Quotes of the Day:

"Unlimited power in the hands of limited people always leads to cruelty."

– Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn

"The price of anything is the amount of life you exchange for it."

– Henry David Thoreau

"We should not speak so that it is possible for the audience to understand us, but so that it is impossible for them to misunderstand us."

– Quintilian

1. North Korea Refuses to Claim Body of Dead Citizen Held by the South

2. Reviving the 1979 playbook: What NATO’s Cold War shift teaches the US-Japan-South Korea alliance

3. Pentagon policy chief calls S. Korea 'role model' for N. Korea deterrence, defense spending

4. No signs of N. Korea removing border loudspeakers against S. Korea: military

5. USAF Starts Building Second F-16 ‘Super Squadron’ in Korea

6.  U.S. not taking 90 pct of profit from Korean investment under tariff deal: industry minister

7. N. Korean delegation of prosecutors heads to Russia amid cooperation

8. White House official calls for choosing AI future aligned with U.S. technology

9. S. Korea-US tariff deal stalls on documentation amid interpretation gap

10. Seoul rushes to reaffirm stable Beijing ties after FM calls China 'problematic'

11. Removal of loudspeakers

12. Daughter of Korean priest detained by ICE after visa hearing

1. North Korea Refuses to Claim Body of Dead Citizen Held by the South

​Are receiving and understanding the message from the regime? They refuse to engage with the South even on basica humanitarian issues that any other country with basic moral values would want to engage.. I am sure Kim has two desired outcomes:

First is the longer that he refuses to engage the greater the likelihood that the South will offer something significant in return for just a meeting. Recall the more than $1 billion Kim Jong Il extorted from Kim Dae Jung for the 2000 summit. KJU will certainly want to top his father.

And there is a big difference between now and 2000 that will cause KJU to demand more than his father received. And that is because he is receiving significant support from not only his global illicit activities (to include cyber and proliferation) but also his major illicit activity of renting his military to Putin while still receiving significant support from China. He is no longer desperate for help which will drive his price for a meeting with South Korea sky high. Will the South make an attempt to pay such a price?

Second, any significant actions of appeasement may create friction in the alliance. It is a major line of effort of KJU's political warfare strategy to drive a wedge in the ROK/US alliance. And of course he may desire to engage with the US first also as a way to snub the South and create friction that way.

We must assess KJU's actions through the lens of the political warfare and blackmail diplomacy strategy of th regime.

North Korea Refuses to Claim Body of Dead Citizen Held by the South

The denial of a routine handover comes as South Korea’s new leader tries to improve ties with Pyongyang

By Timothy W. Martin

Follow

 and Soobin Kim

Aug. 5, 2025 8:32 am ET

Lee Jae Myung, South Korea’s new leader, has promoted a less confrontational stance toward North Korea. Photo: Kyodonews/ZUMA Press

Key Points

What's This?

• North Korea did not respond to the deadline to claim the body of a North Korean farmworker found in the South.
• South Korea will proceed with funeral arrangements after Pyongyang’s refusal to coordinate the return of the remains.
• The impasse follows South Korea’s attempts to improve relations, including halting loudspeaker broadcasts and reviewing tourism bans.

SEOUL—Attempts by the new government of South Korea to improve relations with its neighbor hit a snag Tuesday, after Pyongyang failed to respond to a deadline to claim the body of a North Korean farmworker.

The body of Ko Song Chol was found on a South Korean island less than 6 miles from the two countries’ maritime border. Ko, 36, was from a North Korean county about 25 miles inland, according to his identification papers. South Korean officials didn’t say how he died.

South Korean authorities on Tuesday said they would start funeral proceedings for Ko. His remains will be cremated, they said.

The refusal of the North to coordinate the routine handover of the remains is the latest sign of Pyongyang’s increased animus toward Seoul. North Korean leader Kim Jong Un last year said the North would rewrite its constitution to label South Korea as its principal enemy.

The bodies of North Koreans periodically end up in the South. The two countries share various waterways, and North Korea is susceptible to deadly flash floods and mudslides, especially during the summer months.

The impasse over the body comes after Lee Jae Myung, South Korea’s new left-leaning leader, promised to break with the more confrontational stance toward Pyongyang of his conservative predecessor.

Shortly after Lee took office in June, South Korean loudspeakers that once blared K-pop music and antiregime news over the border went quiet. Six North Koreans held in the South were repatriated in early July, and the South Korean minister largely in charge of North Korean relations proposed that joint U.S.-South Korea military drills—which Kim frequently criticizes—could be potentially scaled back.

The Lee administration has also reviewed lifting the ban on individual tourism to North Korea and relaxed the need for government signoff before South Koreans contact anyone inside the country, even family members. On Monday, the South started dismantling the loudspeakers altogether.

Last week Kim Yo Jong, Kim’s younger sister, rebuked the Lee administration. She said relations between the two countries hadn’t changed and blamed South Korea’s “blind trust” in the U.S. alliance for the standoff.

Write to Timothy W. Martin at Timothy.Martin@wsj.com

2. Reviving the 1979 playbook: What NATO’s Cold War shift teaches the US-Japan-South Korea alliance

​Excerpts:

Conclusion

The US–Japan–South Korea alliance today stands where NATO stood in 1979—on the edge of a systemic challenge. The choice is stark: reactive deterrence or proactive integration. History makes clear that only the latter endures. A future in which China and North Korea act in concert is more than a military contingency—it is a strategic test of political will, alliance credibility, and adaptability. By drawing on the lessons of 1979, the trilateral alliance can evolve from ad hoc coordination to a confident, integrated posture—one capable of defending peace and stability on both flanks of the Indo-Pacific.

Reviving the 1979 playbook: What NATO’s Cold War shift teaches the US-Japan-South Korea alliance - CEIAS

ceias.eu · by Ju Hyung Kim · August 4, 2025

Aug 4, 2025 in CEIAS Insights

As tensions rise across both the Taiwan Strait and the Korean Peninsula, the United States, Japan, and South Korea face an increasing risk of a two-front crisis—one that ominously recalls the strategic shock of 1979.

Key takeaways:

1. China’s escalating military pressure on Taiwan and North Korea’s advancing nuclear arsenal, compounded by deepening Russia–North Korea ties, make a dual contingency scenario increasingly plausible in East Asia.
2. As NATO did in response to the Soviet threat in 1979, the US–Japan–South Korea alliance must formalize joint contingency planning, establish integrated logistics frameworks, and conduct high-end trilateral exercises to enhance readiness and deterrence.
3. A dedicated trilateral offset strategy and the establishment of an Extended Deterrence Planning Group are essential to maintaining a technological edge and ensuring credible nuclear deterrence in the face of potential coordinated aggression.

The challenges now confronting the Indo-Pacific alliance are not theoretical; they are unfolding in real time. Beijing has intensified military coercion around Taiwan, simulating amphibious landings and rehearsing saturation missile strikes on US bases. Meanwhile, Pyongyang has declared itself a “responsible nuclear state,” unveiled tactical nuclear war plans, and entered into a mutual defense pact with Moscow. Though these developments are distinct, they increasingly suggest a convergence of threats across East Asia’s two most volatile flashpoints.

The US–Japan–South Korea alliance cannot afford to respond reactively. During the Cold War, NATO’s turning point came when it recognized that countering Soviet assertiveness required more than force. It also demanded integration of strategy, logistics, and political will. Between 1979 and 1985, this shift produced the Double-Track Decision, new forward deployments, and an unprecedented drive for allied defense innovation. A similar transformation is now urgently needed in the Indo-Pacific.

1979: strategic shock and Western realignment

The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979 was the most visible manifestation of a deeper strategic shift already underway. Even before that point, the late 1970s had seen the Soviet Union deploy SS-20 intermediate-range missiles aimed at Western Europe, expand its naval reach in the Mediterranean and Indian Ocean, and exploit a political-military malaise in the United States in the wake of the Vietnam War and the Watergate scandal.

In response, NATO undertook both strategic and structural adaptations. The 1979 Double-Track Decision committed the alliance to deploying 572 US missiles (Pershing IIs and ground-launched cruise missiles) in Europe, while simultaneously engaging the Soviet Union in arms control negotiations. Concurrently, the US defense budget rose by more than 25% between 1980 and 1984, fueling a wave of technological innovation, including the development of stealth aircraft, real-time battlefield command, control, communications, and intelligence, and advanced cruise missile systems.

Underlying these responses was a growing realization: Western Europe could no longer rely solely on US extended deterrence. Instead, it required credible local capabilities, stronger investments in defense-industrial capacity, and greater political cohesion.

Western European allies responded with meaningful policy shifts. West Germany and the United Kingdom agreed to host the newly deployed US intermediate-range missiles as part of the Double-Track Decision, despite intense domestic opposition. While countries like the Netherlands and Belgium hesitated on deployment decisions, several NATO members gradually increased defense spending and invested in interoperability and host-nation support infrastructure. Politically, key European leaders aligned with Washington’s strategic direction, endorsing deterrence through strength even as arms control talks with the Soviet Union continued in parallel.

It is precisely this historical insight that today’s US–Japan–South Korea trilateral alliance must internalize.

Contemporary parallels: two theaters, one challenge

In today’s Indo-Pacific, the United States, Japan, and South Korea face an increasingly plausible scenario in which threats from China and North Korea become synchronized. China has repeatedly signaled that reunification with Taiwan cannot be delayed indefinitely. Its military exercises now routinely simulate blockades, amphibious landings, and decapitation strikes. The People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) has surpassed the US Navy in total number of vessels, and China’s Rocket Force has conducted rehearsals for saturation missile attacks on US bases in Okinawa and Guam.

Meanwhile, North Korea under Kim Jong Un has declared itself a “responsible nuclear weapons state” and publicly outlined both tactical and strategic nuclear strike plans. Pyongyang’s emphasis on preemptive nuclear doctrine, combined with Kim’s sole authority over launch decisions and ongoing testing of dual-use missile systems, signals not only growing capability, but also increasingly aggressive intent.

Complicating the regional threat landscape is the deepening Russia–North Korea relationship. Arms transfers and a newly announced mutual defense pledge echo the bloc politics of the Cold War. North Korean leader Kim Jong Un’s vocal support for Russia’s war in Ukraine, along with Vladimir Putin’s endorsement of North Korea’s position on the Korean Peninsula, further blur the boundaries between Eurasian and East Asian security theaters.

Taken together, these developments resemble the multi-directional threats NATO confronted in the late 1970s. But there is one critical difference: by that time, NATO had already established decades of institutional cohesion, integrated command structures, and operational interoperability. The US–Japan–South Korea trilateral alliance has not yet achieved such strategic unity.

Policy recommendations

The US–Japan–South Korea alliance must formalize dual-theater crisis planning. During the Cold War, NATO adopted General Defense Plans that coordinated operations across the Central Front, Northern Flank, and Atlantic resupply corridors. Similarly, the trilateral alliance should establish a Combined Contingency Planning Staff (CCPS) tasked with simulating and preparing for concurrent regional crises, such as a People’s Liberation Army (PLA) amphibious landing on Taiwan occurring simultaneously with North Korean saturation missile strikes on Busan and Seoul.

The allies must expand forward basing and integrate logistics infrastructure. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, NATO invested heavily in prepositioned equipment and rapid reinforcement capabilities, tested regularly through the REFORGER (Return of Forces to Germany) exercises. These drills demonstrated the ability of the US to quickly deploy troops to Europe and integrate them with forward-positioned materiel in a crisis. The US, Japan, and South Korea should adopt a similar model, prepositioning munitions and fuel in Japan’s southwestern islands and South Korea’s southeastern ports. Logistics integration should be deepened through shared sustainment hubs in Guam and Okinawa and mutual access protocols for airfields and ports to ensure seamless operational support during a contingency.

To reinforce alliance cohesion and demonstrate readiness, the trilateral partners should institutionalize high-end joint exercises. NATO’s Able Archer and Wintex drills during the Cold War were not just tactical rehearsals; they were demonstrations of allied unity and resolve. Building on recent exercises such as Freedom Shield and Noble Fusion, the alliance should launch an annual Trilateral Strategic Defense Exercise. This exercise should include multi-domain operations: carrier-based airstrikes, AI-enabled intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance missions using unmanned systems, and cyber defense simulations targeting electronic warfare threats from the PLA and North Korea.

The alliance should adopt a Trilateral Offset Strategy to preserve technological superiority. Echoing NATO’s Second Offset Strategy, which leveraged stealth, precision strikes, and digital command-and-control to outpace Soviet forces, Indo-Pacific allies must jointly pursue cutting-edge innovation. Japan could lead on sensor integration and early warning networks; South Korea on loitering munitions and autonomous ground platforms; and the United States on maritime command-and-control and satellite-based targeting systems.

Nuclear deterrence must be supported by institutionalized dialogue and shared planning. NATO’s Nuclear Planning Group played a vital role in shaping allied nuclear policy and ensuring political cohesion. The US, Japan, and South Korea should establish an Extended Deterrence Planning Group to meet quarterly, exchanging strategic assessments, aligning on targeting assumptions, and clarifying escalation thresholds. Such a body would enhance the credibility of extended deterrence and reduce the risk of miscalculation in a nuclear crisis.

Why this matters for Europe — and the Central European NATO allies

For European allies seeking to expand their engagement in the Indo-Pacific, NATO’s experience between 1979 and 1985 offers a valuable strategic reference. The cohesion, interoperability, and political alignment that enabled the Alliance to deter Soviet aggression during that period now serve as a blueprint for building credible deterrence in East Asia.

Notably, the post–Cold War transformation of Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries from Warsaw Pact states into NATO members and fully integrated Euro-Atlantic allies provides key lessons in institutional adaptation, civil-military reform, and strategic realignment. Countries such as Poland, the Czech Republic, and the Baltic States have made substantial contributions to NATO operations, upgraded their defense capabilities, and demonstrated a strong commitment to transatlantic security.

These CEE allies are well-positioned to support Indo-Pacific engagement by sharing their experience with alliance integration and strategic communication, promoting EU cooperation with key regional partners like South Korea and Japan, and advancing trilateral dialogues through Central European think tanks, regional formats, and diplomatic channels.

Conclusion

The US–Japan–South Korea alliance today stands where NATO stood in 1979—on the edge of a systemic challenge. The choice is stark: reactive deterrence or proactive integration. History makes clear that only the latter endures. A future in which China and North Korea act in concert is more than a military contingency—it is a strategic test of political will, alliance credibility, and adaptability. By drawing on the lessons of 1979, the trilateral alliance can evolve from ad hoc coordination to a confident, integrated posture—one capable of defending peace and stability on both flanks of the Indo-Pacific.

Key Topics

Geopolitics • SecurityJapanSouth KoreaChinaTaiwanNorth Korea

Authors

Ju Hyung Kim

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ceias.eu · by Ju Hyung Kim · August 4, 2025

3. Pentagon policy chief calls S. Korea 'role model' for N. Korea deterrence, defense spending

​Well I'll be damned. Bridge is now my new best friend.

Now change from "burden sharing" to "burden owning."

Pentagon policy chief calls S. Korea 'role model' for N. Korea deterrence, defense spending | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Song Sang-ho · August 6, 2025

By Song Sang-ho

WASHINGTON, Aug. 5 (Yonhap) -- A senior Pentagon official has described South Korea as a "role model" in its willingness to take "more of the lead" in defending against North Korea and in its defense spending, as Washington prioritizes deterring Chinese threats while calling on allies to take on greater security burdens.

Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Elbridge Colby made the remarks in a social media post on Thursday as he commented on a recent phone conversation between South Korean Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back and U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth.

"South Korea continues to be a role model in its willingness to take more of the lead in a strong defense against the DPRK and in its spending on defense," Colby wrote on X, formerly Twitter. DPRK is short for North Korea's official name, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.

"We and the ROK are closely aligned on the need to modernize the Alliance in response to the regional security environment. We will work closely with Seoul to ensure a strategically sustainable Alliance that is ready to defend against shared threats," he added. ROK stands for South Korea's official name, the Republic of Korea.

This photo, released by AFP, shows U.S. Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Elbridge Colby (R) and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth attending a meeting with Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. at the Pentagon in Washington on July 21, 2025. (Yonhap)

His remarks apparently underscored U.S. President Donald Trump's expectations that allies will make greater efforts for their own defense, backed by their increased spending on defense, as the United States focuses on countering the "pacing threat" from an increasingly assertive China.

The remarks came amid expectations that South Korean President Lee Jae Myung and Trump might discuss Seoul's defense spending and the future direction of the alliance in the name of alliance "modernization" when they meet in a White House summit that Trump said will take place in the coming weeks.

The Pentagon has said that South Korea and other Asian allies are also subject to the "global standard" of spending 5 percent of their gross domestic product, a goal that North Atlantic Treaty Organization members have agreed to achieve by 2035 following Trump's demand.

Colby has been tasked with crafting the Pentagon's new National Defense Strategy to prioritize increasing allies' "burden-sharing" and deterring Chinese threats in the Indo-Pacific. Hegseth directed that a final NDS draft be provided to him no later than Aug. 31.

sshluck@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Song Sang-ho · August 6, 2025

4. No signs of N. Korea removing border loudspeakers against S. Korea: military

​KJU is good at getting something for nothing.

No signs of N. Korea removing border loudspeakers against S. Korea: military | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Minji · August 5, 2025

By Lee Minji

SEOUL, Aug. 5 (Yonhap) -- North Korea has yet to show any signs of taking down its loudspeakers along the border with South Korea, the South's military said Tuesday, a day after Seoul began dismantling its border loudspeakers for anti-Pyongyang broadcasts.

On Monday, the South Korean military started removing fixed loudspeaker facilities installed along the heavily fortified border, in what it called a "practical measure" to ease inter-Korean tensions without affecting the military's readiness posture.

"As of Tuesday, there had been no movements by the North Korean military to dismantle their loudspeakers. Only daily activities were detected," Joint Chiefs of Staff spokesperson Col. Lee Sung-jun said in a regular press briefing.

South Korea's decision to dismantle the border loudspeakers came less than two months after President Lee Jae Myung ordered the suspension of loudspeaker broadcasts in front-line areas as part of efforts to mend strained ties with the North.

North Korea has long bristled against the military's loudspeaker broadcasts as well as leaflets sent by activists over fears of outside information that could pose a threat to its ruling regime.

Pyongyang has also turned off its own noise-blaring campaign against the South since June.

Soldiers dismantle a fixed loudspeaker facility at an unspecified location, which had been used for propaganda broadcasts against North Korea, on Aug. 4, 2025, in this photo provided by South Korea's defense ministry. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)

mlee@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Lee Minji · August 5, 2025

5. USAF Starts Building Second F-16 ‘Super Squadron’ in Korea

USAF Starts Building Second F-16 ‘Super Squadron’ in Korea

airandspaceforces.com · by David Roza · August 4, 2025

USAF Starts Building Second F-16 ‘Super Squadron’ in South Korea

Aug. 4, 2025 | By David Roza

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Audio of this article is brought to you by the Air & Space Forces Association, honoring and supporting our Airmen, Guardians, and their families. Find out more at afa.org

A migration of fighter jets began across South Korea on July 28, as the first of 31 F-16s relocated from Kunsan Air Base to Osan Air Base, about 80 miles closer to the North Korean border.

By October, all 31 aircraft and about 1,000 Airmen will be reassigned to Osan as part of the second phase of a “Super Squadron” experiment aimed at testing if the larger unit will be more efficient at launching and maintaining jets.

The experiment is “a force-optimization test designed to see if a larger, consolidated squadron can generate more combat power and operate more efficiently,” Capt. Bryce Hughes, a maintenance officer and sortie generation flight commander at Osan, said in a July 31 press release.

The Air Force sent an initial batch of nine F-16s and 150 Airmen from Kunsan to Osan in October 2024, upping the number of F-16s there from 22 to 31. Osan sits about 50 miles south of the North Korean border.

Two U.S. Air Force F-16 Fighting Falcons assigned to the 36th Fighter Squadron park next to each other before being cleared to takeoff at Osan Air Base, Republic of Korea, March 19, 2025. U.S. Air Force photo by Staff Sgt. Dustin Braaten

That initial move marked the first phase of the project. The second phase starts this October and will assess the maintenance, manpower, and logistics requirements of a super squadron “at a larger scale,” the release explained. It will also bring the number of super squadrons at Osan up from one to two.

The experiment will run through October 2026. But the super squadrons are not the only new arrivals at Osan, which in July became the permanent home for an undisclosed number of F-16s formerly assigned to Misawa Air Base, Japan. That transfer is separate from the super squadron test, a spokesperson for Osan’s 51st Fighter Wing said at the time.

The F-16s take the place of Osan’s A-10 close air support aircraft, which are being retired from the base this year. Meanwhile, Misawa is shedding its F-16s to make room for F-35 stealth fighters that are slated to start arriving next spring.

Audio of this article is brought to you by the Air & Space Forces Association, honoring and supporting our Airmen, Guardians, and their families. Find out more at afa.org

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airandspaceforces.com · by David Roza · August 4, 2025

6.  U.S. not taking 90 pct of profit from Korean investment under tariff deal: industry minister

(LEAD) U.S. not taking 90 pct of profit from Korean investment under tariff deal: industry minister | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Na-young · August 5, 2025

(ATTN: ADDS more info in last 2 paras)

SEOUL, Aug. 5 (Yonhap) -- South Korea will work to flesh out details of its planned US$350 billion investment in the United States, a pledge made as part of a tariff deal with Washington, the industry minister said Tuesday, noting the U.S. will not take 90 percent of the profits from the envisioned investment.

When asked whether the U.S. will take 90 percent of the returns from Korea's envisioned investment fund, Industry Minister Kim Jung-kwan said such a claim "does not make sense." Kim's remarks were made in a radio interview with local broadcaster MBC.

"What has been decided about the fund is which sectors it will target and the overall scale," Kim said, explaining the fund will include loans and guarantees.

"We need more negotiations to specify the details of the management of the fund."

U.S. Secretary of Commerce Howard Lutnick earlier claimed that 90 percent of profits from Korea's investment in the U.S. will go to the American people.

Industry Minister Kim Jung-kwan speaks in front of lawmakers at the National Assembly in western Seoul on Aug. 4, 2025. (Yonhap)

Under the latest trade agreement reached last week, Seoul promised to invest $350 billion, mainly in the U.S.' shipbuilding, semiconductor, battery and other strategic industries.

In return, U.S. President Donald Trump's administration lowered the reciprocal tariff rate for South Korea to 15 percent from the initially proposed 25 percent.

Kim said Trump gave good marks on Korea's proposal for a bilateral shipbuilding cooperation project, known as "Make American Shipbuilding Great Again" (MASGA), noting the Korean government had made detailed proposals on ways to modernize U.S. shipyards and maintenance, repair and overhaul (MRO) operations for U.S. naval ships, as well as workforce training.

"What the U.S. is struggling the most with is the lack of skilled workers capable of building ships ... and we have offered to provide technology training for American workers," Kim said.

Regarding auto tariffs, the minister expressed disappointment in failing to further lower the tariff rate for Korean vehicles but said the country avoided the "worst-case scenario."

South Korea had sought to lower tariffs on Korean cars, a key export item, to 12.5 percent, considering the 2.5 percentage-point advantage the country had over Japan in auto exports to the U.S. under the Korea-U.S. free trade agreement (KORUS FTA).

Both South Korea and Japan, which does not have an FTA with the U.S., now face 15 percent tariffs when exporting automobiles to the U.S.

"The U.S. administration held a firm position that it will apply 15 percent tariffs on imported cars without exception," Kim said. "Since a significant portion of South Korea's trade surplus with the U.S. comes from automobiles, there was little room for negotiation in that area."

On criticism that the KORUS FTA has been neutralized due to Washington's tariff scheme, Kim said Korea still enjoys benefits under the free trade pact.

"For example, Japan faces 15 percent reciprocal tariffs on top of 6.4 percent baseline tariffs when exporting 'ramyeon' to the U.S., but in the case of Korea, we only face 15 percent tariffs thanks to the FTA," he explained. Ramyeon refers to Korean-style instant noodles.

Kim also said Trump appeared to want to create a good relationship with Seoul, noting the U.S. president had welcomed the Korean trade delegation to the White House when the two sides struck the trade deal and that they shared handshakes and hugs.

The industry ministry later insisted that the country's planned investment in the U.S. will provide new business opportunities for Korean companies in the world's largest economy while strengthening the economic and supply chain cooperation between the two countries.

It added that the government will work to improve its sanitary and phytosanitary procedures for imported agricultural products and accept American safety standards for cars imported from the U.S., as agreed in the trade deal with the Trump administration.

U.S. President Donald Trump (5th from L) poses for a group photo with a South Korean trade delegation, including Finance Minister Koo Yun-cheol (6th from L), at the White House in Washington, D.C., on July 30, 2025, after South Korea and the United States reached a deal that called for the imposition of 15 percent tariffs on South Korea, 10 percentage points lower than what was proposed, in this photo taken from the official X account of the White House. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)

nyway@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Na-young · August 5, 2025

7. N. Korean delegation of prosecutors heads to Russia amid cooperation

Exchanging ideas on how to use "Rule BY law" techniques to further oppress people and support teir leader.

N. Korean delegation of prosecutors heads to Russia amid cooperation | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Soo-yeon · August 5, 2025

SEOUL, Aug. 5 (Yonhap) -- A North Korean delegation of prosecutors has departed for Russia, the North's state media reported Tuesday, as the two nations have deepened cooperation in various fields.

Yun Kwang-won, vice director of the Supreme Public Prosecutors Office, departed Pyongyang the previous day, the Korean Central News Agency said, without disclosing other details, including the purpose of the trip.

North Korea and Russia have been bolstering cooperation in the military, economy and other areas since the North's leader Kim Jong-un and Russian President Vladimir Putin signed a mutual defense treaty in June last year.

In July 2024, Russian Prosecutor General Igor Krasnov visited North Korea for the first time. The two nations agreed to cooperate on fighting against crimes related to digital currency and other information technology, according to Russia's media reports.

This file photo, carried by North Korea's official Korean Central News Agency on July 23, 2024, shows Russian Prosecutor General Igor Krasnov (L) meeting with Kim Chol-won, chief of North Korea's Central Public Prosecutors Office, the previous day in Pyongyang. (For Use Only in the Republic of Korea. No Redistribution) (Yonhap)

sooyeon@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Soo-yeon · August 5, 2025

8. White House official calls for choosing AI future aligned with U.S. technology

White House official calls for choosing AI future aligned with U.S. technology | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Seung-yeon · August 5, 2025

By Kim Seung-yeon

SEOUL, Aug. 5 (Yonhap) -- A White House official on Tuesday called for major economies to work with the United States in developing artificial intelligence (AI) infrastructure, rather than following Europe's "overregulated" approach that could leave them behind in the global tech race.

Michael Kratsios, director for the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy, made the remarks during a forum held as part of an Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) ministerial meeting, saying countries have a "choice" in which path they will take.

"I want to recognize that each of the APEC economies has a choice before it: You can follow the European model of fear and overregulation, and be inevitably left behind, succumbing to stasis ... Or you can take our offered handshake and make a deal," Kratsios said in a keynote speech released by the U.S. Embassy in Seoul.

He was speaking during a digital forum, held on the sidelines of the APEC Digital and AI Ministerial Meeting in Incheon, west of Seoul.

Michael Kratsios, director for the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy, delivers a keynote speech during the Global Digital and AI Forum, held as part of the APEC Digital and AI Ministerial Meeting, in Incheon, west of Seoul, on Aug. 5, 2025, in this photo provided by the U.S. Embassy in Seoul. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)

"The next trailblazing breakthroughs will be made with and on American technology, and to fully harness them, you will want America's AI infrastructure already in place," he said.

Noting how AI is reshaping the future of global commerce, Kratsios highlighted that the U.S. is committed to finding a way to enable American private companies to meet partnering countries' needs for mutual benefit.

"We understand that your governments and national champion businesses seek to carefully steward your people's sensitive data, and so cannot always employ a closed proprietary model," he said.

"The best open-source and open-weight models may become industry standard setters. We are therefore taking concrete steps to enable and empower their developers," Kratsios said.

Kratsios said the technological progress should be "found in political freedom and independence," rather than "global governance and technocratic control."

On the margins of the meeting, Kratsios met with Science Minister Bae Kyung-hoon, and discussed the direction of AI-related policies and related collaboration efforts, the science ministry said.

elly@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · by Kim Seung-yeon · August 5, 2025

9. S. Korea-US tariff deal stalls on documentation amid interpretation gap

The devil is always in the details.

S. Korea-US tariff deal stalls on documentation amid interpretation gap

https://www.chosun.com/english/national-en/2025/08/05/QPCBXMJCKRCVZJEWQTQMO5LY3A/

By Lee Ju-hyeong (Sejong),

Kim Seo-young

Published 2025.08.05. 15:34

South Korea and the United States have reached a tariff deal, but talks on a formal agreement have yet to start. Disagreements over key issues like rice market access and profit-sharing are holding things up, and there is still no decision on how or when to put the deal in writing.

The South Korean government says a verbal agreement is not enough and plans to begin talks soon to finalize the details. With a summit between President Lee Jae-myung and U.S. President Donald Trump coming up, officials see it as a possible breakthrough. However, some are concerned the United States may bring up new demands during the meeting. Others say the details should be settled in advance to avoid last-minute pressure.

The White House posted a photo on its official Instagram account on July 30, 2025, showing U.S. President Donald Trump signing the South Korea-U.S. trade agreement at the White House. /News1

According to the Ministry of Trade, Industry and Energy on Aug. 5, the government sees a strong need to formalize the recent tariff agreement with the United States. “A verbal agreement alone cannot guarantee long-term implementation,” said a ministry official.

The two countries on July 31 agreed to lower mutual tariffs from 25% to 15%. In return, South Korea pledged to set up a $350 billion strategic industry cooperation fund, which includes support for U.S. investments in sectors like shipbuilding, and to import $100 billion worth of U.S. energy.

Follow-up talks will focus on the fund’s management and easing non-tariff barriers. After returning from Washington on Aug. 1, Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Koo Yun-cheol said, “The devil may be in the details, but I believe the angel is too,” adding that Seoul will work to ensure a win-win outcome.

However, uncertainties are growing due to conflicting explanations from both sides. On rice market access, the South Korean government insists the issue was not discussed, while the U.S. described the deal as a “historic access” for its products.

The U.S. claims it will receive 90% of the fund’s returns, while Seoul maintains the fund’s structure has yet to be finalized. The absence of a formal written agreement is fueling new tensions.

The government expects the upcoming summit between Lee and Trump to be a key opportunity to finalize the agreement, as many details are likely to be decided then. But officials inside and outside the government warn that the deal should be clarified before the meeting, given the possibility that Trump could demand further openings in areas like rice, beef, or digital trade.

Bark Tae-ho, former trade minister and current director at law firm Lee & Ko’s Global Commerce Institute, said, “This is not the comprehensive deal the government initially aimed for,” and added that Trump could also raise issues like defense cost-sharing at the summit. “It’s better to settle the agreement clearly in advance to avoid putting pressure on President Lee,” he said.

A government official echoed the concern, saying, “Given President Trump’s track record, it’s almost certain he’ll push for more access to Korea’s rice and beef markets during the summit.”

While the government favors a legally binding agreement, it is also considering a phased approach—starting with a basic written summary and continuing talks later, similar to the U.K.’s deal with the U.S. in May.

“It’s only a matter of time,” said a trade ministry official. “Whether it’s a formal agreement or a joint statement, we’ll need more discussions with the U.S.”

Japan, which finalized a similar deal with the U.S. earlier, is also dealing with interpretive gaps. The U.S. sees Japan’s $550 billion investment pledge as equity, while Japan says only 1 to 2% is direct investment, with the rest made up of guarantees and commitments. To avoid further demands, Tokyo has chosen to keep the details vague and avoid full documentation.

10. Seoul rushes to reaffirm stable Beijing ties after FM calls China 'problematic'

​Keep speaking truth to power Mr. Foreign Minister.

Seoul rushes to reaffirm stable Beijing ties after FM calls China 'problematic' - The Korea Times

The Korea Times · by ListenListenText SizePrint

1. Foreign Affairs

Foreign Minister Cho Hyun arrives at Incheon International Airport, Sunday, after concluding foreign ministerial talks with Japan and the United States. Yonhap

By Lee Hyo-jin

• Published Aug 5, 2025 3:36 pm KST
• Updated Aug 5, 2025 3:58 pm KST

The Korea Times · by ListenListenText SizePrint

By Lee Hyo-jin

Published Aug 5, 2025 3:36 pm KST

Updated Aug 5, 2025 3:58 pm KST

Gov't seeks to maintain stable relations with China as APEC Summit nears

The presidential office on Tuesday reaffirmed Korea's commitment to fostering stable ties with China that support regional stability, clarifying its stance after Foreign Minister Cho Hyun's reference to China as "problematic" drew backlash from Beijing.

The swift response was seen as part of Seoul’s efforts to manage ties with China, amid growing speculation that Chinese President Xi Jinping may attend the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Summit which will take place in Gyeongju, North Gyeongsang Province, in October and November.

"We are working to advance Korea-China relations based on the solid foundation of the Korea-U.S. alliance," a senior presidential official said.

"Minister Cho's remarks should be understood as an expression of Korea’s continued commitment to building a bilateral relationship that contributes to people's livelihoods, regional stability and prosperity, even if there are differences on certain issues," the official said. "He also emphasized to relevant countries the need for continued engagement with China."

The presidential office’s comments came a day after China expressed apparent frustration over the foreign minister's interview with The Washington Post, in which he struck an unusually strong tone toward Beijing.

In the interview, published Sunday, Cho described Beijing as "somewhat problematic" with its neighbors.

"In Northeast Asia, we have another problem of China becoming somewhat problematic with its neighbors. We have seen what China has been doing in the South China Sea and in the Yellow Sea," he was quoted as saying.

The top diplomat added, "But we will try to send a message to China: 'We want to maintain a good relationship, and [see] you abide by international law in not only bilateral, but in regional affairs.'"

The interview took place during Cho's visit to Washington, where he held talks with his U.S. counterpart Marco Rubio. This marked the minister's first media interview since he took office on July 21.

The term "problematic" marked an unusually direct expression from a Korean foreign minister toward China. The interview was reportedly conducted in English without Korean interpretation.

Cho’s remarks were especially notable as the Lee Jae Myung administration, since taking office in June, has worked to mend strained ties with Beijing following former President Yoon Suk Yeol’s more confrontational stance.

Chinese Ambassador to Korea Dai Bing delivers remarks during an Embassy Open Day, held as a bilateral exchange event for young people, at the Chinese Embassy in Seoul, July 22. Yonhap

Chinese Ambassador to Korea Dai Bing delivers remarks during an Embassy Open Day, held as a bilateral exchange event for young people, at the Chinese Embassy in Seoul, July 22. Yonhap

In an apparent response to Cho's comments, the Chinese Embassy in Seoul issued a statement Monday asserting that China maintains good relations with all of its neighbors and that most of them view strengthening friendly cooperation with China as a diplomatic priority.

Describing Korea and China as "important close neighbors and cooperation partners," the embassy said bilateral relations had gotten off to a good start under the new Korean administration.

The Global Times, Beijing's English-language mouthpiece, went further.

In an article citing local analysts, it described Cho as "echoing U.S. rhetoric about the 'China threat' and stirring up the South China Sea issue" and said it "would do nothing to improve China-South Korea ties."

Diplomatic observers in Seoul say Cho’s remarks provide an early glimpse into the Lee administration’s delicate balancing act between Washington and Beijing in its foreign policy.

"The interview reflects Korea’s candid view that China’s actions in East Asia are becoming increasingly burdensome for its neighbors. The Lee administration is now clarifying its position: the Korea-U.S. alliance remains the foundation of its foreign policy, while ties with China will be managed pragmatically," said Kang Jun-young, a professor of Chinese studies at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies.

Kang added that Cho's strong tone may also have served as an indirect message to Washington, aimed at dispelling lingering perceptions that the Lee administration is overly friendly toward China.

Chinese President Xi Jinping attends a meeting of the foreign ministers of the Council of Foreign Ministers of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Beijing, July 15. AFP-Yonhap

Chinese President Xi Jinping attends a meeting of the foreign ministers of the Council of Foreign Ministers of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Beijing, July 15. AFP-Yonhap

However, he cautioned against overinterpreting the comments, saying, "China is also unlikely to escalate the issue, given that Beijing is trying to maintain diplomatic momentum ahead of Xi’s possible APEC attendance."

After taking office, Cho held a phone call with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and invited him to visit Korea. Diplomatic sources say Wang could visit ahead of the APEC Summit, possibly as a preparatory step, amid growing expectations surrounding Xi’s attendance. Observers note that since China is set to host APEC in 2026, precedent suggests Xi is likely to take part in this year's gathering.

If Xi attends the upcoming APEC Summit, it would mark his first visit to Korea since 2014 and would be widely viewed as a full restoration of ties that have been strained in recent years.

Still, tensions persist in the relationship. Beijing has expressed growing unease over Seoul's ongoing discussions with Washington to "modernize the Korea-U.S. alliance."

While few details have been made public about the allies' efforts to upgrade their alliance, China's concern centers on how far Seoul may align its foreign policy with Washington's efforts to counter Beijing, including the potential role of U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) in a contingency involving Taiwan.

The Chinese Embassy in Seoul recently issued a statement, asserting that the development of the Korea-U.S. alliance "should not undermine the interests of any third party."

11. Removal of loudspeakers

Must not appease KJU.

Excerpts:

Seoul seems undeterred. The issue of reducing the joint South Korea-U.S. drills, raised publicly by Unification Minister Chung Dong-young in response to Kim Yo-jong's rebuttal, is expected to be discussed during an upcoming National Security Council meeting. Chung on Monday told the NGO Council that the government fund for inter-Korean cooperation programs can be utilized if the NGO groups working on humanitarian projects initiate inter-Korean contact.

Well-intended government moves should come with a strategic pace and plan. As the rivalry between the U.S. and China ups the volatility in Northeast Asia, steps toward inter-Korean contact at the minimum, and the beginning of exchanges at the maximum, could help stabilize the region. Some even cautiously predict that the Lee administration is moving to revive the Sept. 19 military agreement between the two Koreas signed in 2018.

Political willingness and flexibility can work positively in an initial effort to jumpstart contact or dialogue. But Seoul's pursuits must not be one-sided, both for a sustainable Korean peace and to avoid becoming fodder for propaganda efforts by Pyongyang.

The more complex elements of the North's nuclear capabilities, its growing ties with Russia and its relations with the United States loom large. Many options and moves have been floated to date by the South, but now is the time for a reciprocal gesture from North Korea so the two countries can advance with strategic, reciprocity-based actions.

Removal of loudspeakers - The Korea Times

The Korea Times · by ListenListenText SizePrint

1. Opinion
2. Editorial

ED Removal of loudspeakers

A loudspeaker facility operated by South Korea's military is seen in the border town of Paju, Gyeonggi Province, in this June 12 file photo. Yonhap

• Published Aug 5, 2025 2:50 pm KST
• Updated Aug 5, 2025 3:11 pm KST

The Korea Times · by ListenListenText SizePrint

Published Aug 5, 2025 2:50 pm KST

Updated Aug 5, 2025 3:11 pm KST

Seoul should move strategically in tandem with response from North Korea

Despite North Korea's recent rebuff showing that it has no interest in any policy or proposal from South Korea, Seoul has started removing propaganda loudspeakers along the two countries' shared border.

In a move to further eliminate psychological warfare along the land border, the defense ministry is dismantling both fixed and mobile loudspeakers. The move comes two months after President Lee Jae Myung directed on June 11 to switch them off. North Korea reciprocated in kind at the time, turning off the eerie broadcasts that had wreaked havoc on the South Korean residents living in nearby border towns.

The defense ministry said dismantling the loudspeakers was a "practical measure at easing tensions between the two Koreas within a scope that does not affect our military readiness posture."

The border loudspeakers, which North Korea has persistently raised objections about to the South — along with the South Korea-U.S. joint military drills — were last removed during the former Moon Jae-in administration. However, they were later reinstalled by the conservative Yoon Suk Yeol administration when the North launched trash-laden balloons to the South in 2024.

The latest step is a strong indication that the Lee administration is intent on working toward reconciliation with North Korea. To date, the administration has asked activists to stop launching anti-regime leaflets into the North and allowed civic groups to contact the North for humanitarian exchanges. The National Intelligence Service has also halted its propaganda airing into North Korea.

These are low-level, peaceful overtures intended to resume contact. However, for any bilateral dialogue to happen, a principle of reciprocity should be maintained so that the end product is one of a sustainable and mutual benefit.

Several meaningful agreements have been forged between the two Koreas. But nevertheless, the government should not repeat past administrations' actions, where Seoul leaned in heavily toward Pyongyang with offers of dialogue and investment that did not hold in the long term.

In rebuffing the South's gestures, Kim Yo-jong, the powerful sister of North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, stressed that the two Koreas are now "two states," as espoused by the Pyongyang regime last year. In her statement toward the U.S., she noted that any personal bilateral chemistry between North Korean Kim Jong-un and U.S. President Donald Trump will not push Pyongyang to stop its nuclear program.

Seoul seems undeterred. The issue of reducing the joint South Korea-U.S. drills, raised publicly by Unification Minister Chung Dong-young in response to Kim Yo-jong's rebuttal, is expected to be discussed during an upcoming National Security Council meeting. Chung on Monday told the NGO Council that the government fund for inter-Korean cooperation programs can be utilized if the NGO groups working on humanitarian projects initiate inter-Korean contact.

Well-intended government moves should come with a strategic pace and plan. As the rivalry between the U.S. and China ups the volatility in Northeast Asia, steps toward inter-Korean contact at the minimum, and the beginning of exchanges at the maximum, could help stabilize the region. Some even cautiously predict that the Lee administration is moving to revive the Sept. 19 military agreement between the two Koreas signed in 2018.

Political willingness and flexibility can work positively in an initial effort to jumpstart contact or dialogue. But Seoul's pursuits must not be one-sided, both for a sustainable Korean peace and to avoid becoming fodder for propaganda efforts by Pyongyang.

The more complex elements of the North's nuclear capabilities, its growing ties with Russia and its relations with the United States loom large. Many options and moves have been floated to date by the South, but now is the time for a reciprocal gesture from North Korea so the two countries can advance with strategic, reciprocity-based actions.

12. Daughter of Korean priest detained by ICE after visa hearing

Daughter of Korean priest detained by ICE after visa hearing

koreaherald.com · by Shin Ji-hye · August 3, 2025

Bishop Matthew Heyd of the Episcopal Diocese of New York speaks at the press conference on Saturday in New York. (Yonhap)

A 20-year-old South Korean student at Purdue University and daughter of an Episcopal priest has been detained by the US Immigration and Customs Enforcement after attending a routine court hearing over her visa status, according to news reports Sunday.

The Episcopal Diocese of New York and immigrant advocacy groups are calling for the immediate release of Go Yeon-soo, saying she was unfairly detained despite having legal status, and that immigration authorities bypassed proper legal procedures.

Go, a graduate of Scarsdale High School in Westchester County, is the daughter of the Rev. Kim Ky-rie, the first woman ordained in the Seoul Diocese of the Anglican Church of Korea.

According to the family, Go entered the United States in March 2021 on an R-2 visa, a dependent visa for family members of R-1 religious visa holders, following her mother’s relocation. The family said her stay was legally extended in 2023 and that her status remains valid through the end of 2025. However, immigration authorities reportedly interpreted her status differently and deemed her stay unlawful.

On July 31, Go appeared before the New York Immigration Court and was given a continuance for her hearing, which was rescheduled for October. But shortly after exiting the courthouse, she was detained by ICE agents. She is currently being held at the ICE office in Manhattan and is expected to be transferred to a detention facility for immigrants.

The Episcopal Diocese of New York and the New York Immigration Coalition hold a press conference on Saturday in front of the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement federal building in New York, demanding the immediate release of Go Yeon-soo. (Yonhap)

“Her mother receives regular calls from Yeon-soo, and she’s being held at 26 Federal Plaza, which, as we know, is not a facility with showers, beds or hot meals,” said the Rt. Rev. Matthew Heyd, bishop coadjutor of the Episcopal Diocese of New York, during a press conference Saturday. “These detentions are not only illegal — they’re immoral.”

The press conference was held outside the ICE office in Manhattan by the diocese and a coalition of immigrant advocacy organizations.

The case comes amid growing concerns over the treatment of immigrants, particularly among the Korean community. Last month, Tae-heung Kim, a 40-year-old Ph.D. student at Texas A&M University, was detained by federal agents at San Francisco International Airport and remains in custody.

shinjh@heraldcorp.com

koreaherald.com · by Shin Ji-hye · August 3, 2025

De Oppresso Liber,

David Maxwell

Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy

Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation

Editor, Small Wars Journal

Twitter: @davidmaxwell161

Phone: 202-573-8647

email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com