left affect South Korea’s policies toward the United States, North Korea, China, and Japan? Atlantic Council experts are on the job today answering these questions and more below.
Click to jump to an expert analysis:
Sungmin Cho: For Lee, the economy comes first, but expect foreign policy shifts nonetheless
Kayla Orta: Lee’s “pragmatic” approach comes as Seoul faces a more hostile security environment
Shawn Creamer: Military spending and shipbuilding are two areas of engagement with the Trump administration
Ryo Hinata-Yamaguchi: Lee seems poised to take a pragmatic and balanced approach to regional security
For Lee, the economy comes first, but expect foreign policy shifts nonetheless
To understand Lee’s foreign policy orientation, it is more useful to compare his positions with that of former President Moon Jae-in, rather than that of Yoon, his conservative predecessor.
Lee’s foreign policy will generally align with the Democratic Party’s traditional approach, promoting dialogue with North Korea and maintaining stable ties with China. But he is notably more pragmatic than Moon. While Moon emphasized peace and inter-Korean reconciliation, Lee advocates conditional dialogue with Pyongyang, taking a step-by-step approach toward denuclearization. His foreign policy advisers, Wi Sung-lac and Kim Hyun-chong, are known more as internationalists than nationalists, reinforcing Lee’s pragmatic stance.
Lee prioritizes economic issues, and he has repeatedly stated that economic recovery is his top priority. During the campaign, for example, he pledged to establish an “Emergency Economic Taskforce” if elected. Given this focus, Lee is unlikely to pursue major foreign policy initiatives at first, avoiding Moon’s active diplomacy among Washington, Pyongyang, and Beijing.
South Korea’s foreign policy shifts may instead stem from external developments, especially if US President Donald Trump reengages with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un. Lee would likely support a third Trump-Kim summit and would not oppose US troop reductions if Washington insists. While such moves could reduce tensions on the Korean Peninsula in the short term, there is concern that North Korea might exploit weakened deterrence to launch limited attacks against South Korea whenever it sees fit, as occurred during the 2010 crises.
Taiwan issues will test Lee’s pragmatism. Under US pressure for support, he will likely exercise strategic ambiguity to the maximum—quietly discussing contingency plans with Washington while avoiding public commitments. He will neither support nor oppose United States Forces Korea’s strategic flexibility. At the same time, Lee is likely to emphasize South Korea’s acknowledgment of the “One China” policy to maintain balance in its relations with Beijing.
In sum, Lee’s foreign policy is marked by pragmatism and economic urgency, distinguishing him from Moon’s more ideological and nationalistic approach.
—Sungmin Cho, PhD, is a nonresident senior fellow in the Indo-Pacific Security Initiative at the Atlantic Council’s Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security and an associate professor in the Department of Political Science at Sungkyunkwan University.
Lee’s “pragmatic” approach comes as Seoul faces a more hostile security environment
Lee ran on the platform of a “pragmatic” foreign policy, but whether his administration will be able to rise above the nation’s entrenched partisan divides to strengthen South Korea’s geostrategic position within the Indo-Pacific region remains to be seen.
Six months to the day since Yoon declared martial law, South Korean citizens took to the voting booths to elect a new leader. Lee’s win over the People Power Party nominee Kim Moon-soo heralds another pendulum swing in South Korea’s political leadership. As the liberal party returns to the presidency, the battle to address South Korea’s domestic political turmoil is only just beginning, and the nation’s fierce partisan divide is likely to continue.
The political aftermath of Yoon’s call for martial law shocked the nation, weakening confidence in South Korea’s decades-long democratic institutions. The next South Korean president will have a challenging five-year term ahead to reestablish public confidence in the government at home while simultaneously addressing South Korea’s foreign policy concerns abroad.
North Korea’s ongoing weapons of mass destruction and missile programs—and its expanded security partnerships with Russia and China—present an immediate and existential threat to South Korea. Seoul faces a more hostile security environment today than it did under Moon, Lee’s liberal predecessor who leaned into diplomatic engagement with Pyongyang. Many in South Korea are increasingly concerned about North Korea’s “irreversible” nuclear arms buildup and more than 70 percent of polled citizens consistently call for South Korea’s own nuclear armament in the near future.
Amid growing regional insecurity, Seoul’s relationships with Washington and Tokyo will matter. Despite previous statements, Lee campaigned on continuing to strengthen South Korea–Japan relations, building upon his predecessor’s US–South Korea–Japan trilateral security cooperation to address the growing instability in the Indo-Pacific region. However, balancing proactive foreign policy and intensifying domestic demands, as previously seen, is not an easy task.
Overall, Lee’s “pragmatic” diplomacy may signal strategic policy investment in bridging the conservative-liberal political divide. Lee may yet step up foreign policy initiatives in South Korea’s interest, building upon his predecessor’s foreign policy agendas.
—Kayla T. Orta is a nonresident fellow in the Indo-Pacific Security Initiative at the Atlantic Council’s Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security.
Military spending and shipbuilding are two areas of engagement with the Trump administration
Lee’s election as president of South Korea is an opportunity to restore domestic political stability and resurrect Seoul’s reputation on the international stage following the martial law declaration, impeachment, and court drama surrounding the removal of Yoon from office. Domestic stability is made possible more from the political unity of the executive and legislative branches of government under the progressive Democratic Party than from a popular mandate. Political unity will likely allow the South Korean government to break out of partisan gridlock and make gains on efficient and effective governance.
While Lee will have party unity, there is a sizable conservative opposition that maintains low degrees of trust in the more leftist elements of the Democratic Party, including the new president. Time will tell whether Lee governs more like the centrist candidate or the leftist opposition politician of his past.
If the past is representative of the future, Lee will progressively evolve toward the center on foreign policy over his five-year term, as his Democratic Party predecessor Moon did. Moon learned, despite a troubled relationship with Trump, that South Korean sovereignty was best served by close alignment with the United States rather than an arrangement that subordinates it to the People’s Republic of China. Moreover, Moon learned that a deal with the Kim regime in North Korea would not be worth the paper it was printed on. Regrettably for peace and security in Northeast Asia, the Korea-Japan relationship will likely remain cool under Lee for the duration of his term based on the entrenched views of the Democratic Party.
There is both risk and opportunity for Lee in South Korea’s alliance with the United States. Lee holds some strong cards if he plays them well.
South Korea already funds its defense at 2.8 percent of its gross domestic product (GDP), and it has one of the most capable armed forces of all US allies. Lee should set in motion an increase in defense spending to above 3 percent of GDP in 2026 and chart a path for this to increase to at least 3.5 percent by 2030, demonstrating that South Korea is the US security partner of choice. Continued maturation of the Korean armed forces will also position South Korea to defend its interests in a very difficult neighborhood, while meeting alliance transformation benchmarks and increased Korean roles in combined defense.
Second, Korean manufacturing is extremely strong, particularly in shipbuilding. Lee should leverage Korean dominance in shipbuilding to help Trump rebuild the US Navy, giving Trump a political win and assisting the United States in maintaining its global extended deterrence commitments. South Korean advanced manufacturing capacity offers additional opportunity for the United States and European rearmament efforts. Lee can leverage this assistance to advance Korea’s global economic interests on more favorable terms.
There are also risks to the relationship with Washington, especially if Lee and Trump have a personality conflict. Lee will also find trouble with the US relationship if he seeks to deepen Korea’s relations with China or is overly antagonistic to Japan, the other major US ally in East Asia.
—Shawn Creamer is a nonresident senior fellow in the GeoStrategy Initiative, Scowcroft Strategy Initiative, and Indo-Pacific Security Initiative at the Atlantic Council’s Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security.
Lee seems poised to take a pragmatic and balanced approach to regional security
Lee’s victory in Tuesday’s presidential election was expected, given his ability to court the centrist majority and the conservative camp’s feuds to field a united force. But while Lee’s election is a victory for the Democratic Party, his populist but realist orientation is likely to make him a different type of revisionist than his more ideological predecessor Moon. Still, given the controversies surrounding Lee, as well as uncertainties over his and the Democratic Party’s policies, the new administration will struggle to unite the deep divisions in South Korea.
On the foreign policy and security front, it is possible that the new administration will take a balanced and pragmatic approach rather than a revisionist one. During the campaign, Lee talked about peace on the Korean Peninsula and restoring the 2018 military agreement with Pyongyang—trademark positions of the progressives. At the same time, he recognized the importance of the alliance with the United States and trilateral coordination with Japan—priorities for the conservatives. Even though much of this balanced approach was certainly part of Lee’s election strategy, it also reflects the strong recognition within South Korea about the importance of US-Japan-South Korea trilateral security coordination; threats posed by North Korea, China, and Russia; and the limited prospects of improving inter-Korean relations.
While there are many uncertainties about the Lee administration, Tokyo and Washington should continue working with Seoul to ensure strong, resilient, and sustainable trilateral security cooperation, which is imperative for stability in the Indo-Pacific region.
—Ryo Hinata-Yamaguchi is a nonresident senior fellow in the Indo-Pacific Security Initiative, an associate professor at Tokyo International University, and a senior adjunct fellow at Pacific Forum.
5. Will South Korea’s new president restart dialogue with North Korea?
Will South Korea’s new president restart dialogue with North Korea?
Election of liberal, pro-engagement candidate Lee Jae-myung marks a major political change in Seoul but will Kim Jong Un be willing to talk?
By Jaewoo Park for RFA Korean
2025.06.04
rfa.org · by Jaewoo Park for RFA Korean
South Korea has elected a new president - liberal opposition candidate Lee Jae-myung - which represents a change in political direction for the country after the ouster of his conservative predecessor.
Video: Will South Korea’s new president restart dialogue with North Korea? (RFA)
Tuesday’s national election follows months of turmoil after Yoon Suk Yeol was impeached for briefly imposing martial law in a move that sent shockwaves through its democracy.
Lee won by a comfortable margin over his main conservative rival, Kim Moon Soo, raising questions about relations with South Korea’s key ally, the United States, and its main adversary North Korea.
Lee has repeatedly stressed Washington as the foundation of Seoul’s foreign policy, as Yoon did, but he’s expected to take a softer approach toward Pyongyang.
south-korea-lee-jae-myung South Korea's new President Lee Jae-myung, and his wife Kim Hye-kyung, greet people after attending the Presidential Inauguration at the National Assembly in Seoul, June 4, 2025. (Lee Jin-man/Pool via Reuters)
During the campaign, Lee promised active engagement with North Korea, unlike Yoon, but the big question is whether North Korea is interested in resuming dialogue.
RFA Korean’s Jaewoo Park looks at whether it’s possible for South Korea to revive the spirit of 2018, when there was a high level of engagement between North and South and U.S. President Donald Trump held historic summits with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un.
The high-level diplomacy ultimately failed to prevent the North advancing its nuclear weapons program. Pyongyang has since hatched closer ties with Moscow and sent troops and weapons to assist Russia’s war against Ukraine.
rfa.org · by Jaewoo Park for RFA Korean
6. Lee Jae-myung takes the helm of a fractured and unmoored Korea
Excerpts:
Trump factor
To be sure, President Donald Trump’s return to power complicates Lee’s balancing act. Trump has already demanded greater defense spending from allies and suggested reducing America’s 28,500-strong troop presence in South Korea unless Seoul pays more.
These transactional instincts run counter to the institutionalism that undergirds the US-ROK alliance.
Lee must navigate these pressures without appearing submissive to Washington or vulnerable to Pyongyang. Managing the Combined Forces Command relationship and the extended deterrence commitment—especially nuclear—will require cool-headed and consistent diplomacy.
Lee must also resist any impulse by Trump to weaponize trade, tariffs or technology against South Korea’s economy.
China, while economically vital, is diplomatically assertive. South Korea’s THAAD deployment in 2016 led to punitive economic retaliation by Beijing, a wound still felt in the Korean tourism, retail and entertainment sectors.
Mostly, Lee must avoid being drawn into a binary US-China choice. Instead, his administration should promote a “strategic pivotal power diplomacy”—partnering more actively with ASEAN, with which Seoul enjoys a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, allowing it to join minilateral forums such as the Mekong-Korea, and supporting multilateral digital governance that reduces dependence on either pole.
These moves will signal autonomy without antagonism.
Lee enters the Blue House with high expectations but little margin for error. His presidency must be one of pragmatism without paralysis, engagement without appeasement and reform without rupture.
For Pyongyang, Lee’s rise represents an opportunity. For Beijing, it marks a welcome shift. But for Lee himself, this is a moment of great peril disguised as promise.
His legacy will ultimately be judged not by rhetoric but by his ability to stabilize a wounded nation, navigate great-power rivalries and restore the democratic spirit South Koreans so recently took to the streets to protect.
Lee Jae-myung takes the helm of a fractured and unmoored Korea - Asia Times
Left-leaning leader’s election will please North Korea and China but comes at a moment of great peril disguised as promise
asiatimes.com · by Phar Kim Beng · June 4, 2025
As Lee Jae-myung assumes South Korea’s presidency after a decisive electoral victory, the left-leaning leader inherits not just a nation beset by economic distress and political fatigue but a region tilting precariously toward geostrategic recalibration. North Korea, often the most volatile player in this theater, has reason to quietly celebrate.
For Pyongyang, the return of a progressive president in the Blue House is the best possible outcome short of Korean reunification on its own terms. Under conservative administrations—especially the now-impeached Yoon Suk Yeol—the North faced a hardline security posture, expanded joint military drills between the US and South Korea, and the near-collapse of any meaningful diplomatic dialogue.
Yoon’s flirtation with Japan on trilateral military coordination, his vocal hawkishness and alignment with Washington’s China containment strategy further agitated the North. Lee, while no apologist for the North, has signaled an openness to resuming inter-Korean dialogue, humanitarian aid and economic cooperation projects.
These preferences echo the Sunshine Policy-era instincts of earlier progressive leaders like Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun, under whom North Korea was able to leverage peace overtures for both material gain and diplomatic legitimacy.
For North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, Lee’s victory is not just breathing space—it is a new strategic opening. Even modest overtures from Seoul could be used to pressure Washington into easing sanctions, to portray the North as a willing partner in peace and to sow division between the US and South Korea on policy direction.
North Korea thrives not in alignment, but in asymmetry. Lee’s presidency, therefore, offers precisely that: a fragmented strategic environment ripe for manipulation.
China’s quiet satisfaction
China, too, has reasons to be quietly pleased. While Beijing publicly maintains a policy of non-interference, its preference for left-leaning South Korean governments is no secret.
The conservative Yoon administration had drawn South Korea deeper into Washington’s Indo-Pacific strategy, even hinting at South Korea’s involvement in supply chain “friend-shoring” that would exclude China.
Lee, by contrast, has voiced skepticism about the over-militarization of regional diplomacy and hinted at recalibrating Seoul’s strategic autonomy. His emphasis on economic revival, job creation and technological innovation aligns with Beijing’s vision of a less confrontational regional order.
Additionally, Lee’s expected moderation on issues like Taiwan and the South China Sea—compared to Yoon’s vocally pro-US stance—will make him more acceptable to Chinese policymakers.
From Beijing’s perspective, the best scenario is a South Korea that remains allied to the US in security terms but is economically interdependent with China and politically wary of strategic entrapment. Lee’s presidency will likely fit that mold.
Still, Lee’s mandate is far from stable in a deeply polarized South Korea. Yoon’s impeachment followed months of unrest, accusations of executive overreach and the final misstep of invoking martial law, which many South Koreans interpreted as a grave assault on democracy.
Lee’s victory represents a public demand for change, but not necessarily a blank check. His own reputation is under scrutiny. Accusations of corruption during his tenure as mayor of Seongnam and governor of Gyeonggi province still linger despite his denials. Legal proceedings will continue, casting a shadow over his presidency.
The economy, too, is teetering. South Korea’s projected 0.8% GDP growth in 2025 is alarming for a nation that once epitomized go-go economic development. A toxic mix of youth unemployment, housing unaffordability and stagnant wages has bred cynicism among younger voters—many of whom backed Lee not out of loyalty, but frustration.
And then there is the healthcare crisis. The mass resignation of junior doctors over medical school reform—aimed at solving a looming doctor shortage—has left hospitals understaffed. Lee must broker a truce between a defiant medical establishment and a public desperate for accessible care.
If mishandled, this issue could unravel his domestic credibility faster than any foreign policy stumble.
Lee’s most treacherous challenge will be in foreign affairs. His task is nothing less than redefining South Korea’s role in a region fractured by US-China rivalry, destabilized by a bellicose North Korea and overshadowed by global economic fragmentation.
Lee must recalibrate Seoul’s policy toward Pyongyang without undermining deterrence. Missile provocations, cyberattacks and nuclear brinkmanship by the North will not abate simply because of Lee’s willingness to engage.
Any dialogue must be carefully constructed within the framework of UN Security Council sanctions and regional consensus. Kim Jong Un is likely to test Lee early—perhaps with a missile launch or a cyber operation—to assess whether conciliatory rhetoric translates into policy leniency.
Lee must respond decisively enough to preserve domestic confidence, yet not so aggressively that he forecloses future dialogue.
Trump factor
To be sure, President Donald Trump’s return to power complicates Lee’s balancing act. Trump has already demanded greater defense spending from allies and suggested reducing America’s 28,500-strong troop presence in South Korea unless Seoul pays more.
These transactional instincts run counter to the institutionalism that undergirds the US-ROK alliance.
Lee must navigate these pressures without appearing submissive to Washington or vulnerable to Pyongyang. Managing the Combined Forces Command relationship and the extended deterrence commitment—especially nuclear—will require cool-headed and consistent diplomacy.
Lee must also resist any impulse by Trump to weaponize trade, tariffs or technology against South Korea’s economy.
China, while economically vital, is diplomatically assertive. South Korea’s THAAD deployment in 2016 led to punitive economic retaliation by Beijing, a wound still felt in the Korean tourism, retail and entertainment sectors.
Mostly, Lee must avoid being drawn into a binary US-China choice. Instead, his administration should promote a “strategic pivotal power diplomacy”—partnering more actively with ASEAN, with which Seoul enjoys a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, allowing it to join minilateral forums such as the Mekong-Korea, and supporting multilateral digital governance that reduces dependence on either pole.
These moves will signal autonomy without antagonism.
Lee enters the Blue House with high expectations but little margin for error. His presidency must be one of pragmatism without paralysis, engagement without appeasement and reform without rupture.
For Pyongyang, Lee’s rise represents an opportunity. For Beijing, it marks a welcome shift. But for Lee himself, this is a moment of great peril disguised as promise.
His legacy will ultimately be judged not by rhetoric but by his ability to stabilize a wounded nation, navigate great-power rivalries and restore the democratic spirit South Koreans so recently took to the streets to protect.
Phar Kim Beng, PhD, is professor of ASEAN Studies at the International Islamic University of Malaysia and a senior visiting fellow at the University of Cambridge.
asiatimes.com · by Phar Kim Beng · June 4, 2025
7. S. Korea views White House comments about Chinese interference unrelated to election: official
S. Korea views White House comments about Chinese interference unrelated to election: official | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Seung-yeon · June 5, 2025
By Kim Seung-yeon
SEOUL, June 5 (Yonhap) -- South Korea considers the White House's recent comments about China's interference in democracies, made after the presidential election, as a separate issue unrelated to the election itself, a Seoul official said Thursday.
Following South Korea's presidential election Tuesday, a White House official said that while "South Korea had a free and fair election, the United States remains concerned and opposed to Chinese interference and influence in democracies around the world."
The comments came in response to a query by Yonhap News Agency asking for comments after Tuesday's election.
"The emphasis was on the fact that a free and fair election was held in South Korea," a foreign ministry official in Seoul told reporters. "We consider the mention of China in the comments as a separate issue unrelated to the Korean presidential election."
Foreign ministry spokesperson Lee Jae-woong speaks during a press briefing at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Seoul on June 5, 2025. (Yonhap)
The White House's comments left Seoul puzzled, as it is considered unusual to reference a third country in a message concerning bilateral relations.
Some observers in Seoul have interpreted the remarks as the U.S. expressing doubt about the new government of President Lee Jae-myung on its foreign policy stance amid growing strategic rivalry between Washington and Beijing.
Lee has made remarks in the past that were seen as leaning closer to China than to the U.S.
The ministry official added that the U.S. position on the presidential election was expressed through U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio's congratulatory statement to Lee.
Congratulating Lee on his election win, Rubio highlighted the shared commitment to the alliance and voiced his desire to deepen their trilateral cooperation with Japan.
elly@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Seung-yeon · June 5, 2025
8. N. Korea's state media reports on Lee's presidential win for 1st time
(LEAD) N. Korea's state media reports on Lee's presidential win for 1st time | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Soo-yeon · June 5, 2025
(ATTN: UPDATES with more details from para 8; ADDS byline)
By Kim Soo-yeon
SEOUL, June 5 (Yonhap) -- North Korea's state media on Thursday reported on the outcome of South Korea's presidential election for the first time, saying that Lee Jae-myung was elected as South Korea's new leader.
South Korea held the presidential election on June 3, two months after the former president was ousted over his martial law bid in December, the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) said, referring to former President Yoon Suk Yeol.
The KCNA briefly said Lee, a candidate from the Democratic Party, was elected as South Korea's president.
The Rodong Sinmun, the North's main newspaper catering to domestic readers, also carried the related report, two days after the election was held.
It marked the first time that North Korea has reported on South Korea's latest presidential election. The North has not mentioned the South Korean political situation following Yoon's ouster.
President Lee Jae-myung speaks at an economic emergency meeting at the presidential office in central Seoul on June 4, 2025. (Yonhap)
In the past, North Korea's propaganda outlets issued criticism over South Korea's presidential elections and its politics.
But North Korea appears to have refrained from commenting on the South's political situation after its leader Kim Jong-un defined inter-Korean ties as those between "two states hostile to each other" in late 2023, according to experts.
Two days after the presidential election in 2022, North Korea reported on Yoon's election win while calling him the candidate from the conservative opposition party.
In 2017, the Choson Sinbo, a pro-North Korean newspaper based in Japan, carried a report on former liberal President Moon Jae-in's victory, a day after the presidential election.
It took seven days for the North to report on the election of former conservative President Lee Myung-bak in 2007.
In 2012, North Korea reported on former President Park Geun-hye's election two days after the vote, simply saying that the candidate from the Saenuri Party was elected by a thin margin without referring to her name.
sooyeon@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Soo-yeon · June 5, 2025
9. N. Korea's Kim vows unconditional support for Russia over war against Ukraine
N. Korea's Kim vows unconditional support for Russia over war against Ukraine | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Soo-yeon · June 5, 2025
By Kim Soo-yeon
SEOUL, June 5 (Yonhap) -- North Korean leader Kim Jong-un has vowed to "unconditionally" support Russia over the war against Ukraine and "responsibly" observe the articles of a mutual defense treaty signed between Pyongyang and Moscow, the North's state media reported Thursday.
Kim made the remarks during his meeting with Russia's Security Council Secretary Sergei Shoigu the previous day in Pyongyang, according to the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA).
Shoigu, Russia's top security official, arrived in North Korea on Wednesday, amid deepening military cooperation between North Korea and Russia, highlighted by the North's troop dispatch to Russia to support the war against Ukraine.
During the meeting, Kim affirmed that North Korea will "unconditionally support the stand of Russia and its foreign policies in all the crucial international political issues, including the Ukrainian issue," according to the KCNA.
Kim also said his country will "responsibly observe the articles of the treaty" between the two nations, it reported, referring to the comprehensive strategic partnership treaty signed by him and Russian President Vladimir Putin in June last year in Pyongyang.
This photo, carried by North Korea's official Korean Central News Agency on June 5, 2025, shows the North's leader Kim Jong-un (R) meeting with Russia's Security Council Secretary Sergei Shoigu in Pyongyang the previous day. (For Use Only in the Republic of Korea. No Redistribution) (Yonhap)
During the talks, both sides "confirmed the consensus" of the two nations' stance on the Ukraine situation and pledged to develop the bilateral ties into the "powerful and comprehensive relations of strategic partnership."
Kim and Shoigu discussed prospects for rebuilding the Kursk front-line region and specific steps to "commemorate the memory of North Korean soldiers' feat," Russia's news agency Tass reported Wednesday, citing Russia's Security Council.
With the meeting also coming on the inauguration day of South Korean President Lee Jae-myung, experts speculate they may have discussed the outlook for inter-Korean relations and issues on the Korean Peninsula.
Shoigu, former Russian defense minister, departed for home Wednesday, according to the Russian Embassy in the North. He last visited Pyongyang to meet with Kim in March.
His latest trip came ahead of the first anniversary of the signing of the mutual defense treaty on June 19 last year. The treaty calls for providing military assistance "without delay" if either side comes under attack.
In April, North Korea acknowledged for the first time that it has dispatched troops to fight alongside Russia against Ukraine.
This photo, carried by North Korea's official Korean Central News Agency on June 5, 2025, shows the North's leader Kim Jong-un (R) meeting with Russia's Security Council Secretary Sergei Shoigu (2nd from L) in Pyongyang the previous day. (For Use Only in the Republic of Korea. No Redistribution) (Yonhap)
sooyeon@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Soo-yeon · June 5, 2025
10. The Significance of the UN General Assembly High-Level Meeting on North Korean Human Rights
Can we get President Lee and President Trump to adopt a human rights upfront approach?
President Lee did not mention human rights at all in his inauguration speech.
The Significance of the UN General Assembly High-Level Meeting on North Korean Human Rights
https://keia.org/the-peninsula/the-significance-of-the-un-general-assembly-high-level-meeting-on-north-korean-human-rights/
Published June 3, 2025
Author: Robert King
Category: North Korea
On May 20, 2025, the UN General Assembly held its first-ever “high-level session” devoted to the human rights abuses of North Korea. This latest action ups the ante in calling for reform of North Korea’s abysmal human rights record.
Every year since 2004, the General Assembly has adopted resolutions criticizing North Korea and calling for improvements in its human rights. The General Assembly’s Third Committee for Social, Humanitarian & Cultural Issues has held formal sessions devoted to discussing North Korean human rights. In addition, the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva has held annual formal sessions devoted to discussing North Korean human rights and has designated a special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in North Korea to present annual reports to the Human Rights Council and the General Assembly since 2004. Elizabeth Salmón, distinguished professor of international law at the Faculty of Law of the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru, has served as special rapporteur since 2022. The UN Security Council has also discussed the impact of North Korea’s human rights violations on international peace and security in periodic Security Council meetings over the last decade.
UN General Assembly High-Level Meeting Focuses on North Korean Abuses
A “high-level” session at the General Assembly is a significant step-up in pressing North Korea to make progress on human rights. In December 2024, following the discussion of North Korean human rights in the General Assembly’s Third Committee, a resolution was adopted that called for holding this high-level plenary meeting of the General Assembly. The resolution specifically called for testimonies from victims of North Korean human rights abuse, as well as statements from civil society representatives and experts on human rights law.
Representatives of UN member states convened the high-level meeting on May 20 in the 1,800-seat General Assembly chamber, which underscored the importance the United Nations places on North Korean human rights issues and the growing frustration that little has improved over the decades. In addition to statements by government representatives of UN member countries, speakers included victims who have suffered under the North Korean regime and advocates calling for an end to human rights abuses in North Korea.
Speakers included two escapees from North Korea, who shared harrowing stories of repression inside North Korea and the life-threatening dangers of attempting to leave. One speaker, who left North Korea when she was eleven years old, fled with her mother and sister. They endured human trafficking in China before they were finally able to reach South Korea. The other speaker fled just a few years ago during the COVID-19 pandemic. Her family faced persecution because of her grandmother’s religious beliefs, and she reported that friends were executed by the state for the high crime of watching South Korean television dramas.
Speakers also included human rights advocates and experts on North Korean migration, who discussed the link between human rights violations and the repressive regime in Pyongyang. Greg Scarlatoiu, president and CEO of the U.S.-based Committee for Human Rights in North Korea, said the country is no longer just a threat to the Korean Peninsula but “is exporting instability to the Middle East and to Europe.” He said that North Korea’s possession of nuclear weapons gives the country greater ability to engage in human rights violations.
Special Rapporteur Salmón was one of the principal speakers at the session. She said that excessively strict measures put in place during the pandemic have left North Korea even more isolated. The tightening of the borders has “limited humanitarian assistance from UN and other organizations and tight access to information have aggravated living conditions.” Salmón also said that the Kim regime exploits the labor force to finance its military programs because military spending limits resources available for investments in social well-being.
Representatives of a number of countries spoke following the abovementioned statements from victims, human rights organizations, and UN officials. The statement on behalf of the U.S. government was mildly critical of North Korea’s human rights actions, saying the United States “calls upon the DPRK government to abide by its international obligations, to dismantle its political prison camps, and to respect the inalienable rights of its citizens.” While South Korea and most other governments who spoke during the session were represented by their ambassador or deputy chief of mission to the United Nations, the United States currently does not have a UN ambassador.
The deputy chief of the U.S. mission to the United Nations or another senior U.S. diplomat in New York would normally be the appropriate person to represent the United States under such circumstances. Instead, the person who delivered the U.S. response was a “senior official” from the U.S. Department of State’s Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor in Washington, DC. This individual’s title was not sufficiently important to identify it. Bringing a relatively junior official from Washington to make that statement reflects the Trump administration’s low level of concern on the issue of North Korea’s human rights violations. This appears to be a case where the messenger is the message.
Institutionalizing Accountability
The recent high-level meeting at the General Assembly devoted to North Korea’s human rights abuse made an important statement. In addition to these formal UN meetings, which have resulted in resolutions criticizing the Kim regime for its human rights abuses, the UN Human Rights Council has designated human rights experts who continue to report periodically on abuses in North Korea.
As mentioned above, the UN Human Rights Council has designated a special rapporteur on North Korean human rights since 2004. The rapporteur must be reappointed each year, but the same individual can be reappointed for up to a total of six years. Four highly qualified and committed individuals have served as special rapporteur since the position was created. The reports by the special rapporteur are an important tool in identifying human rights abuses and urging action by UN agencies.
In addition to the ongoing work of the special rapporteurs, the UN Human Rights Council established a commission of inquiry (COI) in 2013 that was tasked with investigating systematic, widespread, and grave violations of human rights in North Korea and issuing a comprehensive and fully documented report. That report was thoroughly evaluated by the UN Human Rights Council and the General Assembly, and its analysis and recommendation have played a critical role in pressing North Korea to make changes.
Another important step that followed the release of the report of the COI was the establishment of the UN Human Rights Council office in Seoul in 2015. In the ten years that the office has been operating in South Korea, UN officials have published an important collection of well-documented reports on North Korean human rights abuses based on interviews with recent defectors from North Korea.
Conclusion
The United States has played a major role in calling international attention to North Korea’s human rights abuses. Congress adopted the North Korean Human Rights Act in 2004, and the legislation was extended in 2008, 2012, and 2018. It provided aid to North Korean refugees, support for UN efforts to encourage human rights in North Korea, and the appointment of a U.S. ambassador/special envoy to lead the human rights effort. During Donald Trump’s first term in office, he signed a reauthorization bill for the legislation in 2018 but did not appoint a human rights envoy for North Korea. President Joe Biden did appoint an envoy, although the legislation requiring the envoy had expired.
When Trump returned to the White House in January 2025, the special envoy for North Korean human rights (a career State Department officer) was named to another position in the State Department, and there are no indications that a new human rights envoy will be appointed. Ironically, Marco Rubio—when he was a U.S. senator—introduced legislation calling for the appointment of the North Korean human rights envoy in 2022 and 2024, but now, as secretary of state, he gives no indication he will seek the appointment of an envoy. In fact, the Trump administration withdrew U.S. participation in the UN Human Rights Council less than a week after Trump was sworn in, calling into question the administration’s commitment to addressing the issue of North Korean human rights abuses.
Robert King is a Non-Resident Distinguished Fellow at the Korea Economic Institute of America. The views expressed here are the author’s alone.
Photo from Shutterstock.
KEI is registered under the FARA as an agent of the Korea Institute for International Economic Policy, a public corporation established by the government of the Republic of Korea. Additional information is available at the Department of Justice, Washington, D.C.
11. 4 N. Koreans on wooden boat cross maritime border in East Sea: military
We must not foreget abotu the 25 million Koean suffering in the north.
(2nd LD) 4 N. Koreans on wooden boat cross maritime border in East Sea: military | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Minji · June 5, 2025
(ATTN: ADDS unification ministry's response in paras 7-8)
By Lee Minji
SEOUL, June 5 (Yonhap) -- A wooden boat carrying four North Korean residents drifted into waters south of the Northern Limit Line, the de facto inter-Korean maritime border, in the East Sea last week, the military said Thursday.
"The military detected a small North Korean wooden boat in waters some 100 kilometers east of Goseong in Gangwon Province on the morning of May 27," a Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) official said.
The four residents have been transferred to a relevant institution for questioning, following the joint operation with the Coast Guard, the official said.
All four North Koreans, who are believed to have likely crossed into South Korean waters accidentally, were known to have expressed their intent to return to the North.
The latest case came about three months after the military discovered a wooden boat carrying two North Koreans in the Yellow Sea on March 7.
Seoul has sought to repatriate the two North Koreans, who also expressed their wish to return to the North, to no avail as Pyongyang has not responded to any inter-Korean communications.
South Korea's unification ministry, in charge of inter-Korean affairs, reaffirmed such a stance in regard to the latest group of North Koreans who drifted southward.
"Should the North Korean residents wish to return to the North, we will seek a swift and safe repatriation on humanitarian grounds," the ministry said.
Some observers raised the possibility that the two Koreas may have consultations over the repatriation of the North Koreans, following the inauguration of President Lee Jae-myung, who has left open the possibility of resuming dialogue with Pyongyang.
This Oct. 24, 2023, file photo, provided by Yonhap News TV, shows the military towing a North Korean wooden boat that crossed the Northern Limit Line. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
mlee@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Minji · June 5, 2025
12. Some North Koreans 'cynical' about South Korea's new president
This is Google translation of an RFA report. Just as a reminder, what other news organization can provide these insights about north Korea from inside north Korea other than RFA? I don't see CNN or FOX or OAN or the WSJ, NYT, or WAPOST or the vaunted citizen digital "journalists" providing anything like this reporting.
This reporting is helpful because if you assess while the people are saying they are cynical of President Lee their "cynicism" is really based on their distrust and dislike of the Kim family regime.
Excerpts:
A source from North Hamgyong Province (requesting anonymity for safety reasons) told Radio Free Asia on the 5th, “Since yesterday, the results of South Korea’s new presidential election have been spreading among residents,” and “The new South Korean president’s intention to improve inter-Korean relations has also been conveyed, drawing attention from residents.”
“However, the public’s reaction is cold as the president elected in this election is known to have similar tendencies to former South Korean presidents Kim Dae-jung and Moon Jae-in,” the source said. “This is because, although their regime benefited the (Kim family) hereditary regime, it did not change the starving lives of the people.”
He continued, “The public’s reaction to the results of this South Korean presidential election is cynical,” adding, “Even if the new South Korean government (Lee Jae-myung) wants to improve relations with us (North Korea), the prevailing reaction is that there is no room for progress as (South and North Korea) are already two hostile countries, two belligerents at war.”
He added, “Some trade agency executives hope that the new (South Korean) president’s will will allow inter-Korean relations to move toward cooperation,” but “ordinary citizens seem to think differently.”
In fact, some North Korean officials stationed in China responded to Radio Free Asia on the 4th by saying they were hopeful that new South Korean President Lee Jae-myung could engage in economic exchanges between the two Koreas, and in particular, they expected that if the strained inter-Korean relations were to improve, the number of South Koreans visiting North Korean restaurants in China would increase.
Some North Koreans 'cynical' about South Korea's new president
Seoul-Kim Ji-eun xallsl@rfa.org
2025.06.05
https://www.rfa.org/korean/in-focus/2025/06/03/north-korea-enlistment-farewell-gloomy/
President Lee Jae-myung enters the State Council meeting held at the presidential office building in Yongsan, Seoul on the 5th. (Yonhap)
Anchor: As North Korean authorities reported the results of South Korea's 21st presidential election on the 5th, in which candidate Lee Jae-myung was elected, some North Korean residents are said to have reacted cynically. Reporter Kim Ji-eun reports from inside North Korea.
A source from North Hamgyong Province (requesting anonymity for safety reasons) told Radio Free Asia on the 5th, “Since yesterday, the results of South Korea’s new presidential election have been spreading among residents,” and “The new South Korean president’s intention to improve inter-Korean relations has also been conveyed, drawing attention from residents.”
“However, the public’s reaction is cold as the president elected in this election is known to have similar tendencies to former South Korean presidents Kim Dae-jung and Moon Jae-in,” the source said. “This is because, although their regime benefited the (Kim family) hereditary regime, it did not change the starving lives of the people.”
He continued, “The public’s reaction to the results of this South Korean presidential election is cynical,” adding, “Even if the new South Korean government (Lee Jae-myung) wants to improve relations with us (North Korea), the prevailing reaction is that there is no room for progress as (South and North Korea) are already two hostile countries, two belligerents at war.”
He added, “Some trade agency executives hope that the new (South Korean) president’s will will allow inter-Korean relations to move toward cooperation,” but “ordinary citizens seem to think differently.”
In fact, some North Korean officials stationed in China responded to Radio Free Asia on the 4th by saying they were hopeful that new South Korean President Lee Jae-myung could engage in economic exchanges between the two Koreas, and in particular, they expected that if the strained inter-Korean relations were to improve, the number of South Koreans visiting North Korean restaurants in China would increase.
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A resident source in North Pyongan Province (requesting anonymity for safety reasons) also told Radio Free Asia on the same day, “Since yesterday, the results of the South Korean presidential election have been spreading among the residents,” and “The elected person is known to have similar personalities to the presidents who attended the North-South summit in the past.”
President Lee Jae-myung presides over emergency economic inspection task force meeting
President Lee Jae-myung presides over the 'President's Order No. 1, Emergency Economic Inspection Task Force (TF) Meeting' at the presidential office building in Yongsan, Seoul on the 4th. (Yonhap)
Improvement of inter-Korean relations does not lead to benefits for residents' lives
The source pointed out, “However, there is widespread skepticism among residents that the differences between the North and South’s systems, ideological gaps, and gaps in material civilization ultimately make it impossible for the two sides to mix like ‘water and oil.’”
The source continued, “In South Korea, every time the president changes, various plans are put forth, and as theories of peace and unification between the two Koreas come to the fore, noisy agreements are adopted, but in reality, the impact on the lives of (North Korean) residents has been minimal.” He argued, “Even if the newly elected president tries to improve (inter-Korean) relations, the result will be the same.”
He added, “Unless the improvement in inter-Korean relations directly benefits the lives of the people, the public’s reaction to the new South Korean president is likely to be cold and cynical.”
Meanwhile, on the 5th, North Korean authorities briefly reported through state-run media outlets such as the Korean Central News Agency without commentary that “Lee Jae-myung, the candidate of the Democratic Party of Korea, was elected as the 21st president in the South Korean presidential election held on June 3.”
This is Ji-eun Kim of RFA's Radio Free Asia in Seoul.
Editor Yang Seong-won
13. North Korean defectors call on President Lee to “show sincerity on North Korean human rights”
This is a Google translation of an RFA report.
The north Korean diaspora is rightly concerned. There was no mention of human rights in north Korea in the president's inauguration speech.
We need a human rights upfront approach.
North Korean defectors call on President Lee to “show sincerity on North Korean human rights”
Seoul-Mokyongjae moky@rfa.org
2025.06.04
https://www.rfa.org/korean/in-focus/2025/06/04/north-korea-president-rights-human/
President Lee Jae-myung and First Lady Kim Hye-kyung are seen moving to the National Assembly. (Reuters)
Anchor: North Korean defectors have mixed concerns and expectations about Lee Jae-myung, the 21st President of South Korea. In particular, North Korean human rights activists who are defectors themselves are expressing concerns that the Lee Jae-myung government is returning to the Moon Jae-in government's policy of 'forcibly repatriating'. Reporter Mok Yong-jae reports from Seoul.
North Korean defector activists who have traditionally supported South Korea's conservative parties reacted with both congratulations and concern to President Lee Jae-myung's inauguration.
The point is that, so far, South Korea's progressive governments have been preoccupied with policies for exchange and cooperation with North Korea and have been passive about policies related to improving human rights in North Korea.
The forced repatriation of two North Korean defectors who had expressed their intention to defect, the enactment of the so-called “anti-leaflet law against North Korea” through revisions to the Act on the Development of Inter-Korean Relations, the inspection of North Korean human rights organizations, and the refusal to participate as a co-sponsor of the UN North Korean human rights resolution were representative examples of the previous progressive government’s stance on the North Korean human rights issue.
In addition, the Moon Jae-in government was criticized for not taking proactive measures to provide relief and determine responsibility in the case of a South Korean Coast Guard official who was shot and killed by North Korean forces in the West Sea in 2020.
This is why North Korean defectors who are campaigning for North Korean human rights are looking at President Lee Jae-myung with concern after he announced his pledge to “strengthen cooperation to promote human rights for North Korean residents.”
These are the words of defector and writer Rim Il.
[Writer Lim Il] I have seen 7 presidential elections. The pledges were literally just to get votes, but I don’t think there were any pledges that were actually put into practice. I think that’s what happened to all the presidents. However, I hope that the Lee Jae-myung government will implement policies that prioritize North Korean defectors and give them preferential treatment, just like the conservative parties do.
Jang Se-yool, head of the People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy, said in a phone call with Radio Free Asia on the 4th, "President Lee said he cannot ignore North Korean human rights, but it is true that he is afraid that the North Korean human rights movement will be suppressed."
Kwon Hyo-jin, director of the International PEN Center for North Koreans in Exile, also said, “There are concerns that even if the Lee Jae-myung government actually improves human rights in North Korea, it will only be a formality.”
Rep. Wi Seong-rak, who serves as the foreign affairs and security advisor to Democratic Party presidential candidate Lee Jae-myung, speaks at a briefing held by the Seoul Foreign Correspondents' Club (SFCC) on the 28th of last month.
Rep. Wi Seong-rak, who serves as the foreign affairs and security advisor to Democratic Party presidential candidate Lee Jae-myung, speaks during a briefing held by the Seoul Foreign Correspondents' Club (SFCC) on the 28th of last month. (RFA)
“Establishment of the North Korean Human Rights Foundation is the standard for improving North Korean human rights”
North Korean defector activists cited the establishment of the North Korean Human Rights Foundation as a measure of the sincerity of the new South Korean government and the ruling Democratic Party of Korea's pledge to "improve human rights in North Korea."
These are the words of Jang Se-yul, head of the People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy.
[Jang Se-yul, Representative of the People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy] The North Korean Human Rights Foundation needs to be established for the North Korean Human Rights Act to be properly implemented, but isn't it the Democratic Party that has been blocking the establishment of the foundation? Still, if (the government and the ruling party) start by establishing a human rights foundation, it would be truly a great thing, and I think the perception of our human rights activists toward the Democratic Party would change a lot.
Seo Jae-pyeong, chairman of the North Korean Defectors Association, also said that the apology for the forced repatriation that took place during the Moon Jae-in administration and the prompt establishment of the North Korean Human Rights Foundation are measures that can confirm the sincerity of the Lee Jae-myung administration, which declared that it would improve human rights in North Korea.
[Seo Jae-pyeong, Chairman of the North Korean Defectors’ Association] Although some time has passed since the forced repatriation incident, it happened when the Democratic Party was in power, and if it was something that happened to the former president, wouldn’t it be possible to say something like, “We deeply regret the forced repatriation incident, and we will consult with the relevant ministries to make sure this never happens again”, even if it’s not a formal apology?
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On the other hand, Jeon Ju-myeong, the head of the Association of North Korean Defectors Preparing for Unification, who declared his support for then-presidential candidate Lee Jae-myung ahead of the 21st presidential election, expressed his expectations for President Lee Jae-myung's inauguration in a phone call with Radio Free Asia.
The former chairman urged President Lee to pay close attention to the employment problem of North Korean defectors.
[Jeon Ju-myeong, Chairman of the Association of North Korean Defectors Preparing for Unification] (With President Lee Jae-myeong taking office) I have no concerns. It would be good if the president took more interest in helping North Korean defectors settle down. There are many North Korean defectors who are having a hard time doing business, including working in public institutions.
This is Mok Yong-jae from RFA's Free Asia Broadcasting in Seoul.
14. A smuggled North Korean smartphone reveals how the regime censors information
See a BBC video about the smartphone here:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T_VynSh2Fpo
Can we exploit this?
A smuggled North Korean smartphone reveals how the regime censors information
Fortune · by Beatrice Nolan
- A smartphone smuggled out of North Korea sheds light on how the regime tightly censors content. Measures include automatically replacing popular South Korean words with regime-approved terms and recording screenshots of user activity for officials to review.
A smartphone smuggled out of North Korea has given a glimpse into how Kim Jong Un’s regime censors information in the isolated and secretive country.
The phone, which was smuggled out of the country late last year by a Seoul-based media organization, Daily NK, and later obtained by the BBC, was programmed to censor certain language and record screenshots of the user’s activity. The smartphone does not have access to the internet as North Korea blocks information from outside the country.
According to a BBC report, the smartphone takes screenshots of the user’s actions every five minutes and saves them in a file the user can see but not open. Only the North Korean authorities can open the files, allowing them to review what users are looking at.
Popular South Korean words like “oppa,” which literally translates to big brother but has become South Korean slang for a boyfriend, are automatically replaced with the word “comrade.” Users also receive a warning; in this example, it said: “This word can only be used to describe your siblings.”
The Korean word for “South Korea” is also replaced with “puppet state.”
This reflects a broader effort by the regime to eliminate South Korean cultural influence and control citizens, even down to how people speak.
An ‘information war’ between North and South Korea
North Korea is one of the most isolated and authoritarian countries in the world and has been ruled by the Kim dynasty since its founding in 1948.
The regime maintains strict control over its population through surveillance, propaganda, and an extensive network of informants. Citizens are cut off from the global internet, and even minor infractions, such as watching foreign media, can result in severe punishment.
Recently, South Korea has been smuggling more foreign content into the neighboring state as part of a covert “information war.” The aim is to expose North Koreans to the outside world, especially what life is like for people in South Korea, who experience more freedom and wealth.
South Korea and various NGOs employ multiple tactics to do this, including blaring loudspeakers at the border and secretly distributing USB sticks and SD cards filled with K-dramas, pop songs, and pro-democracy material into North Korea. The underground effort is run by NGOs like Unification Media Group (UMG).
North Korea has intensified its crackdowns in response, enforcing stricter laws, surveillance, executions, and “youth crackdown squads” that police citizens’ behavior and language.
Efforts to smuggle the restricted information into North Korea have also been impacted by President Trump’s cuts to foreign aid projects.
The administration has reduced funding for key media projects that are working on getting information into the country, like Radio Free Asia and Voice of America.
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15. Lee appoints DP's think tank head to lead policy planning committee
(LEAD) Lee appoints DP's think tank head to lead policy planning committee | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Eun-jung · June 5, 2025
(ATTN: RECASTS headline, lead; UPDATES throughout with latest details; CHANGES photo)
By Chae Yun-hwan
SEOUL, June 5 (Yonhap) -- President Lee Jae-myung has formed a policy planning committee to draw up the new government's policy roadmap, which will effectively serve as a presidential transition team, his office said Thursday.
The president appointed Lee Han-joo, head of the Democratic Party's Institute for Democracy think tank, as the chair of the committee, tasked with outlining Lee's policy plans and priorities.
"The committee is an organization that functions like a presidential transition team, responsible for tasks such as restructuring government organizations and organizing key policy agendas, excluding personnel vetting," presidential spokesperson Kang Yu-jung said in a briefing.
The move aims to ensure continuity in state affairs, as Lee took office immediately after the snap election without a two-month transition period due to former President Yoon Suk Yeol's removal from office over his failed martial law bid.
Lee Han-joo (R), the head of the Democratic Party's Institute for Democracy think tank, attends a party meeting held at the National Assembly in Seoul on June 5, 2025 (Yonhap)
Lee has expressed the need for reforming the government's structure, such as removing the finance ministry's responsibility of drafting the budget. He has also pledged to create a climate energy ministry and expand the role of the ministry of gender equality and family.
Meanwhile, President Lee could appoint vice ministers, who do not need to undergo a parliamentary confirmation hearing, in the coming days to push forth his policies as it could take weeks before he forms his Cabinet due to such parliamentary procedures.
As for Lee's potential picks for roles at the presidential office, former four-term lawmaker Woo Sang-ho has been mentioned as a strong candidate for senior secretary of political affairs and Lee Kyou-youn, former JTBC CEO, as senior public relations secretary.
yunhwanchae@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Eun-jung · June 5, 2025
16. New U.S. Marine Corps Forces Korea commander takes office
She takes command (yes office is technically correct but command is the preferred term for a military leader).
New U.S. Marine Corps Forces Korea commander takes office | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Minji · June 5, 2025
SEOUL, June 5 (Yonhap) -- The new commander of the U.S. Marine Corps Forces Korea (MARFORK) took office Thursday, vowing to "yield remarkable achievements" based on a partnership grounded on the South Korea-U.S. alliance.
Maj. Gen. Valerie Jackson took over command from Maj. Gen. William Souza in a change-of-command ceremony held at Camp Humphreys in Pyeongtaek, about 60 kilometers south of Seoul, according to MARFORK.
Maj. Gen. Valerie Jackson, the new commander of the U.S. Marine Corps Forces Korea, speaks in a change-of-command ceremony held at Camp Humphreys in Pyeongtaek, about 60 kilometers south of Seoul, on June 5, 2025, in this photo provided by the service. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
The ceremony was also attended by Gen. Xavier Brunson, commander of the U.N. Command (UNC), Combined Forces Command and U.S. Forces Korea (USFK).
"Today is more than a ceremonial passing of colors, it is a visible reminder that the joint combined initiative in Korea continues," Brunson said.
Jackson echoed the view.
"Our partnership is grounded in strength and is underscored by our commitment to each other, to our shared values and to regional stability," the new commander said. "Together, our shared vision will undoubtedly yield remarkable achievements."
Established in 1995, the U.S. Marine Corps service component to the USFK and the UNC oversees the readiness of U.S. Marine Corps forces on the Korean Peninsula, strengthens interoperability with South Korea's Marine Corps, and supports combined and joint exercises.
mlee@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Minji · June 5, 2025
17. South Korea’s New Leader Name Checks North Korea but Not China
South Korea’s New Leader Name Checks North Korea but Not China
Lee Jae-myung’s inauguration speech was a sign of the diplomatic maneuvering he will need to pull off to navigate relations with China and the United States.
https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/04/world/asia/south-korea-president-north-china.html
President Lee Jae-myung giving his inauguration speech at the National Assembly in Seoul on Wednesday, hours after he clinched a comfortable election victory.Credit...Pool photo by Anthony Wallace
By Choe Sang-Hun
Reporting from Seoul
June 4, 2025
Within hours of being elected president of South Korea, Lee Jae-myung began work on Wednesday by calling for dialogue with its arch enemy, North Korea, to bring peace to the Korean Peninsula. He also stressed South Korea’s commitment to its security alliance with the United States.
In his nationally televised inauguration speech at the rotunda lobby hall of the National Assembly, Mr. Lee reaffirmed diplomatic cooperation with the Trump administration, with whom he must work to negotiate over tariffs and maintain its security alliance, and pledged to solidify trilateral cooperation with the United States and Japan.
But Mr. Lee shied away from commenting directly on how he would tackle the thorny diplomatic challenges he faces as president, such as the growing rivalry between the United States, South Korea’s only military ally, and China, its largest trading partner.
Unlike his campaign-trail speeches, where Mr. Lee called for improving ties with China, his swearing-in address did not mention it by name, reflecting the delicate diplomatic negotiations his government will face in the coming months. Mr. Lee wants to mend his country’s strained relations with China to help spur economic growth. But Washington is asking Seoul to play a bigger role in containing China.
On Wednesday, Mr. Lee only made an indirect reference to China: “I will approach relations with neighboring countries from a perspective of national interest and pragmatism.”
Image
The militaries of South Korea and its ally the United States took part in joint exercises in Yeoncheon in March.Credit...Ahn Young-Joon/Associated Press
In Washington, Secretary of State Marco Rubio congratulated Mr. Lee on his election, reconfirming the United States’ “ironclad commitment” to their alliance. “We are also modernizing the alliance to meet the demands of today’s strategic environment and address new economic challenges,” Mr. Rubio said.
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Mr. Lee’s predecessor, Yoon Suk Yeol, who was expelled from office in April after his short-lived imposition of martial law, antagonized Beijing by aligning Seoul more firmly with Washington in the strategic competition between the two superpowers. He also won plaudits from Washington for improving ties with Tokyo to make trilateral cooperation possible.
“We can expect tensions if his government doesn’t align with Washington’s approach to China and Japan,” said Duyeon Kim, a Seoul-based fellow with the Center for a New American Security. “Typically, there has been more policy discord between Seoul and Washington when there was a progressive government in South Korea.”
In Japan, Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba on Wednesday expressed hope for an early meeting with Mr. Lee, continuing the practice of exchanging visits by the leaders of the two neighboring nations.
“I hope to step up cooperation between Japan and South Korea, and trilaterally with the United States, under President Lee Jae-myung on the occasion of the 60th anniversary” of the normalization of diplomatic ties between Tokyo and Seoul, Mr. Ishiba told reporters at his office.
Image
Secretary of State Marco Rubio, center, with Japan’s Foreign Minister Takeshi Iwaya and South Korea’s Foreign Minister, Cho Tae-yul, during a NATO meeting in Brussels in April. The U.S. has pushed to develop closer trilateral relations.Credit...Pool photo by Jacquelyn Martin
North Korea did not immediately react to Mr. Lee’s inauguration. It had become increasingly hostile toward the South under Mr. Yoon, rejecting dialogue with it and threatening to use nuclear weapons against it. The North ’s newly minted alliance with Russia provides its leader, Kim Jong-un, with more leverage over Seoul and Washington. Analysts say that Mr. Kim will likely demand bigger incentives for resuming talks with either.
On Wednesday, China’s leader, Xi Jinping, sent a congratulatory message to Mr. Lee, calling their two nations “important neighbors and cooperative partners,” Chinese state media said. Mr. Xi also said he “attaches great importance” to developing bilateral ties.
“The fundamental driving force behind the development of China-South Korea relations stems from the common interests of both sides,” said Lin Jian, a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman. “China has always opposed taking sides and confrontation between camps.”
Because Mr. Lee was filling the vacancy created by Mr. Yoon’s impeachment, he took office as soon as South Korea’s National Election Commission confirmed him as the winner of Tuesday’s election. Overnight, he switched from campaigning for the election to organizing and launching his new administration, appointing key members of the Cabinet and his presidential office.
Image
The South Korean National Assembly in Seoul was preparing for Mr. Lee’s inauguration ceremony on Wednesday.Credit...Jun Michael Park for The New York Times
Mr. Lee faces more daunting problems than any recent South Korean leader, including responding to President Trump’s tariffs, especially the ones hurting the nation’s steel and autos industries.
The new president also said he would increase government spending and ease regulations to kick-start the economy and encourage businesses. Economic growth, he said, was key to creating more job opportunities and narrow economic and other inequalities.
“Lee Jae-myung will have his work cut out for him particularly on the economic front,” said Wendy Cutler, vice president of the Asia Society Policy Institute. “In addition to taking immediate steps to revive the slowing Korean economy, he faces a July 8 deadline to conclude trade talks with the Trump administration.”
After months of political turmoil that took a toll on South Korea’s markets, investors appeared to welcomed the election result, with the country’s benchmark Kospi index rising 2.5 percent on Wednesday. The won rose about half a percent against the dollar.
Mr. Lee took office at a time when his party controls Parliament, one of the few South Korean leaders to do so. That gives him political influence to push through policies. But his victory also revealed a deeply divided nation.
The election was billed largely as a referendum on Mr. Yoon and the right-wing People Power Party in the wake of his martial law, the first attempt to bring military rule back to South Korea in four decades. Still, that party’s candidate, Kim Moon-soo, garnered 41 percent of the votes. Mr. Lee won the election with 49.4 percent, a smaller margin than polls had projected.
Image
President Lee departing to the presidential office from the National Assembly following his inauguration in Seoul on Wednesday.Credit...Anthony Wallace/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
Mr. Lee appealed for national unity to deal with the “complex interlocked crises” South Korea faces in the economy, diplomacy and domestic politics. He said that “unity is a barometer of competence and division the result of incompetence.”
“The political forces that have neither the capability nor the will to improve the lives of the people indulge in dividing them and sowing hatred,” he said. “I will become a president who ends the politics of division.”
He said he would punish those who were involved in Mr. Yoon’s declaration of martial law and install more institutional guardrails to prevent a future leader from attempting military rule again. But he also promised to restore a channel of dialogue and compromise with the political opposition.
Amy Chang Chien and Jin Yu Young contributed reporting.
Choe Sang-Hun is the lead reporter for The Times in Seoul, covering South and North Korea.
17. A look at South Korea’s surreal, sizzling election-night TV graphics
An interesting look. Photos at the link: https://wapo.st/4jx2BNC
A look at South Korea’s surreal, sizzling election-night TV graphics
This election, candidates were depicted racing to plunge toilets and riding toy horses. But some experts say the flash may have distracted viewers from key issues.
June 4, 2025 at 4:39 a.m. EDTYesterday at 4:39 a.m. EDT
3 min
9
A screen at the headquarters of South Korean broadcaster SBS in Seoul last month shows a graphic of presidential candidates Lee Jae-myung, left, and Kim Moon-soo plunging toilets. (Anthony Wallace/AFP/Getty Images)
By Julie Yoon and Kelsey Ables
SEOUL — On Tuesday evening, after South Korea’s snap presidential election came to an end, a different kind of race unfolded on the country’s leading private broadcaster, SBS. As the results rolled in, the candidates were depicted riding tiny toy horses, liberal candidate Lee Jae-myung grinning as he bounced to victory over his conservative rival, Kim Moon-soo.
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Call it horse-race journalism or engaging election coverage — whatever it is, it’s hard to take your eyes off the screen. On Tuesday night, SBS’s election graphics ranged from the playful — candidates racing cars or facing off in a tug of war — to the patently surreal. In one, Lee and Kim competed to unclog toilets. In another, the two bobbed up and down on spin bikes, and whoever took the lead in the vote count would break into a hip-swaying, shoulder-shimmying K-pop style dance.
1:26
South Korean election-night coverage is known for its wild, over-the-top graphics. But some experts say the flash could distract viewers from real issues. (Video: Julie Yoon/The Washington Post)
The graphics, a staple of South Korean elections for more than a decade, are interwoven with standard news segments, creating a whiplash-inducing array of images. But some experts say the fun, flashy coverage could have distracted viewers from key issues or policy debates — particularly in an election that capped six months of political turmoil, marked by the impeachment of former president Yoon Suk Yeol over his declaration of martial law.
Yong-Chan Kim, a communications professor at Yonsei University in Seoul, said the use of lively election graphics is based on “very tense competition” among TV networks that dates back to the 1990s, when commercial broadcaster SBS joined a media landscape dominated by public channels.
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Such competition has only intensified in recent years, experts say, as television channels lose younger audiences to social media and political YouTubers grow in popularity. References to South Korea’s rich pop culture abound in the graphics — this year, for instance, many of them riffed on the hit Netflix show “Squid Game.”
“Election night is a really good time for engaging people in a serious political agenda,” Kim said, but broadcasters are “losing that chance” by distracting audiences with extravagant visuals.
A screen at a victory rally for Lee Jae-myung in Seoul shows the SBS broadcast Wednesday. (Jintak Han/The Washington Post)
Hun Shik Kim, a journalism professor at the University of Colorado at Boulder and a former TV reporter in South Korea, echoed the concern. “After the election, viewers may remember the dramatic animations and spectacle presented by the TV channel rather than the complex election issues underlying the news coverage,” he wrote in an email.
In South Korea, not unlike the United States, “entertainment is gradually overtaking the substance of national politics,” Kim said.
Some networks in South Korea had more sober coverage Tuesday night. During the vote count, national broadcaster KBS aired an AI-generated montage of past presidents shaking hands to highlight the peaceful transfer of power. MBC, which had the highest ratings of the night, focused on Korean history and the meaning of democracy.
The Washington Post has contacted various South Korean broadcasters for comment.
Bohyeong Kim, a professor of communications at Vanderbilt University, said the graphics are not cause for concern by themselves.
“News outlets could still provide in-depth coverage of candidates’ and parties’ policies and help viewers make informed decisions while incorporating entertaining visuals,” she said.
“What is problematic is that existing issues are reproduced, such as focusing on the two major parties and reproducing candidates’ self-branding uncritically.”
(Indeed, there appeared to be no third-party candidates depicted as plunging toilets on SBS.)
And while some might see “Squid Game”-inspired graphics as mere fun, Kim suggests something deeper might be going on.
“At a time when many have lost confidence in the country’s global standing in the aftermath of Yoon’s martial law declaration,” she said, SBS is trying to “tap into viewers’ pride in global Korean culture.”
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By Julie Yoon
Julie Yoon is a video editor for the breaking news team. Before joining the Post, she worked as a multimedia reporter at the BBC.
By Kelsey Ables
Kelsey Ables is a reporter at The Washington Post's Seoul hub, where she covers breaking news in the United States and across the world. She was previously on the Features desk, where she wrote about art, architecture and pop culture. follow on X@ables_kelsey
De Oppresso Liber,
David Maxwell
Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy
Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation
Editor, Small Wars Journal
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
Phone: 202-573-8647
email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com
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