|
Quotes of the Day:
"Man is the only animal that deals in that atrocity of atrocities, War. He is the only one that gathers his brethren about him and goes forth in cold blood and calm pulse to exterminate his kind. He is the only animal that for sordid wages will march out and help to slaughter strangers of his own species who have done him no harm and with whom he has no quarrel . . . And in the intervals between campaigns he washes the blood off his hands and works for "the universal brotherhood of man" - with his mouth."
– Mark Twain
"Never think that war, no matter how necessary, nor how justified, is not a crime. Ask the infantry and ask the dead."
– Ernest Hemingway
"To be prepared for war is one of the most effectual means of preserving peace."
– George Washington
1. When nations united: 75 years of global good through the United Nations Command by General Xavier T. Brunson
2. North Korea reaffirms support for Russia's war in Ukraine
3. Russia warns against targeting North Korea
4.South Korea develops stealth attack drone to enhance naval strike capabilities in high-risk maritime zones.
5. Kremlin doesn’t rule out further North Korean military involvement in Ukraine war
6. N. Korea's Kim reaffirms unconditional support for Russia in Ukraine war: KCNA
7. N. Korea supplies Russia with 12 million rounds of 152 mm shells: S. Korea
8. N. Korea's embassy in China holds reception to mark 64th anniv. of key treaty signing
9. Seoul signals decoupling from US-Japan hardline on Beijing, Pyongyang
10. Republic of Korea-United States-Japan Trilateral Chiefs of Defense Joint Press Statement
11. National security adviser says Opcon issue off the table in U.S. negotiations
12. U.S. military chief urges Seoul to share defense burden
13. N. Korea bristles at S. Korea-U.S.-Japan air drills
14. Should Korea hope Trump prioritizes the Korean Peninsula?
15. Rhetoric that strains Korea-US ties
1. When nations united: 75 years of global good through the United Nations Command by General Xavier T. Brunson
For those interested in learning more about the United Nations Command in Korea I recommend Shawn Creamer's article int he International Journal of Korean Studies at this link: https://icks.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/2017FW-4.pdf
The United Nations Command and the Sending States
Colonel Shawn P. Creamer, U.S. Army
Abstract
The United Nations Command is the oldest and most distinguished of the four theater-level commands in the Republic of Korea. Authorized by the nascent United Nations Security Council, established by the United States Government, and initially commanded by General of the Army Douglas MacArthur, the United Nations Command had over 930,000 servicemen and women at the time the Armistice Agreement was signed. Sixteen UN member states sent combat forces and five provided humanitarian assistance to support the Republic of Korea in repelling North Korea’s attack. Over time, other commands and organizations assumed responsibilities from the United Nations Command, to include the defense of the Republic of Korea. The North Korean government has frequently demanded the command’s dissolution, and many within the United Nations question whether the command is a relic of the Cold War. This paper examines the United Nations Command, reviewing the establishment of the command and its subordinate organizations. The next section describes the changes that occurred as a result of the establishment of the Combined Forces Command in 1978, as well as the implications of removing South Korean troops from the United Nations Command’s operational control in 1994. The paper concludes with an overview of recent efforts to revitalize the United Nations Command, with a focus on the command’s relationship with the Sending States.
Note that we have returned to calling the contributing nations "member states" versus "sending states."
Opinion
When nations united: 75 years of global good through the United Nations Command
From armistice to modern threats, the UNC remains a pillar of peace, unity and readiness on the Korean Peninsula
https://www.nknews.org/2025/07/when-nations-united-75-years-of-global-good-through-the-united-nations-command/
Xavier T. Brunson July 12, 2025
Commander of United Nations Command (UNC), Combined Forces Command and United States Forces Korea Gen. Xavier T. Brunson, and soldiers carrying flags of the U.S., South Korea and UNC | Image: United Nations Command via Facebook
This year, we commemorate the 75th anniversary of the United Nations Command (UNC), an enduring symbol of international cooperation and resolve. Established in response to North Korea’s invasion of South Korea in 1950, the UNC has played a pivotal role in supporting peace and security on the Korean Peninsula and enforcing the terms of the Armistice Agreement.
Under the theme “Honoring the Past, Securing the Future,” this milestone invites reflection on the UNC’s legacy of sacrifice and its continuing mission to ensure stability in one of the world’s most geopolitically dynamic regions.
A GLOBAL RESPONSE
The establishment of the UNC, authorized by United Nations Security Council Resolution 84 on July 7, 1950, demonstrated unprecedented global solidarity against illegitimate aggression. In 1950, the world was still healing from the wounds of World War II. There was significant emotion tied to the conflict coming so soon after the conflict and people felt they had just returned to a point where they could live in peace.
This international resolve, born from the powerful emotion that all good nations must come to Korea now, led to immense sacrifices. Approximately 37,000 Americans lost their lives, over 92,000 were wounded, with 8,000 missing. Casualties among other U.N. forces totaled 16,500, including 3,100 dead. South Korea endured staggering losses, sustaining at least half a million killed or wounded.
These sacrifices were not in vain. They secured freedom for millions and laid the foundation for the Republic of Korea’s remarkable transformation into a vibrant democracy and economic powerhouse. The service of Korean War veterans from 22 sending states that contributed military or medical support remains a cornerstone of this legacy, representing the diverse international commitment that answered that initial call to action.
Contributions from the Sending States were substantial and varied, ranging from combat forces on the front lines to non-combatant support such as medical units and humanitarian aid.
FROM ARMISTICE TO PEACE
The signing of the Korean Armistice Agreement on July 27, 1953, marked a cessation of hostilities but not an end to the UNC’s mission. The Armistice established a Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) and remains a legally binding document that underscores the UNC’s ongoing responsibility to maintain stability on the peninsula.
Through vigilant oversight, the UNC delivers its mandate in three key ways: facilitating dialogue between parties, enforcing the agreement’s provisions and enabling humanitarian actions such as repatriation.
As the only unified command directly authorized by the United Nations Security Council, the UNC embodies international resolve to uphold security, freedom and prosperity, a mission as essential today as it was 75 years ago.
MEETING CONTEMPORARY CHALLENGES
The Korean Peninsula now faces significant challenges different from those of 1950. The DPRK’s continued development of nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles poses severe risks to regional stability. Cyber threats, disinformation campaigns and grey zone activities further complicate efforts to preserve peace.
Amid these evolving threats, the UNC has adapted while remaining steadfast in its core mission. The 18 UNC member states play an integral role in addressing these challenges through multinational cooperation, contributing personnel, logistical support and diplomatic engagement. This collective commitment enables the UNC to respond effectively to emerging threats while upholding its foundational mission. Recent modernization efforts have further strengthened the UNC’s capabilities, including enhanced surveillance systems along the DMZ, expanded training programs for multinational forces and improved coordination with regional partners.
AN INDISPENSABLE ROLE
Of the three organizations I command, the UNC holds a unique position. While the Combined Forces Command ensures operational readiness through joint ROK-U.S. military efforts and the United States Forces Korea provides critical support as a force provider, it is the UNC that guarantees freedom through its mandate under international law.
The UNC is not merely a military command; it is a living symbol of international resolve to defend peace through collective action. By leveraging the historical baseline of contributions that brought nations together 75 years ago, we can better address current capability requirements and strengthen the UNC’s dual focus: deterrence through strength and dialogue through engagement.
RENEWED COMMITMENT
As we commemorate this historic milestone, we must reaffirm our commitment to collective security as a cornerstone of global stability. The spirit that drove nations to spend blood and treasure in Korea so that the Korean nation might rise remains relevant today, as we face new challenges requiring unified responses.
To our member states: your continued contributions are invaluable for maintaining stability in a region critical to global prosperity.
To our veterans: your courage forged a legacy that continues to inspire international cooperation in defense of shared values.
To all who believe in peace: know that the UNC stands ready to defend it — for today, tomorrow and generations to come.
The 75th anniversary of the UNC isn’t just a commemoration of the past; it’s a recommitment to securing our collective future through vigilance, adaptability, and unwavering international cooperation.
About the Author
Xavier T. Brunson
Gen. Xavier T. Brunson is the commander of United Nations Command, Combined Forces Command and United States Forces Korea, at Camp Humphreys in the Republic of Korea.
2. North Korea reaffirms support for Russia's war in Ukraine
Two of the CRInK growing stronger?
North Korea reaffirms support for Russia's war in Ukraine
16 hours agoStuart Lau
BBC News
Reuters
North Korean leader Kim Jong Un welcomed Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov to Wonsan, North KoreaNorth Korean leader Kim Jong Un offered Moscow his "unconditional support" on the war in Ukraine, according to state media reports.
In talks with Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov in North Korea, Kim said that Pyongyang stood by "all the measures taken by the Russian leadership" to tackle the "root cause of the Ukrainian crisis".
Western officials believe Pyongyang has sent an estimated 11,000 troops to Russia over the last year to fight against Ukraine.
Russian President Vladimir Putin launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.
According to North Korean state media KCNA news agency, Kim and Lavrov met on Saturday in "an atmosphere full of warm comradely trust".
The North Korean leader also expressed a "firm belief that the Russian army and people would surely win victory in accomplishing the sacred cause of defending the dignity and basic interests of the country".
On Telegram, Russia's foreign ministry posted a video showing the two men shaking hands and greeting each other with a hug.
North Korea's renewed military support for Russia comes as US President Donald Trump has resumed military supplies to Ukraine, after a brief hiatus.
Trump told NBC News on Thursday that he had made a deal with Nato for the US to send Patriot air defence systems to Ukraine via the alliance, after a surge of Russian aerial attacks.
Pyongyang first publicly acknowledged sending troops to Russia in April, months after Ukraine and the West revealed the large-scale troop movement from North Korea to the Russian-Ukrainian frontline.
Kim signed an accord with Russian leader Vladimir Putin in June last year, agreeing to support each other if either country was dealing with "aggression".
Apart from soldiers, North Korea also promised to send thousands of workers to help rebuild Russia's war-torn Kursk region, Moscow's security chief said last month.
3. Russia warns against targeting North Korea
Remember the CRInK is based on fear, weakness, desperation, and envy.
Excerpts:
Lavrov warned the United States and its regional allies against targeting North Korea and Russia, Newsweek reported on Saturday.
"No one is considering using force against North Korea despite the military buildup around the country by the United States, South Korea and Japan," Lavrov said of the joint military exercise.
"We respect North Korea's aspirations and understand the reasons why it is pursuing a nuclear development," Lavrov said.
World News July 12, 2025 / 6:38 PM
Russia warns against targeting North Korea
https://www.upi.com/Top_News/World-News/2025/07/12/north-korea-russia/1011752359349/
By Mike Heuer
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov arrives in Wonsan, North Korea, on Friday for a three-day working visit. Photo by Russian Foreign Ministry Press Service/EPA
July 12 (UPI) -- Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov traveled to North Korea on Friday to meet with his North Korean leader Kim Jong Un and others during a three-day visit.
He said Moscow respects North Korea's efforts to develop nuclear arms by using its own scientists amid recent military exercises involving the U.S., South Korean and Japanese forces, according to CNN.
The U.S. and its South Korean and Japanese allies conducted a joint aerial training operation on the Korean Peninsula on Friday.
Lavrov warned the United States and its regional allies against targeting North Korea and Russia, Newsweek reported on Saturday.
Related
"No one is considering using force against North Korea despite the military buildup around the country by the United States, South Korea and Japan," Lavrov said of the joint military exercise.
"We respect North Korea's aspirations and understand the reasons why it is pursuing a nuclear development," Lavrov said.
He said Moscow is aware that President Donald Trump recently expressed support for resuming talks with North Korea at the highest level.
"We exchanged views on the situation surrounding the Ukrainian crisis," Lavrov told Russian state media outlet TASS.
"Our Korean friends confirmed their firm support of all the objectives of the special military operation," he said of the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
North Korea's Foreign Ministry earlier this week invitedLavrov to visit Pyongyang, which is preparing to deploy between 25,000 and 30,000 soldiers for Russia's continued invasion of Ukraine.
North Korea last year deployed 11,000 soldiers to Russia to help repel a Ukrainian incursion in the Kursk region of Russia.
4. South Korea develops stealth attack drone to enhance naval strike capabilities in high-risk maritime zones.
South Korea develops stealth attack drone to enhance naval strike capabilities in high-risk maritime zones.
https://armyrecognition.com/news/navy-news/2025/south-korea-develops-stealth-attack-drone-to-enhance-naval-strike-capabilities-in-high-risk-maritime-zones
As reported by Biz Hankook on July 8, 2025, the South Korean company Korea Aerospace Industries (KAI) has initiated the development of a carrier-based unmanned combat aerial vehicle (UCAV), derived from its existing jet-powered unmanned platform under development for the South Korean Air Force. The program was revealed during the 8th Korea Strait Victory Seminar held at the National Assembly on July 8, 2025. KAI’s head of Future Systems Research, Kang Byung-gil, stated that the UCAV is based on a six-ton-class airframe with a reinforced structure and modifications to enable arrested landings and catapult launches from conventional aircraft carriers.
Follow Army Recognition on Google News at this link
This new naval unmanned combat aerial vehicle (UCAV) is being designed in support of South Korea’s Ghost Commander-II program, which replaced the previously cancelled CV-X aircraft carrier project. (Picture source: KAI via X/Mason)
The UCAV is equipped with a tail hook and has reinforced landing gear, making it compatible with electromagnetic launch and recovery systems. According to KAI, the UCAV will be modular, capable of integrating interchangeable sensors and payloads to support multiple mission types. It is expected to carry long-range air-to-air missiles, air-to-surface munitions, and deployable air-launched drones. The aircraft is also designed for long-range reconnaissance missions and features low-observable characteristics, including internal weapons bays. KAI’s naval UCAV development follows South Korea’s decision to cancel the CV-X aircraft carrier project in 2024, which had originally included plans to procure F-35B short takeoff and vertical landing (STOVL) aircraft. The new approach focuses instead on deploying drones and other uncrewed systems from a different class of naval platform, the Ghost Commander-II, as noted by Mason.
Developed by Hanwha Ocean, this vessel was presented at the MADEX 2025 naval exhibition in Busan and is designed as a multipurpose command ship, displacing approximately 42,000 tons. With a length of 240 meters and a width of 60 meters, the vessel features at least one electromagnetic catapult, three arresting cables, a well deck for amphibious landing operations, and vertical launch systems for surface-to-air missiles. The Ghost Commander-II is intended to support a variety of missions, including long-range strike, amphibious support, disaster relief, and sea lane protection, in a context where naval doctrine increasingly integrates artificial intelligence and uncrewed aerial assets.
The UCAV concept was initially developed as part of a broader manned-unmanned teaming framework, which includes KAI’s participation in the development of the KF-21 Boramae fighter and supporting drone systems such as the Low Observable Unmanned Wingman System (LOWUS). The naval UCAV is larger than LOWUS and differs from it in terms of payload capacity, structural reinforcement, and operational independence. The drone’s maximum takeoff weight is under six tons, with a payload capacity of 800 kilograms and a combat radius of approximately 482 kilometers. It is powered by a high-bypass turbofan engine and is expected to cruise below Mach 0.6. The nose section is designed to be modular, allowing for the integration of AESA radar, IRST, EOTS, and potentially maritime surveillance radars in future variants. In addition to its ability to carry the Meteor long-range air-to-air missile, the UCAV will be equipped with small and medium air-launched drones developed by KAI. These allow it to function as a drone mothership, capable of managing multiple subordinate drones during coordinated operations.
KAI’s concept positions South Korea as a potential third country, after the United States and Türkiye, to develop a jet-powered UCAV for carrier operations. The aircraft’s reported characteristics differentiate it from the U.S. MQ-25 Stingray and Türkiye’s Bayraktar Kızılelma, particularly through its combination of internal weapons carriage, modular mission equipment, and radar integration. The UCAV’s performance parameters and mission flexibility are balanced against its relatively low speed, which was selected to maximize fuel efficiency for extended missions. The emphasis on modular architecture also enables role adaptation without requiring multiple aircraft variants. According to KAI, integration with electromagnetic launch systems is essential, and the South Korean defense industry is currently developing an 8-ton electromagnetic catapult, with a future goal of scaling to 20 tons for heavier platforms. KAI has also mentioned the potential of producing a variant capable of ski-jump takeoffs using canards and thrust vectoring nozzles, as an alternative if EMALS integration proves challenging.
While the program is being driven by KAI, there has not yet been a formal requirement issued by the South Korean Navy or procurement authorities such as DAPA or ADD. The development is proceeding independently, with KAI indicating readiness to respond to any formal acquisition once the Navy’s plans for a combined manned and unmanned command ship are finalized. The new drone and ship systems are designed to support South Korea’s strategic doctrine, which is structured around preemptive strikes against North Korean missile threats (kill chain), layered missile defense (KAMD), and retaliatory capabilities. The drone’s ability to carry standoff weapons, conduct ISR operations, and coordinate with both manned aircraft and subordinate drones fits into this framework. As reported, the aircraft's capabilities also include potential swarm control, enabling it to operate as a forward command node for multiple airborne systems during combat or reconnaissance operations. However, concerns have been raised regarding the drone’s ability to carry larger ordnance, such as supersonic anti-ship missiles, within its 800-kilogram payload capacity.
In parallel to the UCAV’s airframe and system development, KAI is investing in AI-based autonomy through a partnership with the U.S. firm Shield AI. In March 2025, KAI signed an agreement with Shield AI and its South Korean partner Quantum Aero to integrate Shield AI’s Hivemind Enterprise software into its unmanned systems. This includes Hivemind Edge for onboard autonomous functions, Hivemind Design for development and simulation, and Hivemind Commander for control and mission planning. The AI pilot system under development, referred to as K-AILOT, will be verified using this software suite. The software has already been integrated into platforms such as the MQ-20 Avenger, MQM-178 Firejet, and X-62 VISTA. The AI integration effort also supports KAI’s AAP drone platform, which serves as a testbed for developing modular and scalable AI-based flight control capabilities. KAI engineers visited Shield AI’s San Diego facility in April 2025 to receive technical training and coordinate the implementation of Hivemind into simulation and test environments.
KAI began AI flight control research in the second half of 2023 and, by February 2024, had allocated approximately $69.7 million to autonomy, big data, and related technologies. To support this effort, it has invested in domestic firms including Konan Technology (big data analytics), PUNZIN (AI for decision support), and GenGenAI (synthetic data for defense simulation). These investments are intended to establish a national ecosystem for autonomous aviation systems. The AAP platform, with a current payload capacity of 20 kilograms and an endurance of over 500 kilometers in one-way missions, is expected to complete a demonstration flight in late July or early August 2025. Three units are currently assembled, with further units under construction. Although the platform lacks a domestically produced engine, with current units relying on German imports, KAI asserts that sufficient volume in future orders could justify the establishment of a domestic engine production line.
Challenges remain for South Korea’s unmanned systems industry. KAI representatives have identified structural limitations in current government procurement practices, particularly the reliance on one-off R&D projects that do not transition to serial production. According to Kang Byung-gil, many such programs deliver fewer than a dozen units and do not generate revenue to reinvest into improved models. Regulatory constraints also create hurdles, such as certification standards that exclude expendable drones from airworthiness criteria, thereby complicating their potential reuse for training or live testing. Kang argues that a clearer division of responsibilities is needed between state institutions like ADD, which should focus on core weapon technologies, and industry players, which could concentrate on platform development. This approach, he suggests, would enable faster, lower-cost delivery of operational unmanned systems.
The strategic rationale for unmanned development was further emphasized in a June 2025 interview, in which Kang noted that drone-based warfare is becoming increasingly common, citing examples from Israel, Iran, Ukraine, and Russia. The South Korean military formally established a drone operations command in 2023, tasked with conducting reconnaissance, strike, psychological warfare, and electromagnetic warfare missions, including during asymmetric threats and regional contingencies. The doctrine emphasizes the integration of AI-enabled systems to reduce electromagnetic exposure of manned platforms by using drones as forward sensors. The two-seat KF-21 variant is expected to be employed as a controller aircraft for loyal wingman operations, while the FA-50, due to its two-seat configuration, could also serve in this role. KAI’s broader unmanned efforts include the KUS-FC stealth UCAV project and experimental platforms such as the Kaori-X flying wing demonstrator, which has been tested since 2015 and focuses on RAM structures and control algorithms for low observability. Together, these initiatives reflect South Korea’s attempt to expand its capabilities in autonomous combat aviation and integrate uncrewed platforms into future air and naval operations.
5. Kremlin doesn’t rule out further North Korean military involvement in Ukraine war
More fodder for the cannons?
https://global.espreso.tv/military-news-kremlin-doesnt-rule-out-further-north-korean-military-involvement-in-ukraine-war
Kremlin doesn’t rule out further North Korean military involvement in Ukraine war
12 July, 2025 Saturday
15:16
Military news
Share:
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov did not rule out further participation of the DPRK army in the war against Ukraine, stating that North Korea itself decides how to implement its "strategic partnership" with Russia
He said this following a meeting with his North Korean counterpart, Choe Son Hui, as reported by RBC.ru.
According to him, Moscow had no reason to refuse Pyongyang’s proposal for North Korean military participation in battles in the Kursk region.
Regarding the possibility of involving North Korean troops in other areas of the front in Ukraine, Lavrov said: "We responded to the proposal of the DPRK leader, the head of state affairs. We had no reason to refuse such a sincere display of solidarity. We proceed from the fact that the DPRK itself determines the forms in which it implements our strategic partnership agreement."
The head of the Russian Foreign Ministry reported that, at Russia’s initiative, which was supported by North Korea, a monument will be erected in memory of North Korean soldiers who died during the fighting in the Kursk region.
-
Pyongyang may send between 25,000 and 30,000 North Korean troops to Russia in the coming months to fight against Ukraine, CNN reports, citing Ukrainian intelligence.
6. N. Korea's Kim reaffirms unconditional support for Russia in Ukraine war: KCNA
(2nd LD) N. Korea's Kim reaffirms unconditional support for Russia in Ukraine war: KCNA | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Soo-yeon · July 13, 2025
(ATTN: UPDATES with more details from Russia's media report in paras 11-14)
By Park Boram
SEOUL, July 13 (Yonhap) -- North Korean leader Kim Jong-un reaffirmed his unconditional support for all of Russia's actions in its war against Ukraine as he met with Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, the North's state media reported Sunday.
Kim made the remarks in a meeting with Lavrov on Saturday, a day after the Russian minister flew to North Korea for his second round of strategic talks with his North Korean counterpart, according to the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA).
During the talks, Kim and Lavrov discussed the faithful implementation of the agreements reached during Kim's summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Pyongyang in June last year, as well as ways to further develop the two countries' strategic partnership, the KCNA said.
Kim "reaffirmed that the DPRK is ready to unconditionally support and encourage all the measures taken by the Russian leadership as regards the tackling of the root cause of the Ukrainian crisis" in line with the North Korea-Russia mutual defense treaty, the KCNA said.
DPRK refers to North Korea's official name, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
This image, published by the Korean Central News Agency on July 13, 2025, shows North Korean leader Kim Jong-un (L) and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov holding hands during a meeting on July 12, 2025. (For Use Only in the Republic of Korea. No Redistribution) (Yonhap)
The KCNA also quoted Kim as saying that "the two countries share the same views on all strategic issues in conformity with the level of (their) alliance and it shows the high strategic level established between the two countries."
Lavrov praised the strategic communication between the two countries in diplomatic fields, expressing his intention to "further strengthen the strategic and tactical cooperation and intensify concerted action ... in the international arena," according to the report.
The meeting reaffirmed the determination of the North Korean and Russian leaderships to "closely support and cooperate with each other in the journey for thoroughly safeguarding the core interests of the two countries (and) powerfully promoting the overall development of bilateral ties" under their comprehensive strategic partnership treaty, the KCNA said.
The KCNA also reported that Lavrov conveyed Putin's "warm greetings" to Kim, who reciprocated with thanks and his own friendly greetings to the Russian president.
An earlier Russian news report on the Kim-Lavrov meeting said that the Russian minister delivered Putin's message expressing hope for direct contact with Kim in the very near future.
In a meeting with Kim, Lavrov expressed Russia's "sincere" gratitude for the North's role in liberating the front-line Kursk region from Ukraine forces, Russia's Tass news agency reported, citing a statement from the Russian foreign ministry.
"The Russian side expressed its sincere gratitude for Pyongyang's consistent support in principle of the Russian special military operation, and the participation of fighters from the Korean People's Army in ousting Ukrainian nationalists and foreign mercenaries from the Kursk Region," the statement showed.
Since October last year, North Korea has sent thousands of troops to Russia to support its war against Ukraine. Russia's media reported the North will send 5,000 military construction workers and 1,000 sappers to Kursk to support reconstruction efforts.
Lavrov and Kim agreed tensions on the Korean Peninsula have grown due to an increase in the United States' military activities while reaffirming commitment to resolving issues related to the peninsula through "political and diplomatic means," Tass reported.
This image, published by the Korean Central News Agency on July 13, 2025, shows North Korean leader Kim Jong-un (R) holding a meeting with Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov (L) and other Russian officials on July 12, 2025. (For Use Only in the Republic of Korea. No Redistribution) (Yonhap)
Meanwhile, the KCNA carried a statement from the strategic dialogue held the previous day between North Korean Foreign Minister Choe Son-hui and Lavrov.
The statement reaffirmed the two countries' "unwavering" commitment to advancing North Korea-Russia relations into long-term strategic ties by faithfully implementing the mutual treaty.
In the statement, Russia expressed "firm opposition" to any arbitrary attempts to deny North Korea's "current status," voicing unwavering support for Pyongyang's efforts to defend its national security and sovereign rights, while North Korea expressed unconditional support for all Russian actions in its war against Ukraine.
"It has been confirmed that the two sides' assessments of the current complex international situation are identical," the statement said, pledging joint efforts to strengthen strategic communication and coordinate their shared stance.
Aboard a private jet, Lavrov arrived in North Korea's eastern coastal city of Wonsan on Friday for a three-day trip through Sunday. Both of his meetings with Kim and Choe took place at the newly opened Kalma beach resort area in Wonsan.
This image, published by the Korean Central News Agency on July 13, 2025, shows Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov during his meeting with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un on July 12, 2025. (For Use Only in the Republic of Korea. No Redistribution) (Yonhap)
pbr@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Soo-yeon · July 13, 2025
7. N. Korea supplies Russia with 12 million rounds of 152 mm shells: S. Korea
Seems kind of unconditional here.
N. Korea supplies Russia with 12 million rounds of 152 mm shells: S. Korea | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Soo-yeon · July 13, 2025
SEOUL, July 13 (Yonhap) -- North Korea has continued to provide Russia with artillery shells to support its war against Ukraine, which amounts to more than 12 million rounds of 152 mm shells, according to South Korea's military intelligence authorities Sunday.
North Korea is believed to have provided around 28,000 containers containing weapons and artillery shells to date, according to a report by the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) submitted to a lawmaker of the main opposition party.
"If calculated with 152 mm single shells, (the number of supplied shells) are presumed to have reached more than 12 million," the DIA under the defense ministry said.
Since October last year, North Korea has provided conventional weapons and around 13,000 troops to Russia to support Moscow's war efforts.
North Korea is likely to send additional troops to Russia in July or August, Seoul's spy agency said in late June. Russia's media reported the North will send 5,000 military construction workers and 1,000 sappers to Kursk to support reconstruction efforts.
This image, captured from a Telegram account by Ukraine forces, on July 12, 2025, shows North Korea's type 75 multiple launch rocket system detected by a drone by Ukraine forces. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
sooyeon@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Soo-yeon · July 13, 2025
8. N. Korea's embassy in China holds reception to mark 64th anniv. of key treaty signing
N. Korea's embassy in China holds reception to mark 64th anniv. of key treaty signing | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Soo-yeon · July 13, 2025
SEOUL, July 13 (Yonhap) -- The North Korean Embassy in China has held a reception to celebrate the 64th anniversary of the signing of a mutual defense treaty between the two nations, the North's state media said Sunday.
The event was held in Beijing on Thursday after the Chinese Embassy in Pyongyang hosted a similar reception the preceding day ahead of the July 11 anniversary.
The reciprocal receptions came as North Korea's ties with China, the North's traditional ally, showed some signs of improvement after their bilateral relationship remained cool amid Pyongyang's close alignment with Moscow over Russia's war with Ukraine.
Wang Dongming, vice chairperson of the standing committee of China's National People's Congress, attended the event hosted by the North's embassy, according to the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA).
At last year's reception marking the 63rd anniversary, China sent a lower-ranking official as the main guest amid cooled relations between the two nations.
A higher-level North Korean official was also present at the Chinese embassy's reception last week, with Kang Yun-sok, vice chairman of the standing committee of the Supreme People's Assembly, attending it.
"It is our steadfast stance that we will strengthen and develop friendly relations with China through generations," North Korean Ambassador to China Ri Ryong-nam said in a speech during Thursday's reception.
The Treaty on Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance was signed on July 11, 1961, by the North's state founder Kim Il-sung and then Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai.
This photo, captured from the website of the Chinese Embassy in North Korea on July 10, 2025, shows the embassy hosting a reception the previous day to celebrate the 64th anniversary of a mutual defense treaty between China and North Korea. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
sooyeon@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Soo-yeon · July 13, 2025
9. Seoul signals decoupling from US-Japan hardline on Beijing, Pyongyang
Reading the tea leaves. Are we at an inflection point or a perfect storm?
Is Kim Jong Un's political warfare strategy succeeding?
The statement included the perfunctory condemnation of north Korea's nuclear threats and commitment to a free and open INDOPACIFIC.
Seoul signals decoupling from US-Japan hardline on Beijing, Pyongyang
First trilateral defense meeting under Lee administration drops China, North Korea criticism from joint statement
https://www.chosun.com/english/national-en/2025/07/13/WFJ4VTSRWZAFTDUOM6VUF37U64/
By Yang Ji-ho,
Kim Seo-young
Published 2025.07.13. 11:19
South Korea's Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Kim Myung-soo, U.S. Joint Chiefs Chairman Gen. Dan Caine, and Japan’s Chief of Staff Gen. Yoshihide Yoshida receive an operational briefing at the Naval Fleet Command in Pyeongtaek, Gyeonggi Province, after concluding the 25th South Korea-U.S.-Japan Tri-CHOD meeting on July 11, 2025. /South Korea Joint Chiefs of Staff
The Trilateral Chiefs of Defense (Tri-CHOD) meeting between South Korea, the U.S., and Japan was held in Seoul on July 11, marking the first meeting under the Lee Jae-myung administration. But unlike last year, the joint statement released afterward made no mention of China’s aggressive actions or the Taiwan issue.
A South Korean government official confirmed that Seoul deliberately left out direct references to China and Taiwan, but said those concerns were still covered under the broader phrase “peace and stability in the region.”
This has raised concerns that South Korea may be stepping back from U.S.-Japan efforts to counter China, focusing instead on improving ties with North Korea. The ongoing discussions between South Korea and the U.S. over the transfer of wartime operational control (OPCON) could further this shift.
At the meeting, held at South Korea’s Joint Chiefs headquarters in Yongsan, U.S. Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. Dan Caine said, “North Korea and China are undergoing an unprecedented military buildup with a clear and unambiguous intent to move forward with their own agendas.” His comments were widely seen as a push for stronger joint action against China.
Still, this year’s joint statement made no mention of China. The only related phrase was that the three sides “discussed ways to deepen cooperation for regional peace and stability.”
Last year’s statement, issued after the Tri-CHOD meeting in Japan, clearly criticized China, expressing concern over its “dangerous and aggressive actions” in the South China Sea and stressing the importance of peace in the Taiwan Strait.
The language on North Korea also changed. While last year’s statement condemned military ties between North Korea and Russia, this year’s simply said the three countries “discussed” North Korean troops possibly being sent to Russia, and Russia transferring military technology to the North. A military source said the wording likely reflects the Lee administration’s different approach to China, Russia, and North Korea.
Professor Park Won-gon of Ewha Womans University said this shows the Lee government wants to draw some distance from the U.S. and Japan when it comes to issues like Taiwan.
In a May interview with Time, then-presidential candidate Lee was asked whether South Korea would support Taiwan if China invaded. He replied, “I will think about that answer when aliens are about to invade the earth.” At a campaign event, he said, “Whether Taiwan and China fight or not, what does that have to do with us?” He also promised to strengthen ties with China and Russia, alongside the U.S. alliance and three-way cooperation with the U.S. and Japan.
With this background, if OPCON transfer talks move quickly, the role or size of U.S. forces in Korea could change. The U.S. is reportedly considering reducing its troop presence in South Korea or shifting its focus from Army units to Air Force and Navy assets. A South Korean government source said, “USFK troop cuts could become a major issue. We’ll be discussing this moving forward.”
If South Korea keeps a lukewarm stance on China, Washington may move more of its military assets from Korea to Japan or other Indo-Pacific bases that take a tougher line against Beijing.
Meanwhile, Japan is strengthening its defense ties with the U.S. In March, it launched a new command to oversee its land, sea, and air forces, preparing for potential joint operations with U.S. forces in Japan. Tokyo also proposed a “one-theater” concept to the U.S., aiming to integrate allied forces across East Asia. Australia and the Philippines have expressed support. The U.S., Japan, Australia, and the Philippines are expected to formalize their informal “Squad” security group later this year.
A retired South Korean general said, “Japan is working to gain the joint operational capability we already have with the U.S., but we seem to be giving it up.”
10. Republic of Korea-United States-Japan Trilateral Chiefs of Defense Joint Press Statement
Interestingly this statement is on the INDOPACOM and the Chairman's website but not on the DOD web site.
Republic of Korea-United States-Japan Trilateral Chiefs of Defense Joint Press Statement
11 July 2025
From Office of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Public Affair
https://www.pacom.mil/Media/NEWS/News-Article-View/Article/4242334/republic-of-korea-united-states-japan-trilateral-chiefs-of-defense-joint-press/
https://www.jcs.mil/Media/News/News-Display/Article/4241083/republic-of-korea-united-states-japan-trilateral-chiefs-of-defense-joint-press/
Republic of Korea (ROK) Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Adm. Kim Myung-soo, U.S. Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. Dan Caine, and Japan Chief of Staff, Joint Staff Gen. Yoshida Yoshihide convened the 22nd Trilateral Chiefs of Defense (Tri-CHOD) Meeting on July 11, 2025, in Seoul. The three chiefs of defense recognized the importance of close trilateral cooperation in addressing security challenges on the Korean Peninsula, in the Indo-pacific and beyond.
The defense chiefs condemned the DPRK's continued development of unlawful nuclear and ballistic missile programs and agreed to continue coordination toward the complete denuclearization of the DPRK in accordance with relevant United Nations Security Council Resolutions (UNSCRs). They also discussed the deployment of the DPRK’s troops to Russia; as well as the potential transfer of military technology from Russia to the DPRK. They urged the DPRK to immediately cease all unlawful activities to destabilize the Korean Peninsula, the Indo-Pacific, and beyond, and pledged to continue working together to respond to the DPRK's threats.
The three defense chiefs reaffirmed that trilateral security cooperation has played a key role in promoting peace and prosperity on the Korean Peninsula and in the Indo-Pacific. They focused on various ways to deepen their cooperation in order to ensure peace and stability in the region.
In addition, the defense chiefs agreed to convene the 2026 Tri-CHOD meeting in the United States. Following the meeting, they jointly visited the ROK Navy 2nd Fleet Command to honor the 46 fallen sailors who were killed when the ROKS Cheonan sank in March 2010, as a result of the DPRK's surprise torpedo attack.
11. National security adviser says Opcon issue off the table in U.S. negotiations
If it is agreed that the OPCON transition will be conditions based then it is not up for negotiation. You either meet the conditions or you do not. If you want to backtrack on conditions based, alter the conditions, or remove them then you would have to conduct negotiation and conduct the OPCON transition only based on political considerations then you would have to negotiate this. So long as both countries agree to a conditions based transition then the military leaders will have to certify the conditions are met and then recommend to the political leaders that they approve the OPCON transition.
Shifting to a conditions based transition versus a timeline based transition was a smart move because it provides top cover to both the military and political leaders, especially when the details of the conditions remain classified (and rightly so otherwise you expose too much information to the north and China).
Sunday
July 13, 2025
dictionary + A - A
National security adviser says Opcon issue off the table in U.S. negotiations
https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/news/2025-07-13/national/politics/National-security-adviser-says-Opcon-issue-off-the-table-in-US-negotiations/2351619
Published: 13 Jul. 2025, 19:01
Updated: 13 Jul. 2025, 19:52
National Security Adviser Wi Sung-lac speaks during a briefing at the presidential office in central Seoul on July 9. [JOINT PRESS CORPS]
South Korea’s presidential office dismissed speculation that wartime operational control (Opcon) is being discussed in ongoing trade and security talks with the United States, as political tensions flare over a potential “package deal” ahead of U.S. President Donald Trump’s Aug. 1 tariff deadline.
With fewer than 20 days remaining until the Trump-imposed tariff timeline, the Lee Jae Myung administration moved to shut down political controversy surrounding the transfer of Opcon.
Opcon refers to the authority to command combined U.S. and South Korean forces in wartime. Under the current system, a U.S. general heading the Combined Forces Command leads both militaries in the event of a major conflict with North Korea.
Once Opcon transfers, a South Korean general would command the future Combined Forces Command.
Related Article
National Security Adviser Wi Sung-lac told the JoongAng Ilbo on Sunday that the Lee Jae Myung administration “has not initiated new discussions on Opcon and the Opcon issue is not a card in our trade or security negotiations with the United States."
Wi already drew a line under the issue during a press briefing on Wednesday after returning from Washington, saying, “an Opcon transfer remains an ongoing long-term matter,” and “has not yet come up in security talks.”
The remarks came after media reports claimed working-level discussions on Opcon had resumed, prompting the presidential office to issue a rebuttal.
The administration’s response follows a series of politically charged statements.
“Most issues should be brought to the surface,” Democratic Party (DP) Rep. Kim Woo-young said in a radio interview when asked whether Opcon was on the negotiation table.
Moon Jin-seog, another DP lawmaker, added that “if an Opcon transfer is in the national interest, we could amend the law to make it happen.”
Former People Power Party leader Han Dong-hoon pushed back on Saturday, warning that pushing for an Opcon transfer could result in the withdrawal of U.S. Forces Korea and argued that “the Lee administration must seek public consent.”
Government officials expressed growing frustration over the direction of the debate.
“There’s no substance to this issue, but high-profile opposition lawmakers are stirring up confusion,” a senior presidential official said.
Another DP source said that it "was not even a real issue, but it is being dragged into the spotlight out of nowhere."
The presidential office voiced concern that politicizing Opcon could undermine the ongoing tariff and security talks with Washington.
President Lee Jae Myung, right, speaks with National Security Adviser Wi Sung-lac during a full session of the National Security Council at the presidential office in central Seoul on July 10. [NEWS1]
"The situation is escalating in an unhelpful direction,” said another presidential office official. “Those negotiations are critically important, and that’s why National Security Adviser Wi is managing them personally. Naturally, there are no new negotiation talks involving Opcon.”
Seoul and Washington agreed to complete the Opcon transfer by April 2012 during the Roh Moo-hyun administration in 2007. But following the 2010 sinking of the South Korean warship Cheonan, the timeline was revised.
The Ministry of National Defense said on July 11 that Korea, the United States and Japan conducted a joint aerial exercise over international waters south of Jeju Island. [NEWS1]
The allies adopted a conditions-based transfer plan known as COTP, which requires progress in three areas: South Korea’s military capabilities, its ability to respond to North Korean threats and regional security conditions that support the transition.
“There are hundreds of conditions to meet, and fulfilling them all is extremely difficult,” a South Korean defense official said.
Subsequent administrations — Park Geun-hye, Moon Jae-in and Yoon Suk Yeol — all upheld the COTP framework.
A joint statement from the annual Security Consultative Meeting in October of last year reaffirmed that an Opcon transfer would strengthen the alliance’s combined defense posture and readiness.
Despite the lack of formal negotiations, the issue has resurfaced as Trump, who previously called for rebalancing the U.S. military footprint abroad, increases pressure over defense cost-sharing and tariff reform.
Analysts say it is possible that Washington could bring up Opcon as leverage during talks. Critics argue that President Lee invited the controversy by using the phrase “reclaiming Opcon” during his presidential campaign.
But a DP official said the pledge meant "the administration would continue the existing Opcon transition framework with the United States and there is no fundamental change in our position.”
Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.
BY OH HYUN-SEOK [paik.jihwan@joongang.co.kr]
12. U.S. military chief urges Seoul to share defense burden
"Responsibility sharing." Damn straight.
Along with "burden owning" these are concepts are what the US and allies must embrace. ALl must own our own burden for defense and together we need o share the responsibilities that are outlined in our Mutual Defense Treaties - primarily to defend each other against threats in the Pacific region.
U.S. military chief urges Seoul to share defense burden
Posted July. 12, 2025 07:12,
Updated July. 12, 2025 07:12
Gen. Dan Caine, chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff and the highest-ranking American military officer, called for stronger defense cooperation from South Korea during a trilateral security meeting in Seoul on Friday. He warned that North Korea and China are engaged in an “unprecedented military buildup” aimed at advancing their strategic goals.
Speaking at the Tri-Chief of Defense (Tri-CHOD) conference at the Yongsan joint military headquarters, Gen. Caine emphasized the need for stronger trilateral collaboration among South Korea, the United States and Japan. He said the current focus on nuclear and missile threats should expand to include China’s growing military presence.
“China and North Korea are moving clearly and decisively toward their objectives, and we must bear that in mind,” he said. Gen. Caine, who oversees military strategy under President Donald Trump’s second term, also noted that this was the first time South Korea hosted the Tri-CHOD conference since its inception in 2014.
Reflecting on the inaugural meeting, Caine said the dialogue had initially focused almost entirely on North Korea’s nuclear threat. “In the first meeting, we said we are illuminating a future path together, from building capacity to true sharing of responsibility,” he said. “Today, we move forward on their shoulders into an incredibly delicate chapter in our nations’ shared history.”
His repeated references to “responsibility sharing” were widely interpreted as a call for Seoul to shoulder a greater share of the regional defense burden, particularly in efforts to counter China’s military rise.
In a joint statement following the meeting, the three defense chiefs reaffirmed the importance of trilateral cooperation. They stated that ROK–U.S.–Japan security ties have played a vital role in promoting peace and prosperity on the Korean Peninsula and throughout the Indo-Pacific. The leaders also explored ways to strengthen collaboration for regional stability.
Hyo-Ju Son hjson@donga.com
13. N. Korea bristles at S. Korea-U.S.-Japan air drills
KJU is getting the message and should be shaking in his boots.
N. Korea bristles at S. Korea-U.S.-Japan air drills
koreaherald.com · by Yonhap · July 13, 2025
This photo provided by the South Korean defense ministry on July 11, 2025, shows fighter jets during combined air drills involving South Korea, Japan and the United States over waters off the southern South Korean island of Jeju. (Yonhap)
North Korea on Sunday blasted recent combined air drills conducted by South Korea, the United States and Japan, saying such joint military actions are "the main danger factors heightening the level of the military tension" on the Korean Peninsula and its surrounding region.
"We express serious concern over their hostile acts of persistently conducting provocative and threatening military actions while deliberately ignoring the security concern of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and strongly warn of the grave consequences to be entailed by them on the regional situation," the head of the North Korean defense ministry's policy office said in a statement released through the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA). The statement referred to North Korea by its official name.
On Friday, Seoul's defense ministry said the three nations had held the air drills over international waters off the southern South Korean island of Jeju and involved at least one U.S. B-52H bomber -- the strategic bomber's first deployment near the Korean Peninsula this year.
The North Korean official also charged that the tripartite military alliance has "completely changed into a nuclear-based triangular military alliance."
"Irresponsible acts of the US, Japan and the ROK (South Korea) steadily heightening the level of tension and danger on the Korean peninsula should be closely watched and deterred," the North's statement added. "It is our just sovereign right to take countermeasures against provocative military actions such as the moves to strengthen the multilateral military alliance threatening the security of the region and the joint military drills with clear aggressive character." (Yonhap)
koreaherald.com · by Yonhap · July 13, 2025
14. Should Korea hope Trump prioritizes the Korean Peninsula?
Excerpts:
South Korea’s challenge is that it has limited leverage to influence Trump’s foreign policy. As experienced during Trump’s first term, even if the South Korean government succeeds in persuading the administration to resume proactive diplomacy with North Korea, sustaining that momentum will be difficult — not only due the nature of negotiations with North Korea but also because other international and domestic crises could divert Trump’s attention.
Conversely, some South Korean policymakers’ hopes for a relatively stable status quo on the Korean Peninsula could be disrupted if either Trump chooses to make the Korean Peninsula his foreign policy priority or North Korea’s heightened provocations force intervention.
These uncertainties, however, should not deter South Korea from strategizing its responses to the Trump administration’s potential reengagement with Korean Peninsula geopolitics. Specifically, South Korean politics must face its own domestic debate regarding the extent of geopolitical change it is willing to risk in collaboration with Trump’s foreign policy. Paradoxically, it is South Korea that may encounter a choice between a “big deal” or a “small deal” with the Trump administration.
The "small deal" would largely maintain the current security framework of the U.S.-South Korea alliance, U.S. extended nuclear deterrence and continued commitment to North Korea’s eventual denuclearization. South Korea would likely make concessions on trade and defense spending, but would preserve a geopolitical environment with familiar security reassurances and vulnerabilities. In contrast, the "big deal" may require South Korea’s acquiescence to more drastic security transformations, including restructuring of the bilateral alliance and diplomatic normalization with nuclear-armed North Korea.
What the Trump administration will or should do in the Korean Peninsula is a relevant, yet at times frustrating question for South Koreans, who find it difficult to predict or influence the U.S. president. However, South Koreans can address the question, “How shall we respond?” Since the establishment of the Republic of Korea, successive South Korean governments have engaged in spirited, even contentious bargaining with their U.S. counterparts, shaping the trajectory of contemporary South Korean history. Though Korea may struggle to determine its geopolitical destiny on its own, I express a sober yet reassuring observation that Korea’s destiny also can’t be determined in the absence of Korean involvement.
Should Korea hope Trump prioritizes the Korean Peninsula?
https://www.koreatimes.co.kr/opinion/20250713/should-korea-hope-trump-prioritizes-the-korean-peninsula
By Lee Jong-eun
Published Jul 13, 2025 10:20 am KST
Updated Jul 13, 2025 10:20 am KST
Recently, an international expert remarked at a conference that although only six months have passed since U.S. President Donald Trump’s second inauguration, it feels like six years. Since Trump’s election for a second term, the rest of the world has struggled to adapt to the rapid and sometimes unpredictable shifts in his administration’s foreign policy initiatives and actions.
There were proposals, genuine or facetious, to annex Greenland and Canada. There were demands for Europe to boost defense spending and pressure on Ukraine and Russia to negotiate a peace settlement. There have been trade negotiations accompanied by threats to increase “reciprocal tariffs.” Finally, the Trump administration has intervened militarily in the Middle East, launching air strikes against Iran’s nuclear facilities. Now, six months into Trump’s second term, multiple countries are likely anticipating — with apprehension as well as hope — the continued progression of Trump’s foreign policies and their long-term geopolitical impacts.
The Trump administration’s challenge is to balance multiple complex foreign policy issues and crises. Although the administration may express ambition to achieve all its foreign policy objectives, it will eventually be compelled to prioritize certain agendas. For example, Trump may need to calculate whether prioritizing immigration or trade policy will yield greater domestic political advantages in the upcoming U.S. midterm elections. Similarly, the administration may assess the likelihood of diplomatic success in mediating security conflicts in Europe or the Middle East, prioritizing the more achievable foreign policy “wins.”
For South Korea, this dilemma centers on whether it should hope the Korean Peninsula becomes a foreign policy priority for the Trump administration. Trump reportedly sent letters to North Korean leader Kim Jong-un and expressed intentions to negotiate with South Korea over defense burden-sharing. However, security crises in Europe and the Middle East have thus far received greater attention and intervention. Should conflicts in other regions persist without resolution, the Korean Peninsula may be sidelined by the Trump administration. However, some analysts predict that foreign policy challenges elsewhere could incentivize Trump to seek diplomatic success by shifting his focus toward Northeast Asia.
South Korea has experienced frustration with past U.S. presidents like Obama and Biden, whose restrained policies toward North Korea have allowed it to continue expanding its nuclear capabilities and escalating hostilities toward regional neighbors. For some South Koreans, Trump’s assertiveness in diplomatic engagement with North Korea is perceived as a critical opportunity for a breakthrough in the geopolitical gridlock. With his characteristic risk-taking overtures (which may combine concessions and pressures on regional actors), Trump could be the “game changer” who transforms regional security dynamics.
For others, however, Trump’s potential intervention poses too great a risk. Trump may advance a deal with North Korea that could be disadvantageous to South Korea’s security and weaken the U.S.-South Korea alliance. Alternatively, Trump’s confrontational measures toward a recalcitrant North Korea could exacerbate the regional crisis. Probably the biggest reservation is that the Trump administration could implement policies with North Korea (whether confrontational or conciliatory) without sufficient consultation with U.S. allies.
The Trump administration’s preoccupation with other international crises may be preferable for some South Koreans, as it could dissuade Trump from risking changes to the geopolitical status quo in another global region. Paradoxically, some South Koreans may prefer “strategic patience” toward the United States, waiting for a post-Trump presidency to resolve the Korean Peninsula’s security matters.
South Korea’s challenge is that it has limited leverage to influence Trump’s foreign policy. As experienced during Trump’s first term, even if the South Korean government succeeds in persuading the administration to resume proactive diplomacy with North Korea, sustaining that momentum will be difficult — not only due the nature of negotiations with North Korea but also because other international and domestic crises could divert Trump’s attention.
Conversely, some South Korean policymakers’ hopes for a relatively stable status quo on the Korean Peninsula could be disrupted if either Trump chooses to make the Korean Peninsula his foreign policy priority or North Korea’s heightened provocations force intervention.
These uncertainties, however, should not deter South Korea from strategizing its responses to the Trump administration’s potential reengagement with Korean Peninsula geopolitics. Specifically, South Korean politics must face its own domestic debate regarding the extent of geopolitical change it is willing to risk in collaboration with Trump’s foreign policy. Paradoxically, it is South Korea that may encounter a choice between a “big deal” or a “small deal” with the Trump administration.
The "small deal" would largely maintain the current security framework of the U.S.-South Korea alliance, U.S. extended nuclear deterrence and continued commitment to North Korea’s eventual denuclearization. South Korea would likely make concessions on trade and defense spending, but would preserve a geopolitical environment with familiar security reassurances and vulnerabilities. In contrast, the "big deal" may require South Korea’s acquiescence to more drastic security transformations, including restructuring of the bilateral alliance and diplomatic normalization with nuclear-armed North Korea.
What the Trump administration will or should do in the Korean Peninsula is a relevant, yet at times frustrating question for South Koreans, who find it difficult to predict or influence the U.S. president. However, South Koreans can address the question, “How shall we respond?” Since the establishment of the Republic of Korea, successive South Korean governments have engaged in spirited, even contentious bargaining with their U.S. counterparts, shaping the trajectory of contemporary South Korean history. Though Korea may struggle to determine its geopolitical destiny on its own, I express a sober yet reassuring observation that Korea’s destiny also can’t be determined in the absence of Korean involvement.
Lee Jong-eun is an assistant professor of political science at North Greenville University.
15. Rhetoric that strains Korea-US ties
Excerpts:
The answer is clear: Inflammatory rhetoric like this does little to help Seoul’s efforts to restore the Korea-U.S. alliance to a stable footing.
Securing a summit with Trump is one of Lee’s top diplomatic priorities. Yet, more than a month after his inauguration, no date has been set. This prolonged delay is raising concerns about the current state of the alliance. Speculations were fueled by the last-minute cancellation of U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s planned visit to Korea. He had been scheduled to stop in Seoul en route to the ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.
On Friday, Rubio expressed optimism about a potential Trump-Xi Jinping summit later this year, saying the odds were high because “both sides want to see it happen.” However, he made no mention of a possible summit with Lee — an omission that speaks volumes.
The delay in holding a Korea-U.S. summit risks weakening Lee’s summit diplomacy. Traditionally, it has been diplomatic custom for Korean presidents to meet with the U.S. president before engaging in summits with other foreign leaders. In today’s foreign policy landscape, summit diplomacy plays an increasingly vital role in advancing national interests. That’s why the Lee administration must make an all-out effort to secure a meeting with Trump as soon as possible.
As the ruling party, the DPK should be supporting this objective — especially through parliamentary diplomacy. Instead, Rep. Jin’s inflammatory remarks risk undercutting the administration’s efforts. While his comments may win attention at home, they serve only to complicate diplomatic engagement at a critical juncture.
ED Rhetoric that strains Korea-US ties
https://www.koreatimes.co.kr/opinion/editorial/20250713/ed-rhetoric-that-strains-korea-us-ties
Published Jul 13, 2025 12:18 pm KST
Politicians must exercise prudence in word choice in sensitive diplomatic contexts
Rep. Jin Sung-joon, left, head of the ruling Democratic Party of Korea's policy committee, speaks during a meeting with senior party officials at the National Assembly in Seoul, July 8. Yonhap
Rep. Jin Sung-joon of the ruling Democratic Party of Korea (DPK) criticized U.S. President Donald Trump for his recent remarks regarding Korea’s defense cost-sharing.
Jin, who serves as head of the DPK's policy committee, called Trump’s demand that Korea pay $10 billion to shoulder more of the cost for U.S. troops stationed on the peninsula “excessive and rude,” accusing the U.S. president of disrespecting a key ally.
“Let me set the record straight,” Jin said during a policy coordination meeting at the National Assembly on July 10. “President Trump claimed that the U.S. provides military protection to Korea for free. That’s simply not true. Korea pays more than 1 trillion won each year for the U.S. military presence.” Jin also stated that Trump had said there are 45,000 U.S. troops in Korea, and gave the more accurate number of 28,000.
Jin further argued that the U.S. military is using Korean territory at no cost and noted that Korea has purchased advanced American weapons — expenses that, he said, should also be considered part of the nation’s contributions to its own defense.
While Jin raised some valid points, the tone and manner in which he delivered them were inappropriate and potentially damaging. His sharp criticism of Trump could undermine the Lee Jae Myung administration’s efforts to strengthen the Korea-U.S. alliance.
As one of the top three officials in the ruling party — alongside the chairperson and the secretary general — Jin wields significant influence over party messaging. His words carry particular weight when spoken at a public event, such as the policy coordination meeting, which was open to the media. Consequently, his remarks are likely to be interpreted not as personal opinion, but as the official position of the ruling party.
Jin is a politician, and politicians are often more direct and outspoken than diplomats, who choose their words more carefully to allow for multiple interpretations depending on the context. Clear and effective communication is a critical asset for politicians, and they must ensure their messages are understood without ambiguity.
Still, when it comes to commenting on foreign leaders — especially those from countries as crucial as the United States — politicians must exercise restraint and discretion. In democratic societies, criticism of political figures, even foreign heads of state, is allowed. But when such criticism comes from someone in a position to represent a nation's ruling party, it inevitably carries broader diplomatic implications. The public is likely to perceive those remarks as an official party stance, not just a personal opinion.
How does it reflect on Korea when a senior figure from its ruling party openly criticizes the U.S. president — and even attempts to correct him by quoting past inaccurate remarks? What message does such a scathing comment send at a time when bilateral ties between the two countries are showing signs of strain, if not fracture?
The answer is clear: Inflammatory rhetoric like this does little to help Seoul’s efforts to restore the Korea-U.S. alliance to a stable footing.
Securing a summit with Trump is one of Lee’s top diplomatic priorities. Yet, more than a month after his inauguration, no date has been set. This prolonged delay is raising concerns about the current state of the alliance. Speculations were fueled by the last-minute cancellation of U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s planned visit to Korea. He had been scheduled to stop in Seoul en route to the ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.
On Friday, Rubio expressed optimism about a potential Trump-Xi Jinping summit later this year, saying the odds were high because “both sides want to see it happen.” However, he made no mention of a possible summit with Lee — an omission that speaks volumes.
The delay in holding a Korea-U.S. summit risks weakening Lee’s summit diplomacy. Traditionally, it has been diplomatic custom for Korean presidents to meet with the U.S. president before engaging in summits with other foreign leaders. In today’s foreign policy landscape, summit diplomacy plays an increasingly vital role in advancing national interests. That’s why the Lee administration must make an all-out effort to secure a meeting with Trump as soon as possible.
As the ruling party, the DPK should be supporting this objective — especially through parliamentary diplomacy. Instead, Rep. Jin’s inflammatory remarks risk undercutting the administration’s efforts. While his comments may win attention at home, they serve only to complicate diplomatic engagement at a critical juncture.
De Oppresso Liber,
David Maxwell
Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy
Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation
Editor, Small Wars Journal
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
Phone: 202-573-8647
email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com
| 
