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Quotes of the Day:
"The first rule is to keep an untroubled spirit. The second is to look things in the face and know them for what they are."
– Marcus Aurelius
"Practice justice in word and deed, and do not get in the habit of acting thoughtlessly about anything."
– Pythagoras
"Every man is a creature of the age in which he lives, and few are able to raise themes aveo the ideas of the time."
– Voltaire
1. Russia-North Korea alliance spearheads brutal new world order, says expert
2. What Is South Korea’s New K3 Main Battle Tank?
3. The Ripple Effects of U.S. Reciprocal Tariff Policy on the ROK-U.S. Alliance
4. Japan and South Korea know the way to compete with China and US
5. From propaganda to passion: N. Korean TV show mimics K-drama to fend off banned media from the South
6. Top security adviser heads for U.S. as tariff deadline nears
7. N. Korea boasts of rich wheat harvest despite int'l concerns about food shortage
8. Special counsel questions unification minister in martial law probe
9. Special counsel detains drone command chief in martial law probe
10. Hanwha Philly Shipyard mulls joining U.S. Navy ship project
11. Foreign ownership of Samsung Electronics tops 50 pct again
12. UN land mine experts visit S. Korea to discuss reducing minefield risks
13. World Baseball Softball Confederation president visits N. Korea: KCNA
14. Czech deputy minister urges NATO, South Korea to broaden defense ties
15. Why Korea is suddenly talking about Arctic shipping route
16. FATBOY KIM Fridge-raiding Kim Jong-un ‘sparing no expense’ to get hands on Ozempic – but he’ll test on guinea pig civilians first
1. Russia-North Korea alliance spearheads brutal new world order, says expert
KJU: An international capitalist at heart? Mercenary business is a capitalist enterprise.
But on a serious note: every day the Russia-North Korea alliance works together the stronger Kim Jong Un gets.
I think Dr. Lankov is right: the CRInK is not about ideology.
We should remember the foundations of the CRInK: fear, weakness, desperation, and envy. We should exploit these.
Excerpts:
Amid debate over the unity, or not, of the “CRINK” — the authoritarian axis of China, Russia, Iran and North Korea — ideology should not be overstated, Mr. Lankov said.
“The world that is seemingly emerging is very similar to the 1700s, a period when pretty much all alliances were marriages of convenience,” Mr. Lankov said. “Ideology played zero role.”
Mr. Kim’s deployment of his troops to Russia may herald a cynical new business based on the model pioneered by the fearsome Swiss mercenary units of medieval Europe.
“North Korea will be able to make money by shipping regiments to friendly governments across the world,” Mr. Lankov said.
With large-scale, ultra-kinetic conflict returning, Moscow and Pyongyang are gaining combat experience superior to the West’s.
“Developed countries may need to fight, not the wars of the last half century which were punitive expeditions to developing nations, but real wars which we wrongly believed to be a thing of the past,” he warned.
Russia-North Korea alliance spearheads brutal new world order, says expert
War offers Kim a mercenary business model
washingtontimes.com · by Andrew Salmon
By - The Washington Times - Friday, July 18, 2025
SEOUL, South Korea — The alliance between invasive Russia and ultra-militarist North Korea is spearheading a brutal new world order that a weakened West is unprepared for, a leading expert says.
“North Korea is the only country able and willing to produce ammunition for Russia and is the only country which can essentially send their troops to the front line,” Andrei Lankov said. “North Koreans proved good soldiers, and I think this is only the beginning: They are likely to be very good once they learn more about the technologies of modern war.”
Mr. Lankov, who was born in Russia, studied at Pyongyang’s Kim Il-sung University in the Soviet days and now watches the state from his professorial perch at Seoul’s Kookmin University, where he is followed by both English- and Russian-speaking audiences.
The bilateral partnership signed by Russian President Vladimir Putin and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un in 2024 is “purely transactional” but provides a “bonanza” for North Korea, Mr. Lankov said.
Per South Korean intelligence, North Korea has sent Russia as many as 12 million artillery shells. Consensus estimates of troops deployed are from 12,000 to 13,000.
That number is sustainable. According to World Population Review’s Military Size by Country 2025 report, North Korea fields the world’s fourth-largest army after China, India and the United States. With 1.28 million men under arms, North Korea is ahead of Russia, with 1.1 million.
Much of Pyongyang’s force is low quality, but about 200,000 are believed to be crack troops.
Amid debate over the unity, or not, of the “CRINK” — the authoritarian axis of China, Russia, Iran and North Korea — ideology should not be overstated, Mr. Lankov said.
“The world that is seemingly emerging is very similar to the 1700s, a period when pretty much all alliances were marriages of convenience,” Mr. Lankov said. “Ideology played zero role.”
Mr. Kim’s deployment of his troops to Russia may herald a cynical new business based on the model pioneered by the fearsome Swiss mercenary units of medieval Europe.
“North Korea will be able to make money by shipping regiments to friendly governments across the world,” Mr. Lankov said.
With large-scale, ultra-kinetic conflict returning, Moscow and Pyongyang are gaining combat experience superior to the West’s.
“Developed countries may need to fight, not the wars of the last half century which were punitive expeditions to developing nations, but real wars which we wrongly believed to be a thing of the past,” he warned.
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“For 60 or 70 years, North Korea was seen by Russians as a crazy place, and that reputation has not changed, but even if you have unsavory allies, you tend to have sympathy toward them,” Mr. Lankov told The Washington Times. “And North Korea is Russia’s only ally in this war.”
With millennial Moscow facing the isolation North Korea endured for decades, new horizons are opening for Pyongyang.
“Given the inclination of the Russian government to avoid fighting a war with draftees, North Korea is extremely important,” Mr. Lankov said. “The Russian government understands that sending draftees into combat will seriously damage its popularity and support — which is remarkably high right now.”
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Despite heavy casualties, North Koreans fighting in Kursk were assessed by Ukraine as fitter, more cohesive, more aggressive and better marksmen than Russian soldiers.
With the Kremlin offering increasing sums for contract soldiers, sending North Koreans also make economic sense.
“We don’t know how much North Korea is paid for its soldiers, but you can be certain they are cheaper than Russian volunteers,” Mr. Lankov added.
North Korean troops have restricted themselves to Russian soil and have not fought in Ukraine proper. A Moscow source, speaking off the record, said that will likely continue.
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“Putin does not want to use North Korean troops in Ukraine, because that could open the door for NATO to send in troops,” he said.
Still, Mr. Kim’s men can guard borders and installations, freeing Russians for operations, the source added.
But Mr. Lankov reckons that if the war drags on, North Koreans will fight inside Ukraine.
Indications of Russia’s repayments to North Korea are appearing.
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Ukrainian sources note that North Korean ballistic missiles have become increasingly accurate, indicating transfer of guidance technologies. Russia is also believed to be passing over drone-manufacturing technologies.
Russian air-defense systems have been identified in North Korea. There are suspicions of gifts of naval propulsion and command suites.
North Korea, geographically ill-suited to agriculture, is also receiving food.
“On Russian blogs we see references to Russian chocolate, canned food and sausage in Pyongyang shops,” Mr. Lankov said. “On top of that, North Korea media are writing up the health benefits of wheat flour and baked goods,” indicating Russian supply, he continued.
Transportation links across the 7.4-mile-wide North Korea-Russia border are expanding.
“On top of the cross-border rail bridge linking the two countries, a road bridge is being built,” Mr. Lankov said, though roads on both sides of the border are rough.
Following Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s trip to Wonsan this month, two Moscow-Pyongyang flights per week have been announced.
North Korea’s power grid does not use natural gas, but Russia is not, Mr. Lankov believes, supplying much, if any, oil.
“Some is likely being shipped, but building a fuel line — which is expensive — is not being discussed,” he said.
That leaves Pyongyang reliant on Beijing for fuel, via a dedicated pipeline under the Yalu River.
The labor force is another area of activity.
Russia has announced plans to import North Korean engineering and labor units. With the Russian Far East underpopulated, civilian labor could be exported.
“North Korea can probably send 300,000-400,000 citizens,” Mr. Lankov said, noting that the Philippines earns significant foreign money from labor exports.
What next? “For the time being, Russia needs North Korea,” Mr. Lankov said.
He doubts Kiev or Moscow can indefinitely sustain their current intensity of operations, and he says he believes Ukrainian resistance might suddenly collapse as Germany did in 1918. Alternatively, a lower-intensity, long-term stalemate might set in.
Regardless, he says both North Koreans and Russians are enjoying surprising prosperity, and both regimes are secure: neither is likely to collapse.
“We have to see the world as it is, not as we want it to be,” he warned.
The West will have to relearn “the ability to mobilize and to endure serious economic sacrifices,” he said — and recalibrate some liberal ideas.
Post-Cold War, “The West could afford to jettison the old ‘power-and-glory’ type of patriotism, because the world was safe,” he said.
Now it needs to re-create strong shared identities, he suggested, perhaps along Israeli or Turkish lines.
“History used to be taught to create a sense of national pride with a touch of chauvinism, which was extremely useful if you believed your boys were going to be soldiers,” he said. “It was more propaganda than history, but I am afraid it was a necessary evil and is probably becoming a necessary evil now.”
• Andrew Salmon can be reached at asalmon@washingtontimes.com.
Copyright © 2025 The Washington Times, LLC. Click here for reprint permission.
washingtontimes.com · by Andrew Salmon
2. What Is South Korea’s New K3 Main Battle Tank?
Arsenal of democracies.
Photo at the ink: https://nationalinterest.org/blog/buzz/what-is-south-koreas-new-k3-main-battle-tank
What Is South Korea’s New K3 Main Battle Tank?
The National Interest · by Peter Suciu · July 17, 2025
Topic: Security
Blog Brand: The Buzz
Region: Asia
Tags: K2 Black Panther, MBT, Military, South Korea, and Technology
July 17, 2025
By: Peter Suciu
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The tank features a hybrid engine, stealth armor, an unmanned turret, and AI-powered targeting, designed to surpass the already advanced K2 Black Panther by 2040.
The South Korean K2 Black Panther is regarded by military analysts as one of the most capable main battle tanks (MBTs) in service worldwide today. However, its maker, Hyundai Rotem, is already forging ahead with the “K3,” a next-generation MBT that could enter service by 2040.
The future South Korean armored vehicle was first announced two years ago at the Seoul International Aerospace and Defense Exhibition (ADEX 2023). It was revealed at the time that the car would be outfitted with advanced composite armor that wouldn’t only counter kinetic threats but also employ radar-absorbing materials to provide the MBT with a level of stealth.
Development of the K3 has been underway as part of a collaborative effort between Hyundai Rotem and the South Korean Agency for Defense Development (ADD) and the Defense Agency for Technology and Quality.
According to a new report from Business Korea, the next-generation MBT will offer “significantly improved mobility and protection by minimizing turret protrusions.” In addition, it will feature “increased battlefield utility,” with the ability to launch and recover “multi-purpose reconnaissance drones” from the rear of the turret.
The interior is being designed to accommodate a crew of three with “European body sizes,” within a “capsule-type” compartment that provides additional protection from enemy fire. A wide range of sensors and cameras, incorporating virtual reality, will offer a 360-degree view of the tank’s surroundings.
How Is the K3 Different from the K2?
Unlike the current generation MBT, the K3 will be equipped with a “hybrid powertrain” rather than the traditional diesel engine.
Current plans call for the first models to be outfitted with a dual-mode hydrogen-diesel engine, with a long-term goal of transitioning entirely to fuel cells, which promise to offer several tactical advantages over the current powerplants. Fuel cells have lower heat and acoustic signatures, making a vehicle less detectable from infrared sensors, while the engines are simply quieter.
The fuel cells may also require less maintenance, as well as improved off-road performance. The K3 is expected to incorporate the famed active suspension system from the K2 Black Panther, and along with the hybrid powerplant, the MBT could still reach speeds of 80 km/h (50 mph) on flat terrain.
The K3 Tank Will Be Partially Run By AI
The K3’s main armament will be a newly developed 130mm smoothbore gun. AI will take over some of the tank’s functionality, including a fire control system that will incorporate autonomous target tracking and engagement.
The unmanned turret will be outfitted with an autoloader for the main gun. Still, according to Interesting Engineering, it will “also house a multi-purpose anti-tank guided missiles (ATGMs) [launcher]” that could strike enemy threats at ranges up to 4.9 miles, “with both line-of-sight and beyond-line-of-sight targeting modes.”
Great effort is being made with the K3 to increase crew survivability, which includes the use of drone jamming technology, as well as the aforementioned radar-absorbing materials. The MBT will further be outfitted with a Directional Infrared Countermeasures (DIRCM) and Active-Protection System (APS) to counter a variety of heat-seeking and other threats.
The K3 could also offer a lower profile than current MBTs, while the crew, including a driver, gunner, and commander, will be isolated from the ammunition storage in the capsule above.
Seoul isn’t in a rush to develop the tank. It was able to take its time with the K2, and will almost certainly do so again with the K3. Perfection may take time, but that is the main target for this next-gen MBT.
About the Author: Peter Suciu
Peter Suciu has contributed over 3,200 published pieces to more than four dozen magazines and websites over a thirty-year career in journalism. He regularly writes about military hardware, firearms history, cybersecurity, politics, and international affairs. Peter is also a Contributing Writer for Forbes and Clearance Jobs. He is based in Michigan. You can follow him on Twitter: @PeterSuciu. You can email the author: [email protected].
Image Credit: Wikimedia Commons/Defense Acquisition Program Administration.
The National Interest · by Peter Suciu · July 17, 2025
3. The Ripple Effects of U.S. Reciprocal Tariff Policy on the ROK-U.S. Alliance
Some excellent analysis from Dr Yu.
I think this point is key - our focus on burden sharing is negative and backward looking. We must focus on "future shaping" that is based on shared understanding and trust. We need to each own our defense burden - "burden owning" and then develop the strategic concepts to protect our mutual interests on the peninsula, throughout the Asia-Indo-Pacific, and ultimately throughout the world.
Excerpts:
The U.S. should reconsider whether a one-size-fits-all application of reciprocal tariffs is appropriate for treaty allies. Reciprocity in trade can serve legitimate purposes, especially in addressing long-standing imbalances or discriminatory practices. But when applied to allies without strategic exemptions or sensitivity to geopolitical implications, it risks doing more harm than good. Strategic allies should not be treated as adversaries on economic spreadsheets.
South Korea, for its part, must continue emphasizing the broader strategic logic of its partnership with the U.S. and seek both high-level diplomatic engagement and targeted industrial solutions. But it must also prepare for a more volatile U.S. trade posture, including diversifying export markets, strengthening autonomous industrial capabilities, and reinforcing multilateral trade ties to hedge against future disruptions.
Ultimately, sustaining the ROK-U.S. alliance in this new environment will require more than shared threats. It will demand a shared understanding that strategic trust cannot be rebuilt every four years based on fluctuating tariff policies. If Washington chooses to prioritize symmetry over strategy, it may secure short-term economic leverage but at the cost of long-term regional stability.
The alliance is not just about burden-sharing—it is about future-shaping. The coming months will show whether both sides are prepared to reaffirm that commitment, or whether they will allow tariff disputes to erode one of the Indo-Pacific’s most vital security pillars.
The Ripple Effects of U.S. Reciprocal Tariff Policy on the ROK-U.S. Alliance
By Jihoon Yu
https://www.realclearworld.com/articles/2025/07/19/the_ripple_effects_of_us_reciprocal_tariff_policy_on_the_rok-us_alliance_1123713.html
The United States’ renewed emphasis on reciprocal tariff policy is sending ripples across its alliance network, and South Korea—a linchpin ally in both economic and security domains—is squarely in its path. The U.S. decision to impose a 25% tariff on South Korean exports, effective August 1, 2025, as part of a sweeping realignment of trade policy under Executive Order 14257, has escalated uncertainty within the ROK-U.S. alliance. Although framed as a domestic economic correction, this move risks reshaping the alliance into a more transactional relationship, raising questions about strategic reliability at a time of growing regional volatility.
The ROK-U.S. alliance has traditionally rested on shared security interests and values. Over the decades, it has matured into a comprehensive partnership that spans defense, high technology, energy, and critical infrastructure. Trade has played a critical role in sustaining this relationship, particularly under the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA). Yet the current U.S. tariff move disregards that context. By applying the logic of strict reciprocity to a close ally—regardless of the alliance’s strategic value—the United States risks undermining the trust that underpins its extended deterrence and broader Indo-Pacific strategy.
Defense industrial cooperation is one of the areas likely to feel the impact most acutely. South Korea has emerged as a credible and capable defense industry partner, exporting platforms such as the K9 howitzer and FA-50 light combat aircraft, often in collaboration with U.S. firms. In recent years, Seoul has deepened co-production and maintenance, repair, and overhaul (MRO) arrangements with the United States, especially in areas tied to the Pacific theater. However, reciprocal tariffs that affect dual-use components, logistics flows, or related industries could complicate these initiatives. They would raise costs, disrupt schedules, and reduce the appeal of joint products in global defense markets. Such friction could deter further integration of Korean firms into U.S. supply chains and delay critical force-multiplying projects.
Moreover, the principle of reciprocity—when applied rigidly—introduces a transactional logic into an alliance that has, until now, operated on strategic trust. This shift is particularly risky in the current geopolitical environment. With North Korea advancing its nuclear and missile capabilities, and China expanding its maritime assertiveness in the Yellow Sea and East China Sea, South Korea’s alignment with the United States remains vital. But when economic pressure is perceived as a coercive lever rather than a tool for mutual adjustment, it can erode the political foundation of security cooperation. Public sentiment in South Korea has historically reacted sharply to unilateral economic actions by the U.S.—as seen during past disputes over beef imports, steel quotas, and defense cost-sharing. The imposition of punitive tariffs could reignite nationalist backlash and make deeper security cooperation more politically costly in Seoul.
The timing of this policy shift is also critical. The Indo-Pacific is becoming the central theater of strategic competition, and Washington is seeking to build a coalition of allies and partners capable of deterring coercion, safeguarding supply chains, and setting regional norms. South Korea, with its advanced manufacturing base, digital innovation, and geostrategic location, is indispensable to this vision. However, a tariff-first approach risks alienating Seoul and pushing it toward greater strategic hedging—whether through deeper engagement with ASEAN, more autonomous defense planning, or even economic accommodation with Beijing under frameworks such as the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP).
China, in particular, stands to benefit from any weakening of U.S.-ROK alignment. By portraying Washington as an unreliable economic partner—even to its closest allies—Beijing could position itself as a more stable alternative for South Korea’s export-driven economy. Although Seoul remains wary of Chinese strategic intentions, prolonged economic friction with the U.S. could compel a recalibration of its foreign policy balance.
The U.S. should reconsider whether a one-size-fits-all application of reciprocal tariffs is appropriate for treaty allies. Reciprocity in trade can serve legitimate purposes, especially in addressing long-standing imbalances or discriminatory practices. But when applied to allies without strategic exemptions or sensitivity to geopolitical implications, it risks doing more harm than good. Strategic allies should not be treated as adversaries on economic spreadsheets.
South Korea, for its part, must continue emphasizing the broader strategic logic of its partnership with the U.S. and seek both high-level diplomatic engagement and targeted industrial solutions. But it must also prepare for a more volatile U.S. trade posture, including diversifying export markets, strengthening autonomous industrial capabilities, and reinforcing multilateral trade ties to hedge against future disruptions.
Ultimately, sustaining the ROK-U.S. alliance in this new environment will require more than shared threats. It will demand a shared understanding that strategic trust cannot be rebuilt every four years based on fluctuating tariff policies. If Washington chooses to prioritize symmetry over strategy, it may secure short-term economic leverage but at the cost of long-term regional stability.
The alliance is not just about burden-sharing—it is about future-shaping. The coming months will show whether both sides are prepared to reaffirm that commitment, or whether they will allow tariff disputes to erode one of the Indo-Pacific’s most vital security pillars.
Jihoon Yu is the director of external cooperation and an associate research fellow at the Korea Institute for Defense Analyses.
4. Japan and South Korea know the way to compete with China and US
Excerpts:
These approaches are not without downsides. There is, of course, the risk of well-resourced corporations operating “kill zones” around their business lines. This might involve early low-value mergers and acquisitions, or even copying their products in a bid to eliminate them.
The central position of large firms to the economy also means that the innovation agenda of startups is set by incumbent firms. This fosters complementary products, and not those that disrupt – and ultimately improve – domestic firms or technologies. There’s also the worry of perceived corruption.
But I argue that pursuing a half-committed strategy is riskier. If governments maintain a wall between big business and startups, believing this is essential to minimise corruption and that large firms will innovate just as startups will scale-up into larger firms, they risk underwhelming outcomes on all levels.
We may see flailing productivity in the sectors in which countries have excelled. And scale-ups will fail to materialise while populations of “zombie startups”, that simply stagnate while propped up on state largesse, increase.
Startups should be considered as resources to boost nationwide industrial capabilities, not efforts aimed at seeding a country’s answer to Silicon Valley’s Google or OpenAI.
Japan and South Korea know the way to compete with China and US - Asia Times
Ditching Silicon Valley model, embed startups into the fabric of lead firms and don’t try to disrupt their competitive positions
asiatimes.com · by Robyn Klingler Vidra · July 18, 2025
Governments around the world are hustling. European policymakers, for example, are eager to boost the region’s industrial relevance in a world where the US and China dominate cutting-edge technologies. They want to move beyond the adage that “the US innovates, China replicates and the EU regulates”.
As part of this, policymakers worldwide are striving to foster their own versions of Silicon Valley. They have invested to create ecosystems abundant with ambitious startups backed by venture capital investors. Their ultimate aim is to see these firms develop into what are known as scale-ups and compete in global markets.
But if governments – from Berlin and Brussels to Ho Chi Minh City – are to find their edge, I argue they should follow a model closer to Seoul’s or Tokyo’s playbook than that of Silicon Valley.
South Korean and Japanese policymakers have long understood that the proliferation of startup activity should not be an isolated aim. In our 2025 book, Startup Capitalism, my colleague Ramon Pacheco Pardo and I revealed that the approach of these countries sees national champion firms like Samsung and Toyota use startups as resources to help them compete internationally.
As the head of a government-backed startup center in Seoul told me, a key aim of South Korean government policy for startups is to “inject innovative DNA” into the country’s large firms. Policies attempt to embed startups into the fabric of lead firms, and do not try to disrupt their competitive positions.
For this objective, the Silicon Valley playbook is sub-optimal.
US government policy has enabled venture capital investment through regulatory changes and has ensured that talented people are free to challenge their former employers.
Classic examples include the so-called “traitorous eight” who left Shockley Semiconductor Laboratory in 1957 to found Fairchild Semiconductor.
A more recent example is Anthony Levandowski, who left Google’s self-driving car project to start his own company, Otto, in 2016. The competition was so close that Google sued Uber – as it had acquired Otto – in 2019 over the trade secrets Levandowski allegedly used to develop his self-driving truck company. Uber eventually paid Google a “substantial portion” of the $179 million it was awarded initially in arbitration.
Injecting innovative DNA
The Japanese and Korean formula is distinct. Each of South Korea’s 17 Centers for the Creative Economy and Innovation, established about ten years ago to drive innovation and entrepreneurship, has one of the country’s large firms (chaebol) as an anchor partner. The chaebol’s industrial focus – whether it’s shipbuilding, electronics or heavy machinery – is reflected in the focus of the startups engaging with that center.
The startups work on issues “that keep the large firm up at night” and, in return, the startups have unparalleled access to distribution channels, marketing and proof-of-concept testing. While the centers have not produced volumes of globally competitive scale-ups, they have delivered on the aim of injecting innovative ideas and talent into large companies such as Hyundai, LG Electronics and SK Group.
In Japan, tax incentives encourage big businesses to acquire startups. The “open innovation tax incentive” allows a 25% deduction from the price of the acquisition. The aim here is to encourage Japan’s national champion firms to integrate startups into their core businesses. In 2024, for example, Toyota integrated high-tech wheelchair startup, Whill, into its mobility services offering.
Various government initiatives also aim to provide coaching and mentoring for startups around raising venture capital funding and sharpening a pitch for demo day. In Japan and Korea, these initiatives embed big business throughout.
In J-Startup, an initiative aimed at creating a cohort of so-called unicorns (startups valued at over $1 billion), the Japanese government involves industrial leaders as judges who help select applicants for the program. These people then act as coaches and mentors to the startups. Japan’s lead firms are, in return, exposed to innovative technologies and startup culture.
In a similar way, South Korea’s K-Startup Grand Challenge connects participating foreign startups with the country’s chaebol for proof-of-concept development. The government cites partnership and licensing agreements between the parties as an important outcome of the program. Through these connections, Korea’s big businesses have another mechanism for accessing innovative ideas and talent from abroad.
Governments that want to compete with China or the US cannot continue on their existing path. They need to do something different, and Japan and South Korea’s approach offers an alternative.
These approaches are not without downsides. There is, of course, the risk of well-resourced corporations operating “kill zones” around their business lines. This might involve early low-value mergers and acquisitions, or even copying their products in a bid to eliminate them.
The central position of large firms to the economy also means that the innovation agenda of startups is set by incumbent firms. This fosters complementary products, and not those that disrupt – and ultimately improve – domestic firms or technologies. There’s also the worry of perceived corruption.
But I argue that pursuing a half-committed strategy is riskier. If governments maintain a wall between big business and startups, believing this is essential to minimise corruption and that large firms will innovate just as startups will scale-up into larger firms, they risk underwhelming outcomes on all levels.
We may see flailing productivity in the sectors in which countries have excelled. And scale-ups will fail to materialise while populations of “zombie startups”, that simply stagnate while propped up on state largesse, increase.
Startups should be considered as resources to boost nationwide industrial capabilities, not efforts aimed at seeding a country’s answer to Silicon Valley’s Google or OpenAI.
Robyn Klingler-Vidra is the vice dean for global engagement and an associate professor in political economy and entrepreneurship, King’s College London.
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
asiatimes.com · by Robyn Klingler Vidra · July 18, 2025
5. From propaganda to passion: N. Korean TV show mimics K-drama to fend off banned media from the South
If you cannot beat them, join them. KJU and the PAD are figuring out that they cannot cut off information so they must try to compete.
This is another indicator of the power and importance of outside information.
From propaganda to passion: N. Korean TV show mimics K-drama to fend off banned media from the South
Summary
- North Korea released "A New Spring In The Field Of Manchurian Cranes", a drama with South Korean tropes which signals changing social norms.
- The drama addresses corruption and modern farming, but still promotes the regime's directives, amid strict laws against South Korean media consumption.
- Despite changes, experts believe North Koreans will still watch banned South Korean dramas, while authorities learn new production techniques.
straitstimes.com · July 19, 2025
SEOUL – A new North Korean television drama has drawn attention for its plot and characters that are more reminiscent of K-dramas produced in South Korea – a soft-power phenomenon that Pyongyang has been trying to curb within its shores.
Just like hit Netflix K-drama When Life Gives You Tangerines, which aired recently, the hermit kingdom’s latest drama,
A New Spring In The Field Of Manchurian Cranes,
features a romantic subplot involving young star-crossed lovers facing parental objections.This marks a big shift in tone for North Korean TV dramas, which are usually heavy on propaganda and light on emotions; this cultural offering of the North even includes a romantic trope used in the dramas of the South.
It features a scene in which a man dons an apron and makes dinner for his family, signalling a change in social norms in North Korea, a society with deep patriarchal roots.
For this reason, the 22-episode drama series has reportedly created a buzz in North Korea after it aired from April 16 to June 24.
The July issue of
Geumsu Gangsan
, a North Korean monthly periodical that covers culture, health and food matters, reported “high viewership ratings” for the new drama, with members of the public stopping the actors in the street to praise them for their realistic performances, and the male romantic lead “gaining popularity among female viewers”.Dr Yee Ji-sun, a researcher at the Korea Institute for National Unification, told The Sunday Times that the marked shift in plot development, character behaviour, and dialogue from previous staid North Korean productions is likely an attempt to move towards offering more engaging content to North Korean viewers, to prevent them from consuming banned foreign media.
“The drama seems to have adopted a trendier drama style from the South that North Koreans may have become familiar with,” said Dr Yee. “Such a style would also be enjoyable and interesting even to those who have never watched a South Korean drama in their lives.”
North Korea, which has been closed off from most of the world for decades, maintains a tight fist on foreign media entering its shores, including productions from South Korea.
The drama – the first since a 2023 series about a North Korean prosecutor’s battle against hidden anti-party elements and traitors, titled A Prosecutor’s Note – comes amid Pyongyang’s crackdown on the consumption of South Korean entertainment in particular.
In December 2020, punishment for those caught watching or possessing South Korean entertainment was increased from a maximum of five years in hard labour camps, to a maximum of 15 years.
Those found guilty of distributing such materials may even face the death penalty.
North Korean law also prohibits its citizens from “speaking, writing or singing in South Korean style”, an offence punishable by up to two years of hard labour.
The first episode features a scene with a man donning an apron and making dinner for his family, signalling a change in social norms.
PHOTO: SCREENGRAB FROM KOREAN CENTRAL TV
In 2021, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un declared that K-pop was a “vicious cancer” spreading “anti-socialist influence” and “corrupting the attire, hairstyles, speeches, behaviour” of young North Koreans.
At a UN High Commissioner for Human Rights event in Seoul on June 25, North Korean defectors shared chilling testimonies of public executions of distributors of K-drama and K-pop materials, with as many as 12 people executed at one go. These were held twice every three months.
“A 22-year-old I knew was publicly executed for distributing three South Korean dramas and about 70 K-pop songs,” said Mr Kim Il-hyuk, who defected with his family in May 2023.
Dr Immanuel Kim, a specialist in North Korean literature and cinema at the George Washington University in the US, pointed out that the characters in the new drama are better dressed, with the men sporting more stylish haircuts than those in previous productions.
He also noted that most of the housing featured in the drama contains newer and more modern designs, likely a showcase of Mr Kim’s “New Era Rural Revolution” initiative launched in 2021.
The initiative aims to revitalise rural areas by improving agricultural productivity, building new housing and bridging the urban-rural divide.
Despite the switch-up in North Korea’s drama production, Dr Kim believes that North Koreans will still continue to watch banned South Korean dramas in secret.
“I think the authorities and filmmakers are also watching the dramas closely to learn new techniques and editing skills. While the messaging will not change for a very long time, the presentation of the dramas has changed and become more palatable to more modern and younger tastes,” he said.
Indeed, some of the lines in A New Spring In The Field Of Manchurian Cranes would not be out of place in a typical K-drama.
Set in a neglected and underdeveloped rural county, the story revolves around agricultural researcher Kyoung-mi, who helps the farming community adopt modern techniques to exceed grain production targets set by the capital.
In the process, she forms close ties with the community, and joins in their fight against corruption.
The new North Korean drama, A New Spring In The Field Of Manchurian Cranes, shows a marked shift away from the usual heavy propaganda.
PHOTO: SCREENGRAB FROM KOREAN CENTRAL TV
Kyoung-mi has been dating prosecutor Yeong-deok for four years, but the latter’s parents are against the romance.
In one scene, Yeong-deok’s mother is seen telling Kyoung-mi that marriage is not just about two people liking each other, and that it is “important to win over the hearts of the parents-in-law, too”, before beseeching Kyoung-mi to “be the one to walk away first”.
A show review in the
Chosun Sinbo
, a pro-Pyongyang newspaper published in Japan, said that while the drama had “meticulously incorporated the Party’s ideas and policies related to new rural construction... it also raised deeply meaningful human issues drawn from daily work and life, presenting answers through vivid storytelling”.Romance aside, Dr Yee told ST that, thematically, “the drama is still similar to conventional North Korean dramas in that the characters’ passionate labour aligns with the directives of the regime”.
The inclusion of the scene in which the apron-wearing man is cooking for his family also reflects the evolving perceptions of gender division of labour in North Korea, especially among younger people, noted Dr Yee.
Dr Lee Ae Ran, who defected from North Korea to the South in 1997 and is now an activist as well as a restaurateur, told ST that men helping out in the kitchen is not a new phenomenon in North Korea, but noted that this was the first time it has been shown on TV.
She said: “For it to appear in a drama, that is probably something done intentionally as a message, knowing that it will be seen outside of North Korea, too.”
straitstimes.com · July 19, 2025
6. Top security adviser heads for U.S. as tariff deadline nears
Ambassador Wi Sung Lac is racking up the frequent flyer miles.
Top security adviser heads for U.S. as tariff deadline nears | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Minji · July 20, 2025
SEOUL, July 20 (Yonhap) -- National Security Adviser Wi Sung-lac has reportedly departed for the United States on Sunday, a ruling bloc official said, with less than two weeks left until the Aug. 1 negotiation deadline for tariff talks with the Donald Trump administration.
The reported visit comes just 11 days after Wi visited the U.S. from July 6-9 to meet with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, raising views his latest trip is aimed at engaging with high-level counterparts to accelerate tariff negotiations.
While the presidential office declined to confirm whether Wi has left for Washington, a ruling party bloc official confirmed the top security adviser's departure.
Following his trip earlier this month, Wi said South Korea has proposed a "package deal" encompassing economic and security considerations in bilateral tariff negotiations.
To advance negotiations on these matters, Wi said he also proposed that President Lee Jae Myung hold a summit with Trump in the near future, adding Secretary Rubio expressed his support.
Wi's visit, meanwhile, comes as Seoul's newly appointed finance and foreign ministers are expected to visit the U.S. soon to discuss pending issues.
Finance Minister Koo Yun-cheol is arranging plans to visit Washington next week, while Foreign Minister Cho Hyun is seeking a U.S. visit later this month.
Earlier this month, Trump sent a letter to Lee that said his administration would start imposing 25 percent tariffs on all South Korean products imported on Aug. 1, which effectively extended the initial tariff deadline and allowed more time for negotiations.
National Security Adviser Wi Sung-lac (L) attends a Cabinet meeting at the presidential office in Seoul on July 15, 2025. (Yonhap)
mlee@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Minji · July 20, 2025
7. N. Korea boasts of rich wheat harvest despite int'l concerns about food shortage
The old saying. Figures lie and liars figure.
N. Korea boasts of rich wheat harvest despite int'l concerns about food shortage | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Haye-ah · July 20, 2025
SEOUL, July 20 (Yonhap) -- North Korea said Sunday it expects this year's wheat harvest to be more than triple that of 2021.
In a front-page story, the Rodong Sinmun, the North's main newspaper, wrote that harvests of wheat and barley exceeded the national grain production plan.
"The wheat cultivation area is growing every year, and this year alone, it increased by over 30,000 jongbo from last year," the paper said, referring to a unit equivalent to about 10,000 square meters.
Despite the North's claims, international agencies have reported chronic food shortages in the country.
In March, the Food and Agriculture Organization designated North Korea as a country in need of outside food aid for the 19th consecutive year.
This file photo, provided by North Korea's official Korean Central News Agency, shows an exhibition of flour-based dishes in Pyongyang on Nov. 5, 2024. (For Use Only in the Republic of Korea. No Redistribution) (Yonhap)
hague@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Haye-ah · July 20, 2025
8. Special counsel questions unification minister in martial law probe
Oh no.
Special counsel questions unification minister in martial law probe | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Haye-ah · July 20, 2025
SEOUL, July 20 (Yonhap) -- Special counsel Cho Eun-suk's team was questioning Unification Minister Kim Yung-ho on Sunday as part of its investigation into former President Yoon Suk Yeol's failed attempt to impose martial law.
Kim was summoned to the special counsel's office inside the Seoul High Prosecutors Office in southern Seoul to be questioned as a witness in the case.
The minister was one of five Cabinet members called to the presidential office on Dec. 3, shortly before Yoon declared martial law.
He has previously testified that he sought to persuade the then president to refrain from issuing the decree, citing its potential damage to the economy and South Korea-U.S. relations.
Unification Minister Kim Yung-ho arrives at special counsel Cho Eun-suk's office in southern Seoul on July 20, 2025, to undergo questioning over former President Yoon Suk Yeol's failed martial law bid. (Yonhap)
hague@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Haye-ah · July 20, 2025
9. Special counsel detains drone command chief in martial law probe
(LEAD) Special counsel detains drone command chief in martial law probe | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Minji · July 20, 2025
(ATTN: ADDS details on hearing schedule in 5th para)
SEOUL, July 20 (Yonhap) -- Special counsel Cho Eun-suk's team said Sunday it has detained the head of the Drone Operations Command and sought a warrant to formally arrest him over charges related to former President Yoon Suk Yeol's martial law attempt.
Maj. Gen. Kim Yong-dae was detained without a warrant on Friday, a day after the special counsel team questioned him over charges of benefiting the enemy, drafting fabricated documents and power abuse.
The charges stem from allegations he followed Yoon's order to dispatch drones to North Korea last year to justify the former president's future declaration of martial law.
"At 2 p.m. today, we requested an arrest warrant for Commander Kim," the special counsel team said in a notice to the press. "We requested the arrest warrant based on crimes we have verified so far, as there was reason to place him in custody."
The Seoul Central District Court will hold a hearing on whether to issue the arrest warrant for Kim at 3 p.m. Monday.
With Kim in custody, the special counsel team is expected to probe deeper into charges Yoon incited foreign aggression by ordering the drone dispatch.
The team suspects Yoon gave the order directly to the command without going through the defense ministry or the Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) in order to incite the North's retaliation and use it as a pretext for imposing martial law.
Kim has rejected the allegations, saying the drone operation followed legal procedures under instructions from the JCS and had nothing to do with the martial law attempt.
Maj. Gen. Kim Yong-dae, chief of the Drone Operations Command, speaks to reporters upon arrival at the Seoul High Prosecutors Office in the capital on July 17, 2025, to be questioned by a special counsel team over former President Yoon Suk Yeol's insurrection charges in connection with his Dec. 3 martial law declaration. (Yonhap)
hague@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Minji · July 20, 2025
10. Hanwha Philly Shipyard mulls joining U.S. Navy ship project
Hanwha Philly Shipyard mulls joining U.S. Navy ship project | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Choi Kyong-ae · July 20, 2025
SEOUL, July 20 (Yonhap) -- Hanwha Philly Shipyard, owned by South Korea's chemicals-to-shipbuilding conglomerate Hanwha Group, is considering bidding for the U.S. Navy's combat support ship construction project, the group said Sunday.
At a recent media briefing in Philadelphia, the shipyard's CEO David Kim said Hanwha is in "discussions" about participating in the project.
An additional U.S. defense budget of more than US$20 billion has been approved for the construction of combat and support ships, he said, adding the Senate and House of Representatives are discussing how to execute the funding.
Some of the planned combat support ships are the type of vessels Hanwha is capable of building, which is why the company needs to win the bid, Kim said.
The company is already preparing documents for submission to the U.S. Navy and getting ready for the bidding process, he added.
This undated file photo, provided by Hanwha Philly Shipyard, shows its Philadelphia-based shipyard. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
Hanwha Group acquired Philly Shipyard Inc. for $100 million last year as part of its global expansion strategy.
Through the acquisition, Hanwha aims not only to enter the market for building 3,600 twenty-foot equivalent unit (TEU) liquefied natural gas-powered container carriers and LNG ships but also to win contracts to supply components for U.S. Navy vessels and potentially build Navy ships in the long term.
"The U.S. defense budget focuses on combat ships, nuclear submarines and aircraft carriers. But a fleet cannot go into battle with only attack vessels. It needs support ships as well," said Lee Jong-moo, head of Hanwha Philly Shipyard.
"U.S. support shipbuilding capability has weakened and fallen behind schedule, so the U.S. is considering placing orders with foreign shipyards if support ships can be built quickly," he added.
U.S. President Donald Trump has emphasized the need to revive the U.S. shipbuilding industry and the importance of partnering with allies, including South Korea, a global leader in naval vessel construction.
In April, U.S. Secretary of the Navy John Phelan visited Hanwha Ocean Co.'s shipyard in Geoje, about 330 kilometers south of Seoul, to discuss cooperation in naval defense. Trump's eldest son, Donald Trump Jr., also visited Seoul that month for meetings with Hanwha officials, including Hanwha Group Vice Chairman Kim Dong-kwan, to explore potential partnerships.
kyongae.choi@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Choi Kyong-ae · July 20, 2025
11. Foreign ownership of Samsung Electronics tops 50 pct again
Foreign ownership of Samsung Electronics tops 50 pct again
en.yna.co.kr
Foreign ownership of Samsung Electronics tops 50 pct again | Yonhap News Agency
Choi Kyong-ae
All News 10:54 July 20, 2025
SEOUL, July 20 (Yonhap) -- Foreign ownership of Samsung Electronics Co. has climbed back above 50 percent in the South Korean stock market, while retail investors favored SK hynix Co. this month, the main bourse said Sunday.
In the first three weeks of this month through Friday, foreign investors bought a net 1.877 trillion won (US$1.34 billion) worth of Samsung Electronics shares, more than double their net buying of 713 billion won for all of last month, according to the Korea Exchange (KRX).
As of Friday, foreigners held a 50.19 percent stake in the chip giant, rising above the mark for the first time since April 24, when their ownership stood at 50 percent.
On Thursday, Samsung Electronics shares rallied after the Supreme Court upheld the acquittal of the company's Chairman Lee Jae-yong, affirming lower court rulings that cleared him of financial crimes related to a 2015 merger between Samsung affiliates that consolidated his control over the conglomerate.
However, foreigners offloaded 301 billion won worth of SK hynix stocks in the first three weeks, ending their two-month buying streak in the broader market.
SK hynix shares slumped after Goldman Sachs on Thursday downgraded the chipmaker to neutral from buy, citing a possible decline in high bandwidth memory (HBM) prices next year amid intensifying competition.
On Thursday, Samsung rose 3.09 percent to close at 66,700 won, while SK hynix fell 8.95 percent to 269,500 won.
Affected by foreigners' portfolio adjustments, Samsung shares have gained 12.2 percent so far this month, while SK hynix has dropped 7.9 percent.
Meanwhile, retail investors took the opposite approach, buying a net 1.23 trillion won of SK hynix shares and selling 2.31 trillion won of Samsung shares during the same period.
kyongae.choi@yna.co.kr
(END)
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12. UN land mine experts visit S. Korea to discuss reducing minefield risks
And the reason they did not talk to north Korea is.......?
UN land mine experts visit S. Korea to discuss reducing minefield risks
koreaherald.com · by Hwang Joo-young · July 20, 2025
Kwon Goo-soon (left), a former professor at Seoul Cyber University and UNDP chief technical adviser in Vietnam, and Sean Moorhouse, UNDP technical adviser for mine action, pose for a photo. (courtesy of Seoul Cyber University)
Two land mine experts from the United Nations Development Program visited South Korea this week, as the devices remain a serious concern on the Korean Peninsula, particularly due to the risk of displacement caused by flooding.
The visit by Sean Moorhouse, UNDP technical adviser for mine action, and Kwon Goo-soon, UNDP chief technical adviser in Vietnam, was made at the invitation of South Korea's Defense Ministry.
Their visit aims to "provide technical advice on managing previously undocumented minefields and strengthening the systems that manage risk," Kwon said in a written interview with The Korea Herald.
"This visit continues UNDP’s longstanding cooperation with the Republic of Korea and reflects our shared commitment to making communities safer. Korea’s leadership in mine action, both at home and abroad, is deeply valued," Kwon added.
Hundreds of thousands of land mines were laid during and after the 1950–53 Korean War, especially along the heavily fortified Demilitarized Zone and other strategic areas. Many of these minefields remain uncleared, poorly mapped or entirely undocumented, posing risks to civilians, farmers and development projects.
Kwon underscored that South Korea "has made steady progress in building technical expertise and aligning its mine action work with international standards.
"The government’s focus on strengthening risk management and exploring new survey techniques shows a strong commitment to protecting its citizens."
Kwon stressed South Korea’s growing role in global mine action, noting it had become a key partner in international demining efforts through its support for countries such as Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, Ukraine and Syria.
"What sets this partnership apart is Korea’s focus on linking mine clearance with sustainable development. Clearing land is not only about removing danger: It’s about unlocking opportunities for farming, education, infrastructure and local economies," Kwon said.
For its initiatives in Vietnam, UNDP collaborates with the Korea International Cooperation Agency, an international development agency under South Korea’s Foreign Ministry, to combine mine clearance with rural development and community engagement. More recently, Korea has extended its support to demining efforts in Syria under an initiative known as "REVIVE."
Before joining the UNDP in August 2023, Kwon served as a professor of global cooperation and North Korean studies at Seoul Cyber University.
Kwon suggested that demining could be one avenue for inter-Korean cooperation.
"Historically, mine action has served as a neutral and humanitarian space for cooperation, even in politically complex environments," Kwon said. "While the current situation on the Korean Peninsula remains sensitive, mine action could offer a constructive platform for future dialogue and practical collaboration."
UNDP is currently active in about 25 countries, supporting governments in areas ranging from land clearance and risk education to victim assistance and information management.
flylikekite@heraldcorp.com
koreaherald.com · by Hwang Joo-young · July 20, 2025
13. World Baseball Softball Confederation president visits N. Korea: KCNA
north Korea needs two American sports: basketball and baseball/softball.
I wonder if the Korean people in the north even know those sports were invented in America or do they think the Kim family regime invented them in Pyongyang?
(LEAD) World Baseball Softball Confederation president visits N. Korea: KCNA | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Haye-ah · July 20, 2025
(ATTN: UPDATES with N. Korea's membership application)
SEOUL, July 20 (Yonhap) -- The president of the World Baseball Softball Confederation is visiting North Korea, the country's state media said Sunday, without providing details.
A WBSC delegation headed by Riccardo Fraccari arrived in Pyongyang on Saturday and was greeted at the airport by Park Chon-jong, vice minister of physical culture and sports, the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) said in a brief dispatch.
An article posted Friday on the WBSC website said the confederation's executive board approved new members -- North Korea's Baseball Association and the Baseball & Softball Federation of Luxembourg.
All new memberships are subject to final endorsement at the upcoming WBSC Congress to be held in Bangkok in October, it said.
Baseball and softball are not known to be popular sports in North Korea.
During a visit to South Korea in 2014, Fraccari expressed his openness to visiting North Korea to promote baseball.
World Baseball Softball Confederation President Riccardo Fraccari (L) shakes hands with Park Chon-jong, North Korea's vice minister of physical culture and sports, in this undated photo provided by the Korean Central News Agency. (Yonhap)
hague@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Haye-ah · July 20, 2025
14. Czech deputy minister urges NATO, South Korea to broaden defense ties
Yes they should. South Korea has much to offer NATO in terms of military hardware.
Czech deputy minister urges NATO, South Korea to broaden defense ties
koreaherald.com · by Sanjay Kumar · July 20, 2025
Radka Konderlova, deputy minister and director general of the Industrial Cooperation Division at the Czech Republic's Ministry of Defense, speaks in an interview with The Korea Herald on July 9. (Sanjay Kumar/ The Korea Herald)
Radka Konderlova, deputy minister and director general of the Industrial Cooperation Division at the Ministry of Defense of the Czech Republic, underscored the strategic necessity for defense cooperation between NATO members and South Korea through industrial and tech collaboration.
During her visit to Seoul, Konderlova told The Korea Herald that deeper Czech-Korean defense industry cooperation and supply chain integration would benefit both sides, enabling Korean firms to expand regionally and Czech companies to join Korean acquisition projects.
“After the fall of the Iron Curtain, Czech companies had to shift from Soviet-era systems to NATO standards, which made them highly adaptable,” she said, referring to the strength of the Czech defense industry and its long tradition.
“(Czech companies) also have extensive global contacts from the past, which is a great advantage for Korean companies looking to broaden their customer base.”
“When we talk about broader defense cooperation, we’re also referring to military-to-military contacts, which often happen through industrial cooperation,” she underscored.
Konderlova noted that Poland’s tank deal with Korea boosted military ties, suggesting similar Czech-Korean industrial cooperation could do the same. She highlighted small and medium-sized Czech defense enterprises as agile, reliable partners for foreign collaboration.
A Czech company showcases the capabilities of defense equipment at an event held on the sidelines of the ROK-Czech Joint Committee meeting at the Plaza Hotel in Seoul on July 9. (Sanjay Kumar/ The Korea Herald)
“Our defense industrial base is largely composed of SMEs, which are more flexible and responsive to partners’ needs. This makes them ideal collaborators,” Konderlova stated.
Calling the Korea-Czech defense engagement a “win-win,” she stressed that the relationship should go beyond simple exports.
“It’s not just about exporting. It’s about building mutually beneficial real partnerships —multilateral cooperation,” she said.
Konderlova cited CZ’s partnership with Korea’s SNT Motiv, involving tech transfer and joint participation in Korean defense tenders, as a model of Czech-Korean defense cooperation.
She underlined the need for local content in defense deals, urging Korean firms to partner with Czech companies to stay competitive. Highlighting Korea's advanced systems, such as the K9 and Black Eagle tank, she praised the Defense Acquisition Program Administration as a key partner, and noted the Czech Defense Industrial Cooperation Division’s role as a gateway for global tech. AI and drones, she added, are becoming central to modern defense.
Radka Konderlova, deputy minister and director general of the Industrial Cooperation Division at the Czech Republic's Ministry of Defense, speaks at an event in Seoul on Wednesday. (Sanjay Kumar/ The Korea Herald)
She recommended emerging tech such as AI, drones and cybersecurity, citing shifting battlefields in Gaza and Ukraine. Konderlova believes there is major potential in combining Czech research and development with Korean industry, and urged both countries to stay open and proactive.
“Be open-minded. Don’t be discouraged by the geographical distance between the Czech Republic and Korea,” is her message to Korean defense companies.
Konderlova thanked DAPA, highlighted strong diplomatic ties and emphasized her visit’s role in boosting partnerships. She brought Czech firms for business-to-business meetings with Korean counterparts and urged mutual participation in defense exhibitions such as Korea’s ADEX and Czech trade fairs.
Meanwhile, she also said that business developments surrounding the Dukovany nuclear power plant would bring an extensive Czech-Korea partnership.
sanjaykumar@heraldcorp.com
koreaherald.com · by Sanjay Kumar · July 20, 2025
15. Why Korea is suddenly talking about Arctic shipping route
Build more icebreakers.
Why Korea is suddenly talking about Arctic shipping route
koreaherald.com · by Lim Jae-seong · July 20, 2025
Northern shortcut promises speed, savings — but can it deliver?
Oceans and Fisheries Minister nominee Chun Jae-soo takes the oath of office ahead of his confirmation hearing at the National Assembly in Seoul, July 14. (Yonhap)
Amid intensifying climate shifts, geopolitical tensions and a scramble for new trade corridors, the Arctic shipping route is quickly emerging as a key part of South Korea’s maritime strategy — touted as both a paradigm-shifting opportunity and a logistical gamble.
Once effectively impassable, climate change has melted the sea ice enough for the Arctic passage to be a prospective sea-route between Europe and Asia. President Lee Jae Myung and the ruling Democratic Party of Korea have made it a pillar of Korea’s long-term logistics agenda, hoping to leverage Busan's location to pit it at the forefront of this shift in global shipping.
Most recently, Oceans Minister nominee Chun Jae-soo cited the Arctic route as a key reason for relocating the Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries to Busan, part of a broader plan to decentralize Seoul-centric functions and build a new growth engine in the southern port city.
Northern shortcut
The Arctic route strategy involves positioning Busan as a key logistics hub for a northern shipping passage connecting East Asia to Europe via the Arctic Ocean, offering Korea’s largest port city a potential way to overcome industrial decline and population loss.
Once blocked by thick sea ice and harsh conditions, the route is drawing attention as climate change and technology advances are expected to make commercial navigation viable within five to 10 years.
Among several Arctic Ocean passages, Korea is primarily focusing on the Northern Sea Route. It runs along the Russian coastline from the Bering Strait in the North Pacific to the Barents Sea behind the Scandinavian Peninsula.
The Arctic route has two big advantages: It could reduce the distance between Busan and Rotterdam in the Netherlands by about 7,000 kilometers, bringing it down to approximately 15,000 kilometers. The route also bypasses traditional maritime choke points in Southeast Asia and the Suez Canal.
In addition to bypassing geopolitical risks, piracy and congestion in major straits that have disrupted global logistics along traditional routes, it is expected to provide access to resource-rich development projects in Russia’s Arctic region.
Arctic sea ice extent has been declining since 1979, with signs that the rate of loss is accelerating. (US National Snow and Ice Data Center)
Busan: From port city to polar hub?
“Busan is located at the optimal starting point of the Arctic route to Europe,” said Yang Chang-ho, executive vice president of the Korea Shipowners’ Association, during a press conference in June.
“Consolidating cargo from China, Japan and Southeast Asia in Busan and forwarding it through the Arctic route is one of the most economically viable scenarios.”
The idea is based on Busan’s established status as the world’s second-largest transshipment port, after Singapore, bolstered by its location at the crossroads of East Asia’s industrial belt — South Korea, China and Japan.
In 2024, about 13.5 million twenty-foot equivalent units, representing 55 percent of Busan’s total freight volume, were transshipped through the port, making it a gateway connecting East Asian ports with distant destinations in Europe and North America.
The port also benefits from strong infrastructure inland, lying close to Korea’s largest shipbuilding yards and petrochemical complexes.
“Despite concerns about Busan’s limited bunker fuel storage capacity for long-haul routes, the city functions effectively due to its proximity to Ulsan’s petrochemical complex,” said Choi Su-beom, secretary-general of the Korea Arctic Shipping Association.
“Ships already take on bunker fuel while unloading in Busan, so future eco-friendly fuel bases, such as those for ammonia, do not necessarily need to be located within the port itself.”
Containers lie in piles at Busan Port on June 30. (Yonhap)
Route still stuck
Currently, the route accounts for less than 1 percent of global maritime traffic, due in part to international sanctions imposed on Russia following the outbreak of its war in Ukraine in 2022.
Even before sanctions, however, major European shippers such as Mediterranean Shipping, CMA CGM, Maersk and Hapag-Lloyd publicly ruled out using the route, citing environmental concerns related to icebreaking and extreme weather.
Korean shippers also have shown limited interest. Hyundai Glovis and Pan Ocean tested the route in the 2010s, but activity stalled due to the high costs of ice-class vessels and the limited navigable seasons on the route.
Limited transshipment hubs and harsh climatic conditions, which require enhanced cargo protection, are also seen as factors undermining the route’s profitability.
Han Jong-gil, a logistics professor at Sungkyul University, said, “We must factor in costs for mandatory requirements under local regulations, such as icebreaker escorts and polar-certified pilots.”
He estimated that the new route could increase costs by 5 to 30 percent compared to the traditional route.
“Additionally, since Russia controls the entire route, what can we do if the country blocks passage there?” Han added.
South Korea’s only icebreaking research vessel, the Araon, which departed on July 3 for a 91-day mission to survey seabed conditions near the Bering Strait (Yonhap)
Polar race heating up
Despite the uncertainty, international competition for the Arctic shipping route is gaining momentum, largely driven by China, which promotes it as the “Polar Silk Road.”
China’s NewNew Shipping operates a container carrier service between Shanghai and Russia’s northwestern city of Arkhangelsk, raising speculation that Shanghai aims to become a key hub for the northern route.
Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin issued a joint statement pledging to “enhance mutually profitable cooperation on the Arctic shipping route," during Xi's visit to Moscow in May.
Japan has scaled back its involvement in the route since the start of Russia's war in Ukraine in 2022, but continues to hold stakes in Arctic resource development, aligning with Russia’s interest in partnering with foreign companies to tap into its Arctic resources.
Earlier this month, a senior official from the Japanese government-backed Organization for Metals and Energy Security reaffirmed its intention to maintain a 10 percent stake in the Arctic LNG 2 project on Russia’s Arctic coast, according to Russia’s Tass news agency.
The stake is jointly held with Mitsui O.S.K. Lines, Japan’s second-largest shipping company, despite years of sanctions on the project.
Experts stress that coordination with the Russian government, now stalled due to sanctions, is essential for accessing the route, as navigability depends heavily on Russian policies.
With such coordination difficult under current conditions, they also point to the need for Korea to nurture competitive shipping companies based in Busan that can secure sufficient cargo volume to sustain operations along the Northern Sea Route.
"In terms of total volume — including imports, exports and transshipment — Shanghai far surpasses Busan, handling more than twice the amount," Choi added.
"For Busan to firmly establish itself as a hub port, it must build the commercial capability to attract smaller cargo flows from surrounding regions."
forestjs@heraldcorp.com
koreaherald.com · by Lim Jae-seong · July 20, 2025
16. FATBOY KIM Fridge-raiding Kim Jong-un ‘sparing no expense’ to get hands on Ozempic – but he’ll test on guinea pig civilians first
Yes we always need a little tabloid reporting on Fatboy Kim (wasn't he a pop music guy? oh not that was Fatboy Slim)
Lots of photos at the link.
FATBOY KIM Fridge-raiding Kim Jong-un ‘sparing no expense’ to get hands on Ozempic – but he’ll test on guinea pig civilians first
Kim is suspected to suffer from high blood pressure and diabetes, as well as gout
https://www.the-sun.com/news/14760594/kim-jong-un-ozempic-test-civilians/
-
Katie Davis, Chief Foreign Reporter (Digital)
- Published: 3:30 ET, Jul 19 2025Updated: 7:05 ET, Jul 19 2025
KIM Jong-un is "sparing no effort or expense" to get his hands on weight-loss drugs after piling the pounds back on, insiders have revealed.
It comes as sources told how the North Korean tyrant's obesity-related health problems has forced a shift in his role as Supreme Leader.
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Kim, pictured on July 12, appears to have piled the pounds back onCredit: AFP
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Kim notably lost a lot of weight in 2021Credit: EPA
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Kim and daughter Ju-ae, both centre, visiting the Wonsan Kalma coastal tourist area on June 24Credit: AFP
Wary Kim has now ordered his close confidants to find new medicines abroad to help him trim back, such as Ozempic or a similar drug.
Insiders say fridge-raider Kim - who is known to have a legendary appetite - will likely bulk-buy a weight-loss drug before testing it on citizens with a similar figure.
One senior North Korea observer said: "If the past is any guide, it is probable that they'd make a bulk purchase.
"Because it's a new drug and a new drug to Kim, they might select North Korean citizens with a similar body type and medical history as Kim so they try the drug first for any side effects.
More on North Korea
KILLER KIM Raging Kim could execute his OWN staff over stag party-style bash 'with escorts'
"Kim's father, Kim Jong Il, once had some of his aides injected with opiates.
"That way, if he became dependent or addicted, they'd all have to detox together."
Plump Kim, who stands at just 5ft 6ins, tipped the scales at a whopping 22 stone at his largest before shedding the pounds.
Eye-opening images revealed a drastic weight loss in 2021 - but the Supreme Leader has again ballooned to up to over 20 stone.
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Kim's health has long raised eyebrows - and his love for cigarettes, drinking and imported cheese is a far cry from a healthy diet.
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He is suspected to suffer from high blood pressure and diabetes, as well as gout - joint pain linked to a rich diet.
Both Kim's father and grandfather died from heart issues, making the dictator likely fearful of the same fate.
Michael Madden, founder of NK Leadership Watch, told The Sun: "When we see him in state media reporting, he is often sitting down.
"He doesn't walk any great distances, and he uses the car more often to travel short distances at public engagements.
"This also raises the question - what has caused the weight gain?
"Is it a combination of compulsive stress eating, a sedentary lifestyle and lack of physical activity? Is it a side effect of medication?
"If Kim is on medications, do they treat a chronic medical condition that might result in weight gain or metabolism issues?
"Then again, do Kim's doctors tell him the truth about his health or conceal a more serious problem?"
South Korean spies this month claimed Kim is on the hunt for new weight-loss medicines such as Ozempic from Western countries.
And his inner circle will be doing everything they can to get their hands on what their Dear Leader demands.
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Kim shakes hands with Russian culture minister Olga Lyubimova on June 29Credit: EPA
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Kim pictured on February 8, 2021, left, and June 15, 2021, rightCredit: AP
Mr Madden added: "When it comes to the leader's medical treatments, the regime spares no effort or expense to import the best available medicine, medical devices etc, from foreign countries, usually from Central Europe.
"If things get pretty dire, the North Koreans will retain foreign physicians and other specialists.
"The way this happens is through the Personal Secretariat, which is Kim's executive office as leader and runs his households and domestic life.
"The Personal Secretariat has what they call a 'network of correspondents'.
"These are elite North Koreans working either in small work teams or as individuals at North Korean embassies or other foreign missions.
"They perform a number of discreet tasks on behalf of Kim and some core elites - collecting or interpreting information, making purchases, conducting off the record interactions."
Top insiders noted "significant process changes in the regime" as Kim's daughter Ju-ae takes on an "expanding" role - while the dumpy despot takes more of a backseat at events.
Kim has yet to anoint an official successor - though his daughter, believed to be 12 or 13, is touted as a strong possibility.
When it comes to the leader's medical treatments, the regime spares no effort or expense to import the best available medicine, medical devices etc, from foreign countries, usually from Central Europe
Michael Madden
One source said: "Restrictions on or disappearing of senior officials from public events is a sign of political transition or regime collapse; in North Korea, it's the former.
"The biggest things here are his inaccessibility at public events and the evolving public presence of Ju-ae.
"Kim used to be fairly easy to interact with at public events, now they hang back and don't engage as freely as before.
"Ju-ae's role and profile have expanded. In the last month, she has started wearing new, more mature clothing. She's starting to resemble her mum.
"Ju-ae is also interacting with foreign and DPRK leadership figures more readily."
Rumours have also swirled Kim's Gucci-loving daughter Ju-ae is on route to one day take the reins after she was seen accompanying her father at several missile launches.
She is regularly presented in carefully controlled state media as his "beloved" and "precious" child - fuelling rumours about her role in the regime in the future.
Kim's iron-fist sister Kim Yo-jong, wife Ri Sol ju, brother Kim Jong-chul, his top generals - premier Kim Tok-hun, general Choe Ryong-hae and marshal Pak Jong-chon could also be in the running.
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A source added: "We are definitely seeing the outliers for succession.
"The 10th Party Congress in 2031 will likely be Ju-ae's major debut as a North Korean elite."
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Kim and his daughter inspect an air force demonstration on November 30, 2023Credit: AP
Kim's legendary appetite
INTELLIGENCE services and insiders have previously claimed Kim Jong-un is a prolific binge eater, drinker and smoker.
The Kim family’s ex-sushi chef Kenji Fujimoto has claimed the dictator once boasted he had consumed “10 bottles of Bordeaux" during a meal.
Kim is also reportedly absolutely crackers about Emmental cheese after developing a taste for it while studying in Switzerland as a teen.
Cheese and wine are not the only treats Kim enjoys however, with only the best being good enough for the North Korean leader as his people starve and live in poverty.
Kim's staff reportedly brought along a host of high calorie and luxurious foods for their leader during his summit with US President Donald Trump in Vietnam in March 2019.
A team of personal chefs was also brought along to help tend to Kim - with the cook at Hanoi’s luxury Metropole saying they tasted dishes for an hour to make sure they were perfect for their leader.
Cavier and lobster are both also reportedly part of Kim's palate, even though both are banned from being imported into North Korea by the United Nations.
Kim is also a fan of the delicacy shark fin soup, according to Mr Fujimoto.
Booze-loving Kim also reportedly likes to drink at least two bottles of Cristal Champagne per sitting, the chef said.
Bottles of the ritzy plonk can cost up to £7,500 - meaning Kim could drink away £15,000 during every meal.
Hundreds of thousands of bottle of cognac and vodka are also reportedly regularly imported to the Pyongyang, believed to be bound for Kim and the North Korea elite.
Kim is also reported to have pushed from a Western-style burger joint - such as a McDonald's - to open in North Korea during talks with the US.
Kim allegedly hated being called fat - being dubbed Kim Fatty III in Chinese media.
North Korea officials reportedly made a state request to China to get them to drop the nickname.
Other insulting names used by Kim's nearest ally include Kim Fat Fatty and Kim Abundant III.
Donald Trump even called Kim "short and fat" on Twitter as the two traded barbs before their string of high profile summits in 2018.
North Korea experts have previously claimed Kim's weight is actually a well-cultivated ploy to make him look like his revered grandfather Kim Il-sung.
His grandad is also claimed to have been a gourmand, having cows fed beer and had them massaged to make the meat more tender.
Kim's dad Kim Jong-il also died of a heart attack in 2011.
And while people may crack jokes about Kim's weight battle, around 40% of North Korea's population is undernourished.
Topics
De Oppresso Liber,
David Maxwell
Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy
Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation
Editor, Small Wars Journal
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
Phone: 202-573-8647
email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com
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