Informal Institute for National Security Thinkers and Practitioners

Quotes of the Day:

“Human beings are so made that the ones who do the crushing feel nothing; it is the person crushed who feels what is happening. Unless one has placed one shelf on the side of the oppressed, to feel with them, one cannot understand.”

- Simone Weil

"The surest way to corrupt. A youth is to instruct him to hold in higher steam, those who think alike than those who think differently."

- Friedrich Nietzsche

"A man is like a fraction whose numerator is what he is and whose denominator is what he thinks of himself. The larger the denominator, the smaller the fraction."

- Leo Tolstoy

1. Biden Administration Foreign Policy Tracker: July KOREA

2. Unification Minister nominee: I do not advocate coercive assimilation for unification

3. Roughend up rhetoric of President Yoon

4. N. Korea says 'no intention' to review Hyundai Group chief's bid to visit Mt. Kumgang

5. Recently returned Kim Yong Chol may focus on earning funds for regime

6. Could a Wagner-style rebellion happen in North Korea?

7. Unification Minister nominee Kim lays out his Pyongyang roadmap

8. Outside Information: One of the Keys to Empowering North Korean Citizens as Agents of Change

9. Kim Jong Un’s clampdown on those caught using 'I love you', South Koreans words

10. SPECIAL/Defector calls for more sanctions on North Korea over human rights abuses

11. Kim Jong Un Visited Theme Park After Meeting Team Trump: Report

12. New EarlyRAT malware linked to North Korean Andariel hacking group

13. Fixing South Korea’s military service pay gap is a strategic imperative

14. Uneasy calm prevails at Korean Demiliterised Zone

15. Why K-pop is like pro-wrestling

1. Biden Administration Foreign Policy Tracker: July KOREA

Now that I am no longer contributing to these you will notice different perspectives and views on the importance of the military alliance and the positive contribution to Biden foreign policy..

KOREA

Anthony Ruggiero

Nonproliferation and Biodefense Program Senior Director and Senior Fellow

Trending Neutral

Previous Trend:

Positive

https://www.fdd.org/policy-tracker/2023/06/30/biden-administration-foreign-policy-tracker-july/#Korea

The Biden administration continued its ineffective North Korea sanctions program. In mid-June, the Treasury Department sanctioned two Beijing-based North Korean individuals who are part of “an extensive overseas network of procurement agents” who obtain components for Pyongyang’s ballistic missile program. But while Treasury acknowledged that “third-country nationals and foreign companies” aid this overseas network, the department did not sanction the Chinese companies, individuals, and banks that facilitate North Korean sanctions evasion.

In better news, the United States and South Korea on June 1 issued a joint advisory on North Korean cyber operations targeting think tanks, academic institutions, and news outlets. U.S.-ROK cyber cooperation is especially critical because, as a senior White House official recently said, North Korea funds half of its missile program from cyberattacks and cryptocurrency theft. Later in June, Washington and Seoul held a high-level cybersecurity meeting as a follow-up to their Strategic Cybersecurity Cooperation Framework announced in April, in which the allies pledged to increase cyber defense cooperation.

The Biden administration has maintained senior-level attention on the South Korea-Japan and U.S.-ROK-Japan relationship. On June 15, National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan met with South Korean and Japanese counterparts in Tokyo. Secretary Blinken provided Seoul and Tokyo with a preview and readout of his trip to China while emphasizing the importance of continued trilateral cooperation. These engagements follow President Biden’s meeting with his South Korean and Japanese counterparts at last month’s G7 summit in Japan. While U.S.-ROK-Japan cooperation focuses chiefly on North Korea, it is also useful for countering China.

2.Unification Minister nominee: I do not advocate coercive assimilation for unification

The most important path not identified in this article or among most scholars or Korea watchers is change from within. Naysayers will say it is not possible because it has not happened (Huh???).

Unification Minister nominee: I do not advocate coercive assimilation for unification

donga.com

Posted July. 01, 2023 07:58,

Updated July. 01, 2023 07:58

Unification Minister nominee: I do not advocate coercive assimilation for unification. July. 01, 2023 07:58. by Na-Ri Shin, Seong-Ho Hwang journari@donga.com,hsh0330@donga.com.

Unification Minister nominee Kim Young-ho (photo) said on Friday that he does not intend to pursue a forced assimilation of unification. It appears that he is seeking to address concerns raised before the National Assembly confirmation hearing, as he has faced criticism for making strong statements about North Korea in the past, including advocating for the “overthrow of the Kim Jong Un regime” and “regime destruction” in his previous media contributions.

Candidate Kim met with reporters this morning at the office for the personnel hearing at the Ministry of Unification Office of the Inter-Korean Dialogue in Samcheong-dong, Jongno-gu, Seoul. He emphasized, “The Republic of Korea is committed to pursuing peaceful unification, and the government's goal is to achieve a peaceful and gradual reunification.” In a press article from 2019, he expressed that “the path to reunification can only be opened when the Kim Jong Un regime is overthrown, North Korea is liberalized, and the political systems of the two Koreas merge into one.” During the Q&A session on the same day, Kim clarified, “As a scholar, I have explored various scenarios for reunification in the event of a change in North Korea.”

In regards to North Korea policy, the minister nominee underscored the need for a transformation in the role of the Ministry of Unification, saying, “We must adopt a values-based approach and adhere to principled actions in the future.” Additionally, he highlighted the significance of addressing the North Korean human rights issue as a key component of North Korea policy. He proposed active consideration for a Korean Peninsula-specific Helsinki process, which would encompass the North Korean nuclear issue, human rights concerns, and economic cooperation matters, forming a comprehensive framework. The Helsinki Process refers to the 1975 agreement signed in Helsinki, Finland by 35 countries, including the U.S., the Soviet Union, and various European nations. Its main objectives were to promote mutual sovereignty, prevent conflicts, and safeguard human rights. During the Cold War, the Helsinki Process served as a platform for dialogue between the East and the West, ultimately contributing to the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc.

The Democratic Party of Korea called for thoroughly examining the initial reshuffling within the Yoon Suk Yeol administration. During the party's Supreme Council meeting, Chairman Lee Jae-myung of the main opposition party expressed concerns about the proliferation of far-right rhetoric, far-right YouTubers, far-right personnel, far-right policies, and even the notion of a far-right government and president.

“I have my doubts regarding the suitability of a person perceived as an extreme North Korea antagonist to assume the role of Minister of Unification, a position responsible for establishing the groundwork for peaceful reunification and leading inter-Korean dialogues,” Lee said. He also criticized the appointment of Kim Hong-il, the new head of the Anti-Corruption and Civil Rights Commission, saying, “It is inappropriate to appoint a ‘political prosecutor’ who demonstrates allegiance to a specific political faction.”

한국어

donga.com

3. Roughend up rhetoric of President Yoon

Obviously very controversial remarks. Those of us outside Korea are paying little attention to this.

But I would ask Koreans and others to view this controversy from the lens of north Korea's political warfare strategy which is to subvert the ROK government and society (as well as the ROK/US alliance)

Roughend up rhetoric of President Yoon

donga.com

Posted July. 01, 2023 07:57,

Updated July. 01, 2023 07:57

Roughend up rhetoric of President Yoon. July. 01, 2023 07:57. .

The political world is arguing over what President Yoon Suk Yeol said at the recent founding ceremony of the Korea Freedom Federation, “anti-state forces are harping on the declaration of the end of the war.” The Democratic Party of Korea strongly protested, saying that President Yoon defined the former Moon Jae-in government and the opposition party as “anti-state forces.” Although the presidential office said, “It is not a remark aimed at the last administration or a specific political force,” the People’s Power Party defended President Yoon’s remarks and launched an offensive against the opposition party.

The controversy surrounding President Yoon's unique harsh remarks is not new, but the ramifications of this comment are not expected to be minimal. Shortly after taking office, President Yoon's question and answer remarks on the way to work caused controversy for a while, and this remark is the result of a prepared speech. Even considering that it was part of a speech at a group event representing the conservative right, that was excessive, and given the context, anyone who heard it would have regarded it as targeting the former government.

President Yoon's remarks are also related to harsh words recently delivered by government officials. “More than 70% of the people do not know that Moon Jae-in (former president) is a spy,” said Park In-hwan, a former prosecutor and chairman of the police system development committee. Even some in the ruling party raised concerns that President Yoon's remarks about "anti-state forces" could be seen as sympathizing with Chairman Park's extreme remarks. It is not something to be taken lightly that a far-right YouTuber was nominated as the head of the National Institute for Human Resources Development for Public Officials in the recent vice-ministerial personnel appointment.

President Yoon is said to have summoned the secretaries of the presidential office, who will be sent down as vice ministers of each ministry the other day, and asked them to “fight against the predatory interest cartel.” The president’s office explained that defeating the “interest cartel” originated when President Yoon declared his participation in politics two years ago. It may be related to President Yoon's criticism of the former Moon Jae-in administration at the time, saying, "It is trying to plunder the people by extending power beyond privatization of power." In other words, it was translated as the then-presidential candidate responding to a strong call to root out the remnants of the previous administration.

This series of remarks can be seen as an expression‎ of President Yoon's will to take the initiative in running state affairs while refining the tone of the new government in earnest with the appointment of 15 ministers and vice ministers. Also, this can be seen as a sense of despair for the huge opposition party that finds fault with the president's every move. However, the president must respond to this with a clear national agenda and specific policies, and the adoption of confrontational ideological rhetoric will only accelerate non-constructive partisan strife.

The president's strong rhetoric has a great impact but also has serious side effects. The failure of the previous administration, which advocated “eradicating the deep-rooted wrongdoers,” proves such a point. It is also undeniable that President Yoon's words reveal a hint of impatience where he feels that he must present his achievements in his second year in office, especially ahead of the general elections next year. Statements that incite confrontation between different sides of the aisle or national conflict should not be the language of a leader. Furthermore, the language of agitation and division does not fit what is represented by the conservative well.

한국어

donga.com

4. N. Korea says 'no intention' to review Hyundai Group chief's bid to visit Mt. Kumgang

Not surprising. Kim will allow no engagement at this time and for the foreseeable serious.

(2nd LD) N. Korea says 'no intention' to review Hyundai Group chief's bid to visit Mt. Kumgang | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Oh Seok-min · July 1, 2023

(ATTN: ADDS unification ministry's response in paras 9-10)

SEOUL, July 1 (Yonhap) -- North Korea said Saturday it has "no intention" to review a bid by the chief of South Korea's Hyundai Group to visit the North's Mount Kumgang next month to hold a memorial service for her late husband and former chairman of the group.

Kim Song-il, a director general of the North's foreign ministry, said North Korea has the policy of not permitting the entry of South Korean nationals into its territory, according to the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA).

"We make it clear that we have neither been informed about any South Korean personage's willingness for visit nor known about it and that we have no intention to examine it," Kim was quoted as saying by the KCNA.

This Aug. 3, 2018, file photo shows Hyundai Group chief Hyun Jeong-eun briefing the press on her visit to North Korea in the inter-Korean border town of Goseong. (Yonhap)

Hyun Jeong-eun, chairwoman of Hyundai Group, which had run sightseeing programs at the North Korean mountain, is seeking to visit the North in August to mark the 20th anniversary of the death of her husband, Chung Mong-hun.

Officials at Hyundai Group submitted a related document to Seoul's unification ministry this week to seek contact with officials at the North's Korea Asia-Pacific Peace Committee.

Kim at the North's foreign ministry made it clear that Mt. Kumgang is part of the North's territory and the committee has no authority over an entry into North Korea.

"Such principle and policy are unchangeable and will be maintained in the future, too," he added.

The North's swift response came amid expectations that it would not allow Hyun's visit as it has strictly closed its border due to the COVID-19 pandemic and has raised tensions on the Korean Peninsula with weapons tests.

The unification ministry expressed deep regret over the North's "unilateral refusal though the planned visit was just meant to hold a memorial service."

The request by Hyundai has been reviewed by relevant ministries, and the government will handle the case in consideration of Pyongyang's announcement, the ministry said, indicating the possibility of it to be turned down.

Since March last year, the North has been dismantling major facilities at a resort on the mountain in accordance with its leader Kim Jong-un's 2019 order to tear down all "unpleasant-looking" facilities built by the South.

Launched in 1998, the Mount Kumgang tour project was once regarded as a symbol of inter-Korean reconciliation. But Seoul suspended the program in July 2008 after a South Korean woman was killed by a North Korean soldier at the resort.

This file photo, provided by Hyundai Group on Aug. 3, 2018, shows group chief Hyun Jeong-eun (3rd from R), company officials and North Korean officials attending a memorial service for former Chairman Chung Mong-hun at Mount Kumgang in North Korea. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)

sooyeon@yna.co.kr

(END)

Hyundai Group chief seeks to visit N. Korea's Mt. Kumgang

en.yna.co.kr · by Oh Seok-min · July 1, 2023

5. Recently returned Kim Yong Chol may focus on earning funds for regime

It's all about the benjamins (and yes the regime likes them which is why they work so hard to counterfeit them).

Recently returned Kim Yong Chol may focus on earning funds for regime

"He will likely be recruiting DPRK-friendly organizations and individuals and suggesting strategies for collecting party funds through them," a high-ranking source told Daily NK

By Seulkee Jang -

2023.06.30 5:00pm

dailynk.com

Kim Yong Chol (upper row in the center) in a photo of North Korea's top leadership taken in April 2019. (KCNA)

North Korean state media recently reported that Kim Yong Chol — who oversaw the sinking of the ROKS Cheonan and who was a major figure in summits between the U.S. and North Korea — has returned to the Politburo of the Workers’ Party of Korea. In North Korea, his return to the spotlight has drawn attention, with speculation that he will be tasked with managing overseas operations to help raise party funds.

Speaking on condition of anonymity for security reasons, a high-ranking source in North Korea told Daily NK on Monday that North Korean party officials expect Kim Yong Chol to carry out operations abroad and in South Korea following his return to the Politburo. He will likely be recruiting DPRK-friendly organizations and individuals and suggesting strategies for collecting party funds through them.

Kim is known to be a hardliner in regards to relations with South Korea. He not only oversaw provocations such as the sinking of the ROKS Cheonan, but was also in charge of the Reconnaissance General Bureau, guiding various activities such as illegally earning foreign currency through cyber-related activities, cyber psychological warfare, and recruitment activities through disinformation campaigns.

At the Eighth Enlarged Meeting of the Eighth Central Committee held earlier this month, the Workers’ Party placed emphasis on the desperate situation of state finances and the need for each sector to make efforts to improve the situation.

Specifically, officials were told to 1) expand plans for collecting “loyalty funds” from workers dispatched abroad and trade representatives via the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of External Economic Relations; 2) raise donations by recruiting individuals, companies, and organizations that support and encourage the North Korean regime in other countries, including South Korea, via the United Front Department; and, 3) send IT specialists abroad via the Reconnaissance General Bureau and expand earnings of foreign currency through cyberspace.

The high-ranking source told Daily NK that Kim is expected to play a role in establishing strategies for recruitment and foreign currency earning efforts carried out by the United Front Department and the Reconnaissance General Bureau. This suggests that North Korea will increase efforts to recruit people and organizations friendly to the DPRK.

“Kim Yong Chol’s entry into the Politburo signifies Kim Jong Un’s great trust in him,” the source said. “A position in the Politburo holds authority because it signifies political power in the Workers’ Party.”

Kim likely to play just a symbolic role

However, since Kim Yong Chol is advanced in age and was given the position of “advisor” at the United Front Department, some in North Korea speculate that he will play just a symbolic role in delivering a hardline message to the U.S. and South Korea.

On June 19, Rodong Sinmun reported the results of the Eighth Enlarged Meeting of the Eighth Central Committee, saying, “Comrade Kim Yong Chol was elected as an alternate candidate for the Politburo of the Central Committee.”

At the time, the newspaper published a photo of Kim Yong Chol and specified his title as “United Front Department Advisor,” a position which experts speculate was newly created for Kim’s return to the front lines.

“Party officials say Kim Yong Chol is like the second Hyon Chol Hae,” another high-ranking source told Daily NK. “Hyon Chol Hae mostly played a symbolic role as the General Advisor to the Ministry of Defense, Kim Yong Chol will also probably provide more guidance in the United Front Department and the Reconnaissance General Bureau than doing much actual work.”

Oh Gyeong-seob, a researcher at the Korea Institute for National Unification, told Daily NK that “South Korea-related policy will still be guided by Ri Son Gwon and Kim Yo Jung, with Kim Yong Chol serving as their advisor. But with Kim Yong Chol’s return, it is possible that hard-line measures and provocations in North-South Korean relations will increase in frequency.”

Translated by Annie Eun Jung Kim. Edited by Robert Lauler.

Daily NK works with a network of sources who live inside North Korea, China and elsewhere. Their identities remain anonymous due to security concerns. More information about Daily NK’s reporting partner network and information gathering activities can be found on our FAQ page here.

Please direct any comments or questions about this article to dailynkenglish@uni-media.net.

Read in Korean

dailynk.com

6. Could a Wagner-style rebellion happen in North Korea?

Of course the entire system within north Korea is designed to prevent any and all resistance activities. It is the foundation of all security operations.

So a Wagner-like march on Pyongyang is unlikely.

However, what the author fails to identify is the scenario wherein the regime can no longer support all military units and some will no longer be able to get resources from the regime. When this happens the units that will be first deprioritized are the non-mechanized/non-armored maneuver units for obvious reasons (e.g., it is harder to "march" on Pyongyang). However, what we are likely to see is competition among militar units for these resources. Once that begins to happen the regime will likely try to put down those conflicts with its best units. This of course could lead to internal civil war and a complete break down of the military.

Recall that we define regime collapse as the occurrence of two conditions. One is the inability of the regime to govern from the center -to govern all the territory in the north from Pyongyang. The second is the loss of coherency and support of the military. The deprioritization of military units will lead to a breakdown of the military chains of control (loss of coherency) and with the lack of resources units will no longer support the regime.

So while a Wagner-like march on Pyongyang is unlikely we need to be observing for other dangerous indicators.

Could a Wagner-style rebellion happen in North Korea?

There is no way to know how the North Korean regime will one day meet its end, but it most certainly won’t end with a mercenary march on Pyongyang

By Fyodor Tertitskiy - 2023.06.30 1:27pm

dailynk.com

FILE PHOTO: North Korean soldiers at a guard post in Sinuiju, North Pyongan Province. (Daily NK)

Last week, the whole world watched with bated breath as an attempted military coup played out in Russia. The Wagner Group, which had been operating as a mercenary group for Russian President Vladimir Putin, occupied two major Russian cities and threatened to march on Moscow. Yet, Yevgeny Prigozhin, the head of the Wagner Group, later “canceled” the revolt and withdrew Wagner troops from the occupied cities following a phone call with the president of Belarus, Aleksandr Lukashenko.

Some observers may wonder if a similar kind of military rebellion would be possible in North Korea as well. As someone who has researched the North Korean military, I can confidently say that there is no possibility of a Wagner-style rebellion in North Korea.

First, let’s look at the current state of the Russian military. Upon returning to power in 2012, Putin set out to make Russia not only a more authoritarian country but also an expansionist country. Putin, who witnessed the collapse of the Soviet sphere of influence in 1990-1991, seems to be trying to recreate the Soviet Union’s glory days. It was at this time that a new strategist entered the scene. General Valery Gerasimov, designated the chief of the general staff of the Russian Armed Forces in 2012, put forth his new “hybrid warfare strategy.” His new conception of warfare incorporated a variety of strategies, including the use of mercenaries in military operations.

This strategy developed by Putin and Gerasimov gave birth to a number of paramilitary groups in Russia. Among these groups, the Wagner Group grew to become the most important. After Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, Putin ordered for weapons and military weapons to be sent to the Wagner Group, effectively expanding the organization into a mercenary army.

Prigozhin, the commander of the Wagner Group, is known to be both ruthless and reckless. He has recently demanded even more support for his troops, all while viciously criticizing both Gerasimov and Russian Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu. Prigozhon also drew attention during a video criticizing of the war efforts as led by a “[carefree] happy grandfather” who “might well turn out to be a complete ****head.” The remarks have been widely interpreted as a veiled criticism of Putin, who is often referred to as “grandfather.”

It was this recent sequence of events that spurred Putin to order for the Wagner Group to be brought into the regular Russian military, a move meant to bring the group under the Russian Ministry of Defence’s control. Instead, the Wagner Group rejected these orders and launched a revolt.

Stark differences exist between the Russian and North Korean militaries

Upon comparing the modern Russian military with its North Korean counterpart, a number of distinct differences arise.

First, Kim Jong Un is much younger than Putin. His grandfather Kim Il Sung may have dreamed until his dying breath about conquering South Korea, but his grandson Kim Jong Un seems to have no such plans. North Korea distinctly lacks the expansionist ambitions of Putin’s Russia.

Second, North Korea does not employ mercenary soldiers. North Korea has a much farther-reaching conscription system. While Russia does have a draft system enshrined in law, the majority of Russian men are exempt from conscription. By contrast, the vast majority of North Korean men enter the military, and their mandatory service period is the longest in the world. Even North Korean women are not exempt from being drafted into military service.

Additionally, unlike Russia, North Korea has shut down its borders. After Putin announced plans to mobilize more men to fight in Ukraine, tens of thousands of young Russian men who did not wish to join the war fled to other countries. North Koreans do not have this option. As such, the North Korean government has no need to employ mercenaries to fill out its ranks.

Moreover, North Korea is extremely wary of “private activities,” or those activities conducted outside of state control. The country’s socialist constitution stipulates that “individuals who operate private enterprises or businesses and generate large profits will be subject to reform through labor. Those who generated particularly large profits will be subject to up to five years of reform through labor, while those found to have engaged in particularly serious infractions will be sentenced to between five to ten years.” If all kinds of private business activity is banned, how could North Korea possibly tolerate the formation of a private military group?

Looking at these fundamental differences, it seems impossible to imagine a scenario like the Wagner Group revolt in North Korea. There is no way to know how the North Korean regime will one day meet its end, but it most certainly won’t end with a mercenary march on Pyongyang.

Translated by Rose Adams. Edited by Robert Lauler.

Please direct any comments or questions about this article to dailynkenglish@uni-media.net.

Read in Korean

dailynk.com

7. Unification Minister nominee Kim lays out his Pyongyang roadmap

My recommendation and hope is that one of the major reforms will be to focus strongly on detailed unification planning. I am hopeful that the upcoming release of a new unification plan (which he has been deeply involved with) will be a significant step forward.

Friday

June 30, 2023

dictionary + A - A

Unification Minister nominee Kim lays out his Pyongyang roadmap

https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/2023/06/30/national/northKorea/Korea-unification-minister-Kim-Yungho/20230630143618713.html

Kim Yung-ho, the unification minister nominee, speaks to reporters Friday in front of the Office of the Inter-Korean Dialogue in Jongno District, central Seoul, his temporary office to prepare for a parliamentary confirmation hearing. [YONHAP]

Unification Minister nominee Kim Yung-ho said that past inter-Korean agreements need to be "selectively" reconsidered in his first press briefing Friday.

"The Ministry of Unification will pursue policies in a principled and value-oriented direction, in accordance with President Yoon Suk Yeol's North Korea policy," Kim told reporters at the Office of the Inter-Korean Dialogue in Jongno District, central Seoul.

He then stressed that the "role of the Unification Ministry must change."

Kim highlighted freedom, human rights, and the rule of law as principles to be pursued by the ministry.

On Thursday, President Yoon Suk Yeol named Kim, a professor of political science and diplomacy at Sungshin Women's University, to replace Kwon Young-se, his first unification minister and fellow prosecutor-turned-politician.

Kim is predicted to take a hard-line stance towards North Korea and is potentially the most hawkish unification minister candidate to date.

He previously served as a presidential secretary of unification affairs and later as the Foreign Ministry's human rights ambassador under the Lee Myung-bak administration.

If confirmed, he could bring a wave of reforms to the Unification Ministry.

When asked by a reporter about his views about "continuity in unification policy," as had been emphasized by Kwon, Kim replied Friday that "continuity is definitely important in policy implementation."

But he added, "In an evolving situation, it is necessary to selectively consider things such as inter-Korean agreements."

This includes the inter-Korean military accord signed on Sept. 19, 2018, during a summit between then President Moon Jae-in and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un in Pyongyang amid a détente on the peninsula.

His remarks on an "evolving situation" is interpreted as referring to North Korea's refusal to engage in dialogue and increasingly frequent ballistic missile launches since last year.

Regarding the 2018 inter-Korean military accord, Kim said, "If North Korea fails to faithfully abide by the Sept. 19 military agreement in the future, or if it conducts high-intensity provocations again, I think our government will have to decide on our own stance."

He added that "while it is important for both sides to adhere to the agreement, it has been confirmed that North Korea has already violated part of it."

The Yoon government has maintained that it will respect and implement past inter-Korean agreements.

This comes as some officials indicated that the presidential office has been concerned that the Unification Ministry's stances do not necessarily align with its view on North Korea policy.

Kim's appointment and his known views on Pyongyang immediately prompted worries from the public that he may try to drastically reform the role of the Unification Ministry, which has held the unique task of encouraging inter-Korean dialogue even through conservative governments in the past.

Kim still awaits a parliamentary confirmation hearing process.

Speaking to reporters, Kim clarified his past remarks that were seemingly in favor of overthrowing the Kim Jong-un regime and stressed that South Korea "is not currently pursuing coercive unification by absorption" and "aims for a gradual and peaceful unification."

Kim likewise reiterated his view that the North Korean human rights issue should be a major agenda in its Pyongyang policy.

"Since the Yoon Suk Yeol government aims to become a global pivotal state, human rights issues must be approached from a universal perspective," Kim said.

He also urged the"active consideration" of a Helsinki Process on the Korean Peninsula, referring to the accords signed in Helsinki, Finland in 1975 by 35 countries, including the United States, the Soviet Union and most European nations, that called for sovereign equality, prevention of war as well as the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms.

Regarding humanitarian aid, he said, "There are internal circumstances in North Korea, such as Covid-19 border closures, but if Pyongyang is responsive, I think it should be pursued without conditions."

BY SARAH KIM [kim.sarah@joongang.co.kr]

8. Outside Information: One of the Keys to Empowering North Korean Citizens as Agents of Change

I am so pleased to see so many pundits and scholars really beginning to emphasize information. Now we need to emphasize action and not just words talking about the importance of

information.

Conclusion

As North Korea’s citizens become empowered with information and knowledge, they are more likely to demand the fundamental rights and dignity due to them, just as the world witnessed in Poland, the Soviet Union, and more recently, China’s A4 movement, which was a source of inspiration for some North Koreans who learned about it through foreign radio and USBs distributed by outside supporters. Consistent flows of quality news and information into North Korea can make a difference in effecting change. However, the international community must provide information responsibly and continue to develop safe and secure ways to deliver and disseminate outside content. Accessing outside information in North Korea has been dangerous and sometimes life-and-death risky, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic. For instance, in December 2021, the Kim Jung Un regime passed a new “anti-reactionary thought law,” which stipulates that “the state shall enforce strict legal sanctions up to and including death penalty against any citizen bringing in, viewing, and distributing reactionary ideology and culture, depending on the severity, regardless of the reason and the offender’s social class.”

Despite the severe punishments and the regime’s effort to control access to outside information, North Korean citizens are willing to take these risks, are hungry for more information and want to be connected to the outside world. The demand for increased and diverse content is only growing. North Korean citizens whose mindsets have been changed by outside information may play an essential role in building a democratic future for themselves and others. The international community must prioritize access to information and ensure these increasingly informed citizens play a critical role in formulating North Korea policy.

Outside Information: One of the Keys to Empowering North Korean Citizens as Agents of Change

BY: LYNN LEE
JUNE 30, 2023

https://www.38north.org/2023/06/outside-information-one-of-the-keys-to-empowering-north-korean-citizens-as-agents-of-change/

The opacity of North Korean society—with outsiders having limited access to the country—has been a major challenge to advocates, observers and policymakers in making tangible progress on curbing North Korea’s WMD development. North Korean citizens are often only seen as the victims of the Kim Jong Un regime—powerless and disconnected from the rest of the world. Because of this perception, decades of international efforts to engage and access the restrictive state have neglected to consider its people as a key partner in effecting change inside North Korea.

However, evidence over the past two decades has shown that the North Korean people have survived poverty and repression by becoming more independent from the regime, claiming greater agency over their own lives. Recognizing the people are an integral part of the solution to security, human rights and humanitarian challenges in North Korea, the international community needs to do more than just stand on the side of North Korean citizens; it needs to empower them so that that they can play a key role in holding the regime accountable.

Indeed, North Korean citizens with regular access to outside information know their lives can be better. They understand that the regime’s nuclear development priority is at the expense of citizens’ economic well-being, and aspire to have the freedom and fundamental rights that South Koreans and citizens of other free countries enjoy.[1] Therefore, enabling greater access to outside information—by increasing high-quality content, shortwave and mediumwave radio frequencies, and developing new information dissemination methods and tech apps to circumvent information surveillance—must be at the core of any North Korea strategy.

Access to Information Support: Background

The catastrophic famine of the late 1990s that claimed 600,000 to 1 million lives drove tens of thousands of North Koreans to China to seek food and other essential needs—many of whom eventually settled in South Korea.[2] The nascent North Korean human rights community that emerged at this time, which consisted of defector and South Korean groups along with international human rights organizations, focused on raising international awareness and rescuing and assisting defectors. Through defector interviews, the community has been able to document an egregious human rights record in North Korea. Numerous hearings and conferences have featured the voices of these defectors to share their stories and testify to the human rights violations they experienced or witnessed. Concurrent with these efforts, South Korean and defector organizations have promoted the free flow of information by broadcasting shortwave radio programs into North Korea.

In addition to the major media outlets, such as the US-government-funded Radio Free Asia (RFA) and Voice of America (VOA), civil society organizations saw the need to broadcast programs made by activists—especially defectors—who understood the target audiences. Seeing the potential value of nourishing the minds of North Koreans with accurate information and relevant knowledge, more civil society organizations, including international human rights groups and overseas Korean organizations, have engaged in promoting the diverse free flow of information.

Beyond radio, North Korean human rights organizations have developed and nurtured networks in the China-DPRK border region to disseminate information via CDs, DVDs, USBs and SD cards. As access to media devices became easier, especially smartphones, tablets and laptops, these actors have increased their production of diverse content for different subsets of audiences in North Korea as well.

All of these efforts have borne fruit. According to a recent defector survey conducted in 2019 by the Unification Media Group (UMG), a Seoul-based civil society media organization focused on content creation tailored to North Koreans and the dissemination of information in North Korea, over 90 percent of the 200 North Korean defector respondents had accessed foreign content, and 12 percent had listened to foreign radio at least once a week while in North Korea.[3] This defector survey, although not a representative sample, provided a glimpse into how a steadily increasing number of North Koreans were accessing international news and information.

There are a considerable number of first-hand testimonials—from defectors, diplomats, aid workers and human rights activists—that also document North Koreans’ growing access to and reliance on outside information. In particular, UMG’s unpublished collection of feedback from an additional 150+ people who accessed foreign content inside the country between 2020-2023 illustrates how much North Koreans rely on outside information for their livelihoods.[4] In some cases, these information consumers are more than aware of both their situation and the outside world and are beginning to imagine what their lives could be in different circumstances. Furthermore, many of them want to learn more about the outside world in order to make better sense of their reality and understand what can be done to improve their lives.

How Outside Information is Changing the North Korean People: Anecdotal Evidence

While conducting my own research in 2008, I met a young North Korean from Pyongyang in a Chinese border town. He was nervous and hesitant throughout the conversation, and I was on the verge of giving up when I mentioned in passing that I used to live near the Chelsea football stadium in London; I noticed this caught his attention. I asked him if he liked football, and he said Manchester United was his favorite team and started listing the names of his favorite players. While the names meant nothing to me, I asked his opinion on different football teams to build some rapport. When he seemed finally at ease and relaxed, I asked him how he learned about the teams. He said he and his friends would secretly listen to BBC radio in the middle of the night. Immediately after, he looked embarrassed and uncomfortable about his “oversharing,” and the conversation ended shortly after.

Fifteen years later, I met with a group of recently arrived young North Korean defectors in Seoul. They openly shared how they accessed foreign content and listened to foreign radio stations. One said he learned English while in North Korea by secretly recording English-language radio programs, transcribing them at night and studying the words and content. He would then share what he learned with his very tight-knit circle of childhood friends—many of whom feared his curiosity would get them into trouble but did not stop him from describing to them what he learned from the radio programs. The other defectors shared similar stories of being “addicted” to, or “hungry,” for news about the outside world despite some being caught and punished. It was a fascinating conversation compared to the one with the young man and other North Koreans I interviewed in the border area over a decade ago.

Since these defectors are living in South Korea, they can freely express their thoughts and opinions, but their knowledge and understanding of the conditions in North Korea and the outside world, as well as their critical thinking ability, could not have been gained only in the one or two years they have been in Seoul. More importantly, they said they had “dreamed of” and “hoped” for a world where they could freely think and express themselves and “try and experience everything.” I asked them what led them to dream of such a world, and they all answered: “Outside information.” They had listened to foreign radio stations and accessed a variety of movies, dramas and educational content from outside years before they decided to leave. While they did not fully understand the meaning of many of the issues, topics and terms they heard and learned through foreign media until they arrived in Seoul, their consumption of outside information was a major factor in instilling in them a desire for freedom and an awareness that there is an international community that cares about North Korea.

Access to Information: One Key to the North Korea Dilemma

It has been almost 10 years since the publication of the UN Commission of Inquiry’s (COI) report that detailed evidence of widespread, systematic and systemic human rights violations, and the subsequent adoption of the UN resolution on North Korean human rights. This was a remarkable achievement by the human rights community in telling the North Korean people’s side of the story. Although little seems to have changed, at least on the surface, for North Koreans in the last decade, we know that their perceptions and attitudes have been evolving as they gained knowledge and know-how through access to outside information, and that they are capable of imagining a free society for themselves and beyond. As such, increasing their access to information can empower them to imagine alternative futures for themselves and their country.

However, the success of access to information depends on identifying more channels for the free flow of information into North Korea and requires innovative solutions, especially as new technologies become available. Developing new dissemination methods is costly and, at times, requires political support from the regions and countries where these information channels are tested and operated. With the increased availability of digital devices and equipment inside the country, the North Korean human rights community can work with technologists who have expertise regarding closed societies to leverage existing tools or develop new ones tailored for in-country audiences to safely obtain and access information. This effort is already well underway, and more funding support could potentially change the access to information landscape in North Korea.

Content quality also matters, as North Korean audiences are becoming savvier and more sophisticated about information consumption. It is important to research and understand how best to develop content that is suitable and useful for diverse North Korean audiences. While previous efforts have focused on the delivery and quantity of content, there is a strong need for more tailored content for audiences who may have gained foundational knowledge through years of accessing outside information and want more diverse and analytical programs and educational materials. The North Korean human rights community has begun to address this by partnering with recent defectors and experts of content development in other closed societies to explore such possibilities. With additional international support, the community can create more high-quality content that can better connect North Koreans to the outside world and inspire them to achieve an open and free society for themselves.

Conclusion

As North Korea’s citizens become empowered with information and knowledge, they are more likely to demand the fundamental rights and dignity due to them, just as the world witnessed in Poland, the Soviet Union, and more recently, China’s A4 movement, which was a source of inspiration for some North Koreans who learned about it through foreign radio and USBs distributed by outside supporters. Consistent flows of quality news and information into North Korea can make a difference in effecting change. However, the international community must provide information responsibly and continue to develop safe and secure ways to deliver and disseminate outside content. Accessing outside information in North Korea has been dangerous and sometimes life-and-death risky, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic. For instance, in December 2021, the Kim Jung Un regime passed a new “anti-reactionary thought law,” which stipulates that “the state shall enforce strict legal sanctions up to and including death penalty against any citizen bringing in, viewing, and distributing reactionary ideology and culture, depending on the severity, regardless of the reason and the offender’s social class.”

Despite the severe punishments and the regime’s effort to control access to outside information, North Korean citizens are willing to take these risks, are hungry for more information and want to be connected to the outside world. The demand for increased and diverse content is only growing. North Korean citizens whose mindsets have been changed by outside information may play an essential role in building a democratic future for themselves and others. The international community must prioritize access to information and ensure these increasingly informed citizens play a critical role in formulating North Korea policy.

[1]
From UMG’s unpublished collection of feedback from 150 consumers of outside information in North Korea from 2020-2023.
[2]
See Stephan Haggard and Marcus Noland, Famine in North Korea: Markets, Aid, and Reform (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007); and Suk Lee, “Analysis on 2008 Census of North Korea and Problems,” Korea Development Institute, 2011, https://www.kdi.re.kr/kdi_eng/publications/publication_view.jsp?pub_no=12403.
[3]
UMG carried out a defector survey with 200 respondents in 2019 and another in-country survey with 100 respondents in 2022.
[4]
From UMG’s unpublished collection of feedback from 150 consumers of outside information in North Korea from 2020-2023.

9. Kim Jong Un’s clampdown on those caught using 'I love you', South Koreans words

Love is not in the air in north Korea.

Kim Jong Un’s clampdown on those caught using 'I love you', South Koreans words

Livemint · by Livemint · June 30, 2023

1 min read 30 Jun 2023, 10:53 PM IST Livemint

North Korea has announced severe consequences for individuals using jargon or vocabulary suggesting an association with South Korea

Premium

North Korean leader Kim Jong Un (AP)

In another clampdown, North Korea announces severe consequences for individuals caught using jargon or vocabulary that suggests any association with South Korea. Under the Pyongyang Cultural Language Protection Act, the punishment for using South Korean vocabulary may include hard labour in prison or death, according to South China Morning Post.

Since Kim Jong Un has made using South Korean slang and vocabulary punishable, now North Korean women have been restricted against using words such as “jagiya" which means “honey". In North Korea, the women have to use “dongji" which means “comrade" to address their husbands.

Merely using such words shows that they have watched South Korean movies, the report mentioned.

A report has mentioned that saying “I love you" is also an indication that the North Koreans are watching South Korean movies. These restrictions have been imposed to wipe out the “rotten language of capitalism", the report added.

The North Koreans would also have to avoid words such as ‘paesyeon’ (fashion), ‘heeoseutail’ (hairstyle) and ‘waipeu’ (wife).

Last year in December, two teenagers were reportedly executed for watching South Korean and American movies – something which is strictly prohibited in North Korea – with the government terming it as “evil". A report in the Mirror said the two teenagers, who met in school, were executed in front of the locals.

During the mourning period for Kim Jong Un's father Kim Jong Il, the country had allegedly banned laughing, shopping and drinking.

Livemint · by Livemint · June 30, 2023

10. SPECIAL/Defector calls for more sanctions on North Korea over human rights abuses

Video and an infographic about Ms. Kim are at the link: https://focustaiwan.tw/politics/202306300017

More recommendations on information to the Korean people in the north.

Excerpts:

Defectors know how to reach the souls of those trapped in the country, Kim said, not just because they speak the same Korean dialect, but because their personal stories of hardship and escape resonate closely.

If people on wider scale became aware of how the lives of those who escaped have improved, more people would try to leave, she said.

For those prepared to take the risk, however, the odds are stacked against them. Many have faced the risk of torture, trafficking and even death in their bid to leave. And those who do make it to China are repatriated if they are discovered, left to face the wrath of the North Korean authorities.

SPECIAL/Defector calls for more sanctions on North Korea over human rights abuses

06/30/2023 08:51 PM

[Editor's Note: This is part two of a three-part series that shares the views of defectors from North Korea as the country becomes increasingly isolated. The series includes interviews with two defectors and an expert on North Korea, which will be published in the coming days.]

Seoul, June 30 (CNA) North Korean defector Kim Ji Young is calling on the international community to intervene as a matter of urgency to help tackle the dismal human rights situation in North Korea.

Humanitarian aid North Korea has received from the world has gone directly into the pockets of the country's dictatorial leadership, according to Kim, who currently serves as the head of Free North Korea Radio, based in Seoul.

The ruling elites enjoy lavish lifestyles at the expense of the rest of the population, Kim told CNA in an interview, adding that "North Korean people cannot rely on anybody but themselves to survive."

She urged the international community to carry on calling out Pyongyang for its human rights violations and to continue imposing sanctions against the regime, adding that promoting the concept of human rights in the pariah state will be fundamental in forcing political change.

Finding her freedom

After fleeing North Korea along with her mother in 2013, Kim decided to join the radio station run mostly by defectors, out of a desire to be part of a team spreading news, accurate historical information and hope into North Korea.

She explained that although through their work they had managed to reach numerous people up and down the country, there were still many completely in the dark about the outside world, because of the authorities' vice-like grip on disseminating information in the country.

She used to be one of those people, she explains, completely unaware of what life was like outside North Korea.

The concepts of human rights and freedom of speech, religion or participating in free elections were not on her radar. All she knew was how to conform to authority.

Kim grew up in a well-off family and both of her parents were loyal members of the ruling Workers' Party of Korea. The idea of defection never occurred to her, until her father had died and her mother became a target of the authorities.

Her mother was apparently facing severe punishment, all because she had helped a subordinate at work, an act deemed by the authorities as an attempt to build up a cult of worship around herself.

It was listening to a radio broadcast from a North Korean defector that pushed them over the edge, and convinced them to give escaping a try.

Completely cut off

Defectors know how to reach the souls of those trapped in the country, Kim said, not just because they speak the same Korean dialect, but because their personal stories of hardship and escape resonate closely.

If people on wider scale became aware of how the lives of those who escaped have improved, more people would try to leave, she said.

For those prepared to take the risk, however, the odds are stacked against them. Many have faced the risk of torture, trafficking and even death in their bid to leave. And those who do make it to China are repatriated if they are discovered, left to face the wrath of the North Korean authorities.

A turning point?

Kim explained that younger North Koreans had "much lower loyalty" to the party compared with older generations, because their childhoods had been largely characterized by extreme economic difficulties brought about by food shortages and flooding.

"Socialism didn't bring them any benefits," she said, adding that people had started to become even more unhappy with the government over its draconian - even for its standards - handling of the COVID-19 pandemic.

According to a Human Rights Watch report, at that time the North Korean government took steps to further isolate the country under the pretext of helping prevent the spread of COVID-19, by closing its borders, restricting foreign trade, and limiting domestic travel and the distribution of food and other products.

CNA video (in Korean with Chinese subtitles)

The government also had not demonstrated any interest in supporting people facing severe financial difficulties, but instead chose to continue conducting missile tests, squandering US$30 million on each launch operation, Kim explained.

Adding to public anger was the imposition of a new law in February aimed at cementing state control and discipline, which makes the leaking of vaguely defined "state secrets" punishable by death, she added.

Stop the funds

Although the amount of aid flowing into North Korea has reduced in recent years, she called on the international community to replace any remaining aid going to the country with sanctions.

The aid is "only used to feed the Kim Jong Un family, providing resources to them to develop missiles and nuclear weapons," she said, explaining that it does little to help the general public in North Korea.

Kim is frustrated at the lack of change in her country, but vowed to continue doing whatever she can to persuade North Koreans that the possibility of a better life exists abroad.

(By Ariel Liao and Teng Pei-ju)

Enditem/kb

11. Kim Jong Un Visited Theme Park After Meeting Team Trump: Report

Go figure.

Kim Jong Un Visited Theme Park After Meeting Team Trump: Report

benzinga.com · by Ananya Gairola

North Korean leader Kim Jong Un reportedly embarked on a covert visit to an amusement park in Pyongyang to indulge in some of its rides in 2018, just a day after a high-stakes meeting with top U.S. diplomat, Mike Pompeo, according to a new state-produced propaganda vlog.

What Happened: Amid a veil of secrecy, Kim embarked on a remarkable escapade, venturing to a theme park merely a day after his meeting with Pompeo in Pyongyang, reported NK News. Pompeo then served as a Secretary of State in former U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration.

Surprisingly, state media made no mention of the amusement park visit, focusing solely on Kim’s meeting with Pompeo. It wasn’t until Oct. 11, 2022, that the media divulged further details about the North Korean leader's activities in the capital, leaving his amusement park visit shrouded in secrecy.

Curiously, historical evidence suggests that this wasn’t the first time Kim covertly enjoyed amusement park rides, with documented instances on April 25, 2010, before assuming leadership, and Nov. 2, 2015.

Kim Jong Un’s predilection for unconventional pursuits extends beyond amusement parks. Notably, he visited Pyongyang’s Mirae Shop department store a day before departing for Singapore to meet then President Donald Trump in June 2018, the report noted.

Why It's Important: For the unversed, in 2018, Trump formed an unlikely friendship with Kim Jong Un, which he continues to boast about to this day. Their relationship took an extraordinary turn when Trump became the first sitting U.S. president to step foot into North Korea during a historic meeting at the demilitarized zone.

The encounter was hailed as a significant step towards denuclearization and easing tensions on the Korean Peninsula. Despite subsequent challenges and setbacks in achieving complete denuclearization, Trump frequently references his friendship with Kim Jong Un as a testament to his unique approach to diplomacy.

benzinga.com · by Ananya Gairola

12. New EarlyRAT malware linked to North Korean Andariel hacking group

New EarlyRAT malware linked to North Korean Andariel hacking group

BleepingComputer · by Bill Toulas · June 29, 2023

Security analysts have discovered a previously undocumented remote access trojan (RAT) named 'EarlyRAT,' used by Andariel, a sub-group of the Lazarus North Korean state-sponsored hacking group.

Andariel (aka Stonefly) is believed to be part of the Lazarus hacking group known for employing the DTrack modular backdoor to collect information from compromised systems, such as browsing history, typed data (keylogging), screenshots, running processes, and more.

In a more recent report from WithSecure, it was discovered that a North Korean group using a newer variant of DTrack, possibly Andariel, gathered valuable intellectual property for two months.

Kaspersky has also linked Andariel to Maui ransomware deployments in Russia, India, and Southeast Asia, so the threat group often focuses on generating revenue.

The hacking group uses EarlyRAT to collect system information from the breached devices and send it to the attacker's C2 (command and control) server.

The discovery of the RAT, which comes from Kaspersky, adds another piece to the group's arsenal puzzle and helps defenders detect and stop associated intrusions.

EarlyRAT

Kaspersky discovered EarlyRAT while investigating an Andariel campaign from mid-2022, where the threat actors were leveraging Log4Shell to breach corporate networks.

By exploiting the flaw in Log4j software, Andariel downloaded off-the-shelf tools like 3Proxy, Putty, Dumpert, and Powerline to perform network reconnaissance, credential stealing, and lateral movement.

The analysts also noticed a phishing document in these attacks, which used macros to fetch an EarlyRAT payload from a server associated with past Maui ransomware campaigns.

EarlyRAT is a simple tool that, upon launch, collects system information and sends it to the C2 server via a POST request.

EarlyRAT's POST request (Kaspersky)

The second primary function of EarlyRAT is to execute commands on the infected system, possibly to download additional payloads, exfiltrate valuable data, or disrupt system operations.

Kaspersky does not elaborate on that front but says that EarlyRAT is very similar to MagicRAT, another tool used by Lazarus, whose functions include the creation of scheduled tasks and downloading additional malware from the C2.

The researchers say that the examined EarlyRAT activities seemed to be executed by an inexperienced human operator, given the number of mistakes and typos.

It was observed that various commands executed on the breached network devices were manually typed and not hardcoded, often leading to typo-induced errors.

Similar carelessness uncovered a Lazarus campaign to WithSecure's analysts last year, who saw an operator of the group forget to use a proxy at the start of their workday and expose their North Korean IP address.

BleepingComputer · by Bill Toulas · June 29, 2023

13. Fixing South Korea’s military service pay gap is a strategic imperative

Good to see this is not behind the paywall.

Excerpts:

THE REAL PROBLEM

The leadership crisis within the ROK military presents a challenging predicament. Junior officers, who witness their senior officers grappling with societal changes and mounting pressures, lack guidance. Equally, senior leaders seem overwhelmed in this rapidly shifting landscape.

These challenges are magnified when coupled with societal elements such as overly involved parents constantly calling officers to seek preferential treatment for their sons and digitally-empowered conscripts armed with smartphones who complain over anything they don’t like. This leadership crisis could be mitigated with unwavering support from the commander-in-chief — the President of the Republic of Korea. Yet even with presidential backing, it promises to be a difficult journey.

Apathy among Korea’s political elite toward their responsibility to protect their citizens exacerbates the situation. This indifference has fostered the ROK’s overreliance on the U.S. for security and even instigated calls for an indigenous nuclear arsenal. This overreliance and these calls are symptomatic of contemporary Korean politics. Issues such as pay and length of service are only catalysts, triggering deeper-rooted concerns.

However, military unrest isn’t a problem confined to South Korea. It’s a global issue that demands urgent attention. Military morale isn’t a concern to be shelved within defense department archives. Instead, it’s a matter of national security and international stability. A poorly motivated military can lead to significant vulnerabilities, undermining a nation’s capacity to defend its sovereignty and meet international commitments.

Fixing South Korea’s military service pay gap is a strategic imperative

Resolving military morale and high turnover rates requires a cultural shift toward respect and value in military ranks

https://koreapro.org/2023/06/fixing-south-koreas-military-service-pay-gap-is-a-strategic-imperative/?utm_source=pocket_saves

Chun In-bumJune 29, 2023

A South Korean soldier during a joint military exercise with U.S. Forces Korea, Jan. 19, 2023 | Image: Korea Pro

Yevgeny Prigozhin, the head of the infamous mercenary Wagner Group, has sparked a wave of discussions underscoring the significance of morale in military ranks. This group, first coming to the global spotlight in 2014, has acted as an enforcer of Russian foreign policy, deploying military force in regions as diverse as Syria, Africa and Ukraine.

Boasting a substantial membership base of approximately 50,000, the Wagner Group interestingly includes roughly 10,000 professional soldiers. Concurrently, the remaining ranks are said to be filled mainly by recruits drawn from Russian prisons, primarily to bolster the war effort in Ukraine.

It’s crucial to clarify that Prigozhin’s aborted rebellion appears rooted in a desire to air grievances and ensure the loyalty of his troops rather than an explicit attempt to usurp power from Russian leader Vladimir Putin. This means that it’s more appropriate to frame this event as a revolt rather than a coup.

The tipping point for Prigozhin appears to have been a public expression of dissatisfaction with the lack of support his troops were receiving. The nature of this support goes beyond the provision of necessities such as food, water and ammunition. It also extends to vital battlefield aid such as accurate intelligence, artillery backing and air support.

Putin should have known about Prigozhin’s brewing discontent. Putin’s inability to preempt this turn of events now poses a significant challenge that any autocratic leader dreads: the exposure of their vulnerability.

ROK MILITARY BLUES

Although South Korea has seen two coup d’états in its recent past, one has to reach further back to 1882 to find an event comparable to a military revolt: the Imo Incident. This violent uprising within the ranks of the Joseon Army erupted in response to King Gojong’s policy of promoting a modern army, a decision that alienated the traditional military forces.

Primarily triggered by the non-payment of soldiers’ wages and subpar rations, the unrest marked an important event in Korea’s military history.

This isn’t to suggest that today’s South Korean military is free from issues. However, instead of witnessing overt revolts, the country’s professional military is experiencing a quieter form of dissent: a wave of resignations.

Meanwhile, recruitment numbers have hit a record low. The Reserve Officers’ Training Corps (ROTC) program struggles to produce newly commissioned officers. Although the Korea Military Academy’s numbers have held steady, the military as a whole is grappling with significant challenges.

The trigger for this problem lies in the narrowing pay gap between conscripted personnel and lower-ranking officers and non-commissioned officers (NCOs) with less than five years of service. Additionally, the lengthy terms of service required of NCOs and short-term officers compared to conscripted soldiers is a significant factor.

While conscripted soldiers serve for 18 months, short-term officers serve for 28 months, while NCOs serve for 54 months. Medical doctors who have completed their internships serve for 38 months when they begin their military careers as lieutenants. So, many are choosing shorter service durations as conscripts over extended terms in higher-ranking roles.

South Korea’s Ministry of National Defense (MND) plans to raise allowances for junior officers and NCOs to address this issue. A more balanced allowance system could incentivize these crucial roles.

However, this does raise an important question: Do we want individuals who view military service purely in terms of financial gain and limited service terms in leadership roles? The reality of placing such individuals in these positions will likely be detrimental to the South Korean armed forces.

The MND is shifting focus toward high-tech weaponry, but this strategy underscores the critical need for human personnel to maintain and operate these advanced machines. This realization has arisen partly due to the hefty operational costs of maintaining high-end equipment, such as the F-35 stealth fighter, which costs three times its purchasing price over its operational lifespan.

Furthermore, the Korean military struggles with high attrition rates due to the 18-month service term for conscripts, leading to annual turnovers of around half its personnel. Some propose drafting women as a potential solution. However, such a change must be implemented gradually over a decade, resisting Korea’s typical preference for quick fixes. Ultimately, resolving these issues will require time and strategic planning.

The ROK Army conducting a joint military exercise alongside U.S. troops, involving indigenous wheeled armored vehicles, Jan. 19, 2023 | Image: Korea Pro

THE REAL PROBLEM

The leadership crisis within the ROK military presents a challenging predicament. Junior officers, who witness their senior officers grappling with societal changes and mounting pressures, lack guidance. Equally, senior leaders seem overwhelmed in this rapidly shifting landscape.

These challenges are magnified when coupled with societal elements such as overly involved parents constantly calling officers to seek preferential treatment for their sons and digitally-empowered conscripts armed with smartphones who complain over anything they don’t like. This leadership crisis could be mitigated with unwavering support from the commander-in-chief — the President of the Republic of Korea. Yet even with presidential backing, it promises to be a difficult journey.

Apathy among Korea’s political elite toward their responsibility to protect their citizens exacerbates the situation. This indifference has fostered the ROK’s overreliance on the U.S. for security and even instigated calls for an indigenous nuclear arsenal. This overreliance and these calls are symptomatic of contemporary Korean politics. Issues such as pay and length of service are only catalysts, triggering deeper-rooted concerns.

However, military unrest isn’t a problem confined to South Korea. It’s a global issue that demands urgent attention. Military morale isn’t a concern to be shelved within defense department archives. Instead, it’s a matter of national security and international stability. A poorly motivated military can lead to significant vulnerabilities, undermining a nation’s capacity to defend its sovereignty and meet international commitments.

As the global threat landscape evolves — with complexities ranging from cyberwarfare to bioterrorism — the requirement for a motivated, committed military becomes more pressing. Countries worldwide must confront these issues, developing sustainable strategies that address the root causes of plummeting morale rather than merely alleviating the symptoms.

In this light, pay disparity and service duration transform from administrative hiccups to strategic imperatives. Resolving these issues requires more than equitable pay scales or adjusted service terms. It demands nurturing a culture of respect, recognition and value within military ranks. Only with these elements can we expect our servicemen and women to serve with the unfaltering dedication that global security necessitates.

Napoleon Bonaparte is credited with saying, “An army marches on its stomach.” While referring to the importance of feeding his troops, the essence of Napoleon’s adage underlines the paramount importance of maintaining morale. As we advance into an increasingly complex global landscape, this sentiment holds truer than ever.

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Uneasy calm prevails at Korean Demiliterised Zone - The Statesman

thestatesman.com · by Ashok Tuteja · June 29, 2023

While four tunnels have been discovered so far, the South Koreans believe there are many more. The South Korean armed forces still spend a lot of time and energy on finding more infiltration tunnels.

Ashok Tuteja | Seoul | June 29, 2023 12:00 pm

South Korea flag

Like India and Pakistan, North Korea and South Korea share language, culture, cuisine, music, and much more. And just like the two South Asian neighbours, the two Koreas are also invariably at loggerheads.

Tensions between the two East Asian nations can easily be felt at the Demiliterised Zone (DMZ), a strip of land running across the Korean Peninsula which is one of the most heavily-guarded places in the world.

A group of Indian journalists recently visited the DMZ that was established to serve as a buffer zone between the two Koreas under the provisions of the 1953 Korean Armistice Agreement between North Korea, China and the United Nations Command.

Created in 1953, the 250 km long and about four km wide DMZ put an end to the brutal Korean War, which claimed over 3 million lives. There have been various incidents in and around the DMZ, with military and civilian casualties on both sides. Within the DMZ, there is a meeting point between the two nations where negotiations take place as and when tensions flare up. It’s called the small Joint Security Area (JSA).

But the most exciting part of the trip to the DMZ was the walk through the Third Tunnel of Aggression, which is one of four known tunnels under the border between North Korea and South Korea.

Only 44 km from the South Korean capital of Seoul, the incomplete tunnel was discovered in October 1978 following the detection of an underground explosion in June 1978, apparently caused by the tunnellers who had progressed 435 meters under the south side of the DMZ. It took four months to locate the tunnel precisely and dig an intercept tunnel.

South Korean officials claim the one-mile incomplete tunnel was designed for a surprise attack on Seoul from North Korea, and could accommodate 30,000 men per hour along with light weaponry. Upon discovery of the third tunnel, the United Nations Command accused North Korea of threatening the Armistice Agreement. Initially, North Korea denied building the tunnel but subsequently declared it part of a coal mine, the tunnel having been blackened by construction explosions.

While four tunnels have been discovered so far, the South Koreans believe there are many more. The South Korean armed forces still spend a lot of time and energy on finding more infiltration tunnels.

Though still well guarded, the tunnel is now a tourist site. Visitors enter either by walking down a long steep incline that starts in a lobby or via a mini train for up to three passengers each. Photography is forbidden in the tunnel. The South Koreans have blocked the actual Military Demarcation Line in the tunnel with three concrete barricades. Tourists can walk as far as the third barricade, and the second barricade is visible through a small window in the third.

Also at the DMZ is the Dora observatory located on the top of Mount Dora. Visitors can use binoculars to see the North Korean territory. On a sunny day, visitors can clearly see South Korea’s and North Korea’s flags flying on their respective flagpoles through binoculars. One can also see North Koreans in border villages going through their daily routine.

But just over a mile from the DMZ, life is peaceful for residents of Tongil Chon who claim they will never leave despite war clouds hanging over them all the time. North Korea is visible from Tongil Chon too. For decades, North and South Korea have used border villages to show their respective wealth and superiority.

Despite the prosperity in South Korea and visible signs of political repression in the neighbouring North, there are many in the East Asian nation who pray for the reunification of the two countries. Those above the age of 80 are especially desperate to be reunited with their long-lost relatives and friends on the other side of the border before they breathe their last.

thestatesman.com · by Ashok Tuteja · June 29, 2023

15. Why K-pop is like pro-wrestling

Why K-pop is like pro-wrestling

The Korea Times · July 1, 2023

Courtesy of Elena KoychevaBy David A. Tizzard

In the world of entertainment, there are distinct mediums. Each one tells its audience stories in different ways. When we think of K-pop, we see the stylized performances, the picture-perfect idols, and the wildly dedicated fandoms. For its part, pro-wrestling delivers its scripted drama and larger-than-life personas. But what do RM and Macho Man Randy Savage have in common? Why is Karina's life similar to Roman Reigns? Apart from having millions of fans and a propensity for spandex and make-up as they perform their athletic theatre, there is something else that makes them unique among other mediums: their use of time as a storytelling tool.

Both present an ongoing fictional narrative that takes place consistently in real time. Contrary to traditional media, where the author or director controls the passage of time, K-pop and pro-wrestling narratives unfold in sync with reality.

Time

George R. Martin decides the time gaps between Game of Thrones seasons, and JK Rowling reveals the aging of Harry Potter and his companions between books. Time marches to the beat directed by the author, irrespective of our world's ticking clock.

Consider the anticipation surrounding the release of Squid Game's second season. When it debuts, we'll discover how much time has passed in that show's universe. This time shift has no correlation to the years that may have lapsed in our reality. What might be two or three years for us might only be, as in some of the recent Marvel releases, a mere matter of seconds for the characters.

Similarly, iconic characters like Indiana Jones, Batman, James Bond, and Porroro possess an intriguing timelessness. They have remained relatively unaltered in age, even after decades of existence. They are immune to what affects us so keenly.

K-pop: the enchanting facade

Idols in the K-pop world are fictional characters whose stories are told to us in real time. The Korean entertainment industry wants the fans to believe that the idols they have created are real and so they have no choice but to follow the natural flow of time rather than the freedom given to the other mediums described above.

So if we tune into M-Net one week and watch the idols performing and then, seven days later, tune in again to see their next concept, the same amount of time has passed for both the fans and the idols. One year for the idol is one year for the fan. It is synchronicity. And, again, it is unlike most other forms of storytelling.

The relationship between K-pop idols and their fans is unlike any other because it unfolds over time. This unique connection means that both idols and fans age together, celebrating birthdays, milestones, and life events side by side. When the fan graduates from high school or enters their final year of university, the idol stands alongside them, growing and evolving in perfect synchrony. This shared journey creates an unconventional bond, making it difficult for fans to outgrow their attachment to their idols, unlike how many of us eventually outgrow childhood cartoons.

K-pop is a fictional ongoing universe taking place directly in our reality, in our timeline. This convergence between fantasy and actuality has profound effects on how we perceive the narrative and how it is conveyed to us. The success of K-pop itself bears testimony to the effectiveness of this approach, where the medium becomes the very message it seeks to convey.

Idols as fictional

Let us clarify, though, that K-pop idols are not fictional in the conventional sense like characters such as Wolverine from comic books. Instead, they are the fictional personas of real individuals. Through live concerts, fan events, and airport encounters, fans share physical spaces with these idols, fostering a sense of intimate connection and an illusion of participation in the unfolding story.

There is of course something very terrifying about achieving success in the public space. You never know when your time will come. The idol's existence in the limelight is always subject to the fickle whims of audiences and fans. The fear of irrelevance looms, and the moment one fades from the spotlight, they risk fading into oblivion.

Nevertheless, until that eventuality, the idol continues to spin an enthralling narrative for their devoted fans, spanning years, if not decades. Operating in real-time, the idol becomes a constant presence in people's lives, an ever-present protagonist.

Narrative effects

The commitment to maintaining the illusion of reality has significant implications for the narratives and concepts presented by K-pop companies. If they were less concerned with this facade, they could easily perpetuate the illusion that certain group members remain the same age even after a decade or more. With the aid of diets, beauty advice, and digital filters, the feat could be accomplished without much difficulty. Jennie, for instance, could remain 25 for a prolonged period if the company wished it.

However, their primary objective is to make fans believe in the authenticity of these idols. Thus, constrained by the passage of time and the aging of the real individuals behind the characters, the companies must adapt their concepts accordingly. Consequently, we witness a trend where idols are introduced at increasingly younger ages. It's easy to point to Lolita concepts and talk about people's "cookies" but there are different reasons for the industry choosing younger and younger actors. This strategic move allows for an elongated storytelling arc, starting with youthful and innocent concepts before progressing to more provocative portrayals that hint at sexual agency. Eventually, the narrative culminates in a more mature and confident persona. The youthfulness of the idols, therefore, grants ample time for fans to grow and evolve alongside them, forming a deep and lasting connection.

Intriguing fictions

As fans mature, their desires and expectations from their idols also evolve. They seek more sophisticated and nuanced stories, prompting companies to cater to these changing preferences or embark on a fresh journey with a new generation of young talents.

This dynamic interaction between fans and idols mirrors the evolution of seasoned Star Wars fans who have witnessed both the original movies and the newer ones. As these fans have aged into their 40s or 50s, their tastes have shifted, and they no longer find the new Star Wars movies as thrilling as they once did. It's not necessarily a reflection of how Star Wars has changed, but rather how the fans themselves have evolved. They are now seeking different cinematic experiences, and the new films cater more unabashedly to younger audiences. Star Wars and K-pop both have fictional characters and space concepts, but they deal with time differently.

Bittersweet Transformations

For seasoned K-pop fans, this dynamic between persona and reality is familiar territory. Many entertainment companies deliberately play with this notion, blurring the line between the public persona and the authentic person. In doing so, they provide captivating meta presentations that embrace the interplay between the fake and the real, adding another layer of intrigue to the K-pop universe.

The real-time relationship between K-pop idols and fans creates a uniquely profound bond, resulting in a narrative influenced by the passage of time.

Companies navigate this, crafting captivating story arcs that align with the maturation of both idols and their audience. The journey is dynamic and bittersweet, transforming youthful enthusiasm into nostalgic appreciation. And for many K-pop fans, no matter how unbelievable the stories they are told, it's still real to them.

Dr. David A. Tizzard (datizzard@swu.ac.kr) has a Ph.D. in Korean Studies and lectures at Seoul Women's University and Hanyang University. He is a social/cultural commentator and musician who has lived in Korea for nearly two decades. He is also the host of the Korea Deconstructed podcast, which can be found online. The views expressed in the article are the author's own and do not reflect the editorial direction of The Korea Times.

The Korea Times · July 1, 2023

De Oppresso Liber,

David Maxwell

Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy

Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation

Editor, Small Wars Journal

Twitter: @davidmaxwell161

Phone: 202-573-8647

email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com

De Oppresso Liber,

David Maxwell

Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy

Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation

Editor, Small Wars Journal

Twitter: @davidmaxwell161

email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com

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