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Quotes of the Day:
“The individual has always fought not to be absorbed by the tribe. If you try you will often be alone and sometimes afraid. But no price is too high for the privilege of being yourself.”
– Friedrich Nietzsche
“Racism is the lowest, most crudely primitive form of collectivism. It is the notion of ascribing moral, social, or political significance to a man’s genetic lineage—the notion that a man’s intellectual and characterological traits are produced and transmitted by his internal body chemistry. Which means, in practice, that a man is to be judged, not by his own character and actions, but by the characters and actions of a collective of ancestors.”
– Ayn Rand
“It is also in the interests of the tyrant to make his subjects poor… the people are so occupied with their daily tasks that they have no time for playing.”
– Aristotle
1. South Korea Probes Allegations of Human-Rights Violations Tied to Hyundai Raid
2. A Summit Between Trump and Kim Jong Un: No Upside for the U.S.
3. South Korea’s Sunshine Policy: Rocky Dreams, Death Wish reality?
4. S. Korea confirms plan for OPCON transfer from U.S. within Lee's 5-year term
5. North Korea warns US over nuclear war games
6. Seoul weighing whether to drop term ‘North Korean defector,’ citing stigma
7. North Korea set for strong fall harvest after plentiful summer rains: FAO
8. Korea, US to form task force on visa issues after Georgia factory raid
9. Mr. Trump, apologize and the problem is solved
10. President’s pick for new envoy to UN raises eyebrows
11. S. Korea to shorten Civilian Control Line-DMZ distance to as little as 5 km: defense chief
12. PM says parliamentary ratification may be needed for $350 bln investment in U.S.
13. N. Korea credits Russia cooperation for economic gains during five-year period
14. Trilateral Freedom Edge drills conducted without U.S. aircraft carrier
15. Why Korean Fandom Is So Intense, According to the Star of ‘Squid Game’
1. South Korea Probes Allegations of Human-Rights Violations Tied to Hyundai Raid
I think our South Korean allies would ask us if "all men (people) are created equal," then aren't all people guaranteed human rights? This is a question of American values - unalienable rights and universal human rights. They will be asking if we believe in human rights for all. Perhaps we are due some self-reflection.
South Korea Probes Allegations of Human-Rights Violations Tied to Hyundai Raid
Seoul will look at the U.S.’s treatment of more than 300 Koreans arrested in Georgia earlier this month
https://www.wsj.com/world/asia/south-korea-probes-allegations-of-human-rights-violations-tied-to-hyundai-raid-e947c998
By Jiyoung Sohn
Follow
Sept. 16, 2025 5:30 am ET
One of the South Koreans who was repatriated after being detained in the U.S. speaks to the press. Photo: kim soo-hyeon/Reuters
Quick Summary
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South Korea is investigating potential human-rights violations against its citizens after a U.S. immigration raid at a Hyundai site in Georgia.View more
SEOUL—South Korea is conducting a government investigation into potential human-rights violations against more than 300 Korean citizens related to the U.S. immigration raid at a Hyundai Motor construction site in Georgia earlier this month.
The saga has sparked anger across South Korea, which received no advanced notice of the Georgia raid and has pledged nearly half a trillion dollars in U.S. investments and energy purchases as part of its trade pact with Washington.
The outrage rose a notch following the repatriation of 316 South Koreans on Friday. Some of the Koreans, who had been shackled during the initial raid, described a range of alleged mistreatment, from moldy beds to the absence of on-hand interpreters to being held in 70-person temporary detention cells. One worker told local media he hadn’t been read his Miranda rights.
South Korea’s Foreign Ministry, in coordination with the country’s Justice Ministry and the former detainees’ employers, are probing whether any human-rights violations were committed inside the detention center. They’ll also investigate whether any Korean was unfairly arrested based on the nature of their work when the Sept. 4 raid occurred.
A worker who was detained in the Hyundai raid reunites with family in South Korea. Photo: kim soo-hyeon/Reuters
If the investigation reveals violations, South Korea will file a formal complaint to the U.S. The probe is expected to wrap up in a matter of weeks, a South Korean official said.
During a visit to Seoul on Sunday, Christopher Landau, the U.S. deputy secretary of state, expressed deep regret over the Koreans’ detainment. The U.S. Embassy in Seoul didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment.
More than 60% of South Koreans viewed the raid as excessive and expressed disappointment with the U.S. government, according to a recent local poll.
The raid—in which roughly 475 workers were arrested—occurred at an electric-vehicle battery site outside Savannah, Ga., jointly operated by Hyundai and fellow Korean firm LG Energy Solution. It was the largest single-site immigration raid ever conducted by the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
The initial targets of the Hyundai raid were four Hispanic workers, according to the search warrant. Those detained had illegally crossed the border or were in violation of their visas, U.S. authorities said. But it remains unclear what, if anything, the South Koreans did wrong.
South Korea is one of the U.S.’s largest sources of foreign direct investment—often in strategic industries that lack homegrown American alternatives, such as EV batteries.
WSJ’s Tim Martin breaks down the U.S. immigration raids at Hyundai’s Georgia plant, why Korean workers were detained, and what happens next. Photo: EPA/Shutterstock
Write to Jiyoung Sohn at jiyoung.sohn@wsj.com
2. A Summit Between Trump and Kim Jong Un: No Upside for the U.S.
We will have to pay an exorbitant price to KJU just to have a meeting.
Excerpts:
Not much of an upside to a ‘summit’
It might be different if Kim Jong Un requested a meeting with President Trump. But the White House has floated feelers with the North Koreans about a potential meeting and so far has been met with silence.
If President Trump meets with him again, the outcome will likely be the same as his faux summit with Russian President Putin. Just the fact they met will raise Kim’s stature at home, and there will be no tangible results on the key issues of halting North Korea’s missile and nuclear programs.
The main result will be “grip and grin” photos of Trump and Kim shaking hands spread around the world as an American president meets with yet another murderous dictator. It will be another failure for U.S. diplomacy.
A Summit Between Trump and Kim Jong Un: No Upside for the U.S.
https://defenseopinion.com/a-summit-between-trump-and-kim-jong-un-no-upside-for-the-u-s/1030/
President Trump says he wants a summit with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un. “I’d like to meet him this year,” Trump told reporters in the Oval Office Aug. 25 as he welcomed South Korea’s new president, Lee Jae Myung, to the White House
Trump tried engaging with Kim Jong Un three times during his first term, meeting with him once in 2018 and twice in 2019. They even exchanged gushing letters. But nothing happened. Kim continued his programs to test and develop long-range missiles and improve his stockpile of nuclear weapons, despite multiple U.N. resolutions and sanctions. Meanwhile, Kim marches on toward achieving a nuclear capability and long-range missiles that can reach U.S. territory.
A line from Shakespeare’s “Macbeth” neatly characterizes the loud complaints from the international community to North Korea’s continued missile and nuclear testing: “Full of sound and fury signifying nothing.” The sound and fury generated in the wake of each test is like an annoying barking dog as far as Kim is concerned.
Why does Kim force his people to bear the hardships of increasingly stringent sanctions while falling deeper into pariah state status? It’s because North Korea’s primary objectives are to ensure regime survival and to deter the fantom fear of a South Korea/U.S. attack to unify the Korean Peninsula.
Most specialists on North Korea agree that acquiring a demonstrated nuclear capability that can reach the U.S. is considered by Kim to be the only certain insurance against forced regime change. He cannot be pressured or enticed into negotiating away these programs.
The international community keeps proclaiming it unacceptable for North Korea to have a deliverable nuclear capability. But the use of military force to deal with North Korea’s missile and nuclear programs, such as bombing Iran’s nuclear facilities, is unlikely.
Given the hysterical nature of the regime, it could be expected to respond with conventional strikes against Seoul, South Korea’s capital, which is within artillery range of North Korea. The known and disastrous consequences of even a conventional war on the Korean Peninsula are just too great to risk a military option.
Nuclear deterrence can work
The nuclear deterrence policy has prevented the use of Soviet and then Russian nuclear weapons since the dawn of the nuclear age. Even in the depths of major crises like the Cuban missile crisis, nuclear use was not considered a viable option. Nuclear deterrence has worked against Russia, and it will work against North Korea.
The U.S. and South Korea have no intention of invading North Korea, Kim’s paranoia aside. And as long as their joint conventional capabilities are maintained at high readiness, it’s unlikely the North will attempt to invade the South. While diplomacy should always be on the table, the U.S. needs to articulate a clear and forceful reemphasis of U.S. nuclear deterrence policy to ensure Kim and his military leadership understand the consequences of a nuclear strike.
The 2022 U.S. Nuclear Posture Review states clearly that a North Korean nuclear attack will mean the end of Kim’s reign. “Any nuclear attack by North Korea against the United States or its Allies and partners is unacceptable and will result in the end of that regime. There is no scenario in which the Kim regime could employ nuclear weapons and survive.”
The U.S. currently deploys about 27,000 military personnel in South Korea and another 54,000 in Japan. Since these U.S. forces would be impacted should North Korea launch a nuclear attack, in effect, both Japan and South Korea are covered by a de facto U.S. nuclear umbrella.
Missile defenses are key
While diplomatic efforts and deterrence are important, they are not sufficient and must be backed by capable missile defenses deployed in a manner clearly able to defend against Pyongyang’s missiles. America has been planning defenses with South Korea and Japan for decades on a bilateral basis. And due to President Biden’s initiatives, operational planning, training and exercises are now conducted on a trilateral basis.
All three governments face the same threat from North Korea. Given clear North Korean intent to continue nuclear and missile development programs, the best response is for the U.S., Japan and South Korea to maximize trilateral cooperation in missile defense to ensure an effective defense against nuclear attack is in place should deterrence fail.
The outcome of Kim’s push for long-range missiles loaded with nuclear warheads also has stark proliferation consequences. Some argue that if North Korea is able to evade sanctions sufficiently to develop a long-range missile capability coupled with its nuclear warheads, Japan and South Korea will have no choice but to acquire their own nuclear weapons.
Not much of an upside to a ‘summit’
It might be different if Kim Jong Un requested a meeting with President Trump. But the White House has floated feelers with the North Koreans about a potential meeting and so far has been met with silence.
If President Trump meets with him again, the outcome will likely be the same as his faux summit with Russian President Putin. Just the fact they met will raise Kim’s stature at home, and there will be no tangible results on the key issues of halting North Korea’s missile and nuclear programs.
The main result will be “grip and grin” photos of Trump and Kim shaking hands spread around the world as an American president meets with yet another murderous dictator. It will be another failure for U.S. diplomacy.
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John Fairlamb, Ph.D.
John Fairlamb, Ph.D., is a retired Army colonel who served for 45 years as a commissioned officer and Department of the Army civilian in a variety of joint service positions formulating and implementing national security strategies and policies. His doctorate is in comparative defense policy analysis.
3. South Korea’s Sunshine Policy: Rocky Dreams, Death Wish reality?
Interesting and entertaining analysis here from Professor Robertson who describes himself and why he shutdown his substack and returned to a blog:
I shut it down for several reasons. The one reason I can relate here is that I loathe social interaction on LinkedIn, Facebook, Twitter (X), Substack Notes, BlueSky and other social media - I’m just not cut out for building subscriber numbers or payments. I am at heart a grumpy, anti-social, irreverent academic who teeters on the edge of moving to a remote fishing village but for want of regular access to decent pizza.
South Korea’s Sunshine Policy: Rocky Dreams, Death Wish reality?
The Lee Administration seems hopeful that there’s purpose in securing a summit with North Korea. Let’s call it a Sunshine Policy sequel.
Now, to be fair, sequels are not always bad. But it pays to remember, once you go over the third sequel, it gets much harder to maintain audience interest. Recognizing that life imitates art (and that my conceptualization of art derives from 1980s action films). Let’s look at two Hollywood blockbuster sequels and see if we can gain any insight into the trajectory of the next sequel.
The original Sunshine Policy was Kim Dae-jung’s (1998–2003) masterpiece. It was a cinematic success from nothing. He came up with the idea (or at least that’s what is widely thought), wrote the script, played a huge role in its direction, and of course, played the starring role.
Essentially, Kim was to the Sunshine Policy what Sylvester Stallone (the King of All Sequels) was to Rocky. AND what a script, improbable but inspiring: a democracy extending warmth to its hostile sibling. Kim’s 2000 summit with Kim Jong-il was his title fight — full of drama, optimism, and an Oscar-worthy ending with the Nobel Peace Prize.
The storyline was simple and compelling: engage, cooperate, reduce tensions. Like Rocky’s training montage, images of family reunions and economic projects gave audiences a reason to believe. It was undoubtedly a success, but it left the story hanging. We all knew there had to be a sequel.
Critics pointed to flaws — the financial inducements for the summit, the unresolved nuclear question — but the original had heart and we were willing to watch the next installment. So we watched Roh Moo-hyun (2003–2008) and Sunshine Policy II - the uninspiring equivalent of Rocky II .
As with many sequels, it lacked freshness. It was a continuation rather than a reinvention. Roh promised expanded cooperation and greater autonomy from U.S. influence, but North Korea’s 2006 nuclear test undercut the script. The film had spectacle, but not coherence. The 2007 summit with Kim Jong-il was meant as the climactic rematch, but viewers were split: some saw persistence, others saw repetition and diminishing returns.
After conservative presidents shelved the franchise, Moon Jae-in (2017–2022) staged a revival. Much like Rocky III, there was a new, younger and more seemingly dangerous rival (Kim Jong-un as Clubber Lang), and a new training partner (Donald Trump as Apollo Creed). Moon’s diplomacy in 2018 — the Olympics, summits with Kim Jong-un, and trilogues with Donald Trump — played like Rocky III.
The imagery was powerful. Moon and Kim walking hand-in-hand across the DMZ was his training montage, rekindling nostalgia for the franchise. For a moment, the public believed in the comeback. But as with Rocky III, the revival was short on narrative depth. The idea of being able to rekindle the same narrative and just move the characters around stretched credulity. Talks collapsed at Hanoi in 2019. The revival delivered spectacle, but no enduring resolution.
Now comes Lee Jae-myung (2025– ). If the analogy holds, his Sunshine Policy would be Rocky IV.
Now Rocky IV is unique in sequels. It went one past the routine accepted franchise sequel number and challenged expectations. It essentially transformed the storyline from “underdog faces and overcomes a challenge” to “national hero takes on the evil empire”. It brought the gung-ho patriotism of the Cold War to each pizza-eating, coke-slurping, boxing wannabe who sits in the corner of every Pizza Hut on all-you-can-eat night listening to Eye of the Tiger on his walkman. It gave the franchise a new frame and narrative. Rocky defeats Ivan Drago, symbolically toppling the Soviet foe. An awesome spectacle, pushing the Rocky series into new fields.
But here reality diverges. Lee hasn’t yet offered a new frame or narrative reinvention. Instead of a dramatic Cold War or patriotic reimagining, so far we’ve got tired dialogue about dialogue, weak gestures toward engagement, and little public enthusiasm. Where Rocky IV was bold, cinematic, and absurdly over the top, Lee’s sequel is muted, formulaic, and uninspired.
And this is the crux: life does imitate art - just not always the art you hope for.
The Sunshine Policy was never really Rocky. The Sunshine Policy has no fresh frames. It has recycled scripts. Summit. Summit. Summit. Ad Nauseam. Next sequel - oh, wait… let’s do another summit! Each new attempt at revival promises narrative breakthroughs but delivers diminishing returns.
Public interest wanes. Optimism fades. Creativity is dead. What remains is fatigue, disbelief, and cynicism.
If we are honest, the Sunshine Policy has never resembled Rocky. It’s always resembled Death Wish.
The Death Wish series began in the 1970s as a gritty commentary on urban violence. By the 1980s and 1990s, it had collapsed into increasingly unbelievable sequels: Charles Bronson, aging and implausible, gunning down endless waves of criminals. Each installment promised intensity, but the plots grew thinner, the creativity weaker, the audiences smaller.
The Death Wish series began in 1974 as a gritty commentary on urban violence. Set in decaying New York, the original felt raw and unsettling, with Charles Bronson—then in his fifties—believable as an ordinary man turned vigilante. Its modest budget suited the film’s realism and moral ambiguity, making it both provocative and memorable.
By Death Wish II (1982), the series was already slipping. Shifted to Los Angeles, it relied on exploitation and shock, while Bronson, now in his sixties, looked less like an everyman. Death Wish 3 (1985) abandoned any subtlety altogether, offering cartoonish gangs, endless shootouts, and an aging star mowing down criminals in what played more like parody than thriller.
The final entries sealed the decline. Death Wish 4 (1987) looked like a TV movie, with simplistic villains and a weary Bronson at sixty-six. Death Wish V (1994), filmed cheaply in Canada with Bronson at seventy-three, was a lifeless, embarassing finale. What began as a tense social critique ended as hollow pulp—overstretched, implausible, and drained of both creativity and audience.
That is the Sunshine Policy’s trajectory. Kim’s original carried conviction, but each continuation — Roh’s, Moon’s, and now Lee’s — has felt less believable, less effective, and less connected to reality. North Korea’s nuclear advances and hardened posture have made engagement look ever more detached from the strategic context. What began as hopeful realism has dwindled into hollow repetition.
Comparisons to Rocky are flattering, but misleading. Rocky has persistence and adaptability; its sequels reinvented themselves for new audiences, even decades later. Now, they’re not great by any means - but they still draw a crowd. The Sunshine Policy does not. Its sequels are now stale and unconvincing, weighed down by repetition rather than lifted by reinvention.
The harsh truth is that the Sunshine Policy belongs in the Death Wish category: a franchise that began with incredible grit but descended into formula, sustained more by habit than creativity. Lee Jae-myung’s attempts so far do not signal a bold new chapter, but rather confirm the fatigue. Life sometimes imitates art, but here it has followed the wrong script — not Rocky’s enduring fight, but Death Wish’s implausible decline.
16 September 2025
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4. S. Korea confirms plan for OPCON transfer from U.S. within Lee's 5-year term
I have another complementary proposal I am working on that I know will go over like a lead balloon with the forthcoming NDS and Force Posture review. But I will finish it and put it out there anyway. Here is the Exsum.
Strategic Concept: Establishing a Combined Northeast Asia Combatant Command (NEACOM) in Seoul
Executive Summary
The security environment in Northeast Asia is undergoing a historic transformation. North Korea’s entrenched nuclear arsenal, China’s growing influence operations, and Russia’s opportunistic alignment have converged to create a complex threat environment. At the same time, South Korea has emerged as a global middle power and indispensable ally to the United States. The time has come for the United States and the Republic of Korea (ROK) to institutionalize their alliance through the establishment of a Combined Northeast Asia Combatant Command (NEACOM) headquartered in Seoul.
Commanded by a U.S. four-star general, the Senior U.S. Military Officer Assigned to Korea (SUSMOAK), in partnership with the ROK Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff (CJCS), a Combined NEACOM would provide strategic orchestration of the warfighting mission of the ROK/U.S. Combined Forces Command (CFC) (commanded by a ROK General Officer), integration of counter-nuclear and all-domain operations, and deterrence of third-party intervention by China and Russia.
This concept paper details the rationale, command architecture, mission sets, complementary diplomatic and economic initiatives, and the integration of NEACOM with existing commands such as INDOPACOM, STRATCOM, and UNC. It demonstrates why NEACOM is the logical evolution of the alliance, transforming the long-standing Permanent Military Committee into a “Military Committee on steroids” that can defend Korea, stabilize the region, and anchor a free and open Indo-Pacific.
S. Korea confirms plan for OPCON transfer from U.S. within Lee's 5-year term | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Lee Minji · September 16, 2025
By Lee Minji
SEOUL, Sept. 16 (Yonhap) -- The government on Tuesday confirmed the transfer of wartime operational command (OPCON) to Seoul from Washington as a policy task for President Lee Jae Myung's five-year term.
The plan was among a set of 123 major policies confirmed by a Cabinet meeting presided over by Lee earlier in the day, about a month after a presidential committee proposed a policy roadmap for the new government.
"(The government) aims to seek wartime OPCON transfer within (Lee's) term, based on a steadfast South Korea-U.S. alliance, to secure at an early date the South Korean military's capabilities to lead combined defense during both peacetime and wartime," the government said.
To achieve such a plan, the government said it plans to swiftly draw up a roadmap for a "conditions-based" OPCON transfer and bolster the military's core capabilities.
South Korea handed over operational control of its troops to the U.S.-led U.N. Command during the 1950-53 Korean War. Control was then transferred to the two allies' Combined Forces Command when the command was launched in 1978. While South Korea retook peacetime OPCON in 1994, wartime OPCON still remains in U.S. hands.
Since then, the transition has been a pending issue between the allies, with previous administrations making efforts to complete OPCON transfer but facing delays due to changes in the security environment, notably North Korea's military threats.
President Lee Jae Myung speaks during a Cabinet meeting at the government complex in Sejong, about 110 kilometers south of Seoul, on Sept. 16, 2025. (Yonhap)
The OPCON transfer was supposed to occur in 2015 but was postponed, as the allies agreed in 2014 to a conditions-based handover -- rather than a timeline-based one -- due to Pyongyang's advancing nuclear and missile threats.
The current conditions-based OPCON transfer the allies have been working on includes Seoul's capabilities to lead combined Korea-U.S. forces, its strike and air defense capabilities, and a regional security environment conducive to such a handover.
In a three-stage program to verify whether the conditions have been met, the allies conducted the initial operational capability test in 2019 but have yet to complete the full operational capability test, the second stage in the process. The full mission capability test is the final phase of the verification program.
But in the face of North Korea's evolving nuclear and missile threats, likely emboldened by the North's deepening military alignment with Russia, and changing security dynamics in the region, it remains to be seen whether conditions, such as a "conducive" regional security environment, can be met by 2030.
Also among the defense policy tasks confirmed Tuesday were transferring the functions of the Defense Counterintelligence Command and eventually scrapping the organization that played a key role in ousted former President Yoon Suk Yeol's botched martial law bid.
The government also aims to advance its three-axis deterrence system against North Korean threats and push for a phased establishment of a space strategy command.
mlee@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · Lee Minji · September 16, 2025
5. North Korea warns US over nuclear war games
We have the regime's attention. This is arguably some of the most important training the ROK/US alliance can conduct. We are showing how a nuclear attack by the regime will be defeated.
And we must not be dissuaded by the evil woman Kim Yo Jong's rhetoric.
North Korea warns US over nuclear war games
Newsweek · Micah McCartney · September 15, 2025
The sister of North Korean leader Kim Jong Un and a top military official issued separate warnings over the weekend ahead of upcoming U.S. military drills with South Korea and Japan.
The officials condemned the exercises—which include a war game simulating coordination with U.S. nuclear forces—as "reckless" and threatened unspecified countermeasures.
Newsweek contacted the North Korean Embassy in Beijing and the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command for comment via email.
Why It Matters
Though South Korean President Lee Jae Myung has signaled a more conciliatory posture toward Pyongyang than his hard-line predecessor, Seoul continues to deepen military ties with Washington and, increasingly, Tokyo amid growing concern over the Kim regime's ballistic missile and nuclear weapons capabilities.
Kim has pledged to expand these United Nations-sanctioned programs, citing U.S.-led "provocations" as justification. Pyongyang's military support for Russia's war in Ukraine has further escalated tensions.
What To Know
Kim Yo Jong, the sister of Kim Jong Un and a senior official of the ruling Workers' Party of Korea's Central Committee, said this week's drills marked a continuation of the "confrontational policy" of previous U.S. and South Korean administrations.
Using abbreviations for South and North Korea—officially the Republic of Korea (ROK) and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), respectively—she said in a statement carried by the state-run Korean Central News Agency: "I remind the U.S., Japan and the ROK that the reckless show of strength made by them in real action in the vicinity of the DPRK, which is the wrong place, will inevitably bring bad results to themselves."
A Japan Air Self-Defense Force F-15J is refueled by a KC-135 Stratotanker assigned to the 909th Air Refueling Squadron, 18th Wing, Kadena Air Base, over the East China Sea, during exercise Freedom Edge 24-2 on... A Japan Air Self-Defense Force F-15J is refueled by a KC-135 Stratotanker assigned to the 909th Air Refueling Squadron, 18th Wing, Kadena Air Base, over the East China Sea, during exercise Freedom Edge 24-2 on November 13, 2024. U.S. Air Force
In a separate statement, Pak Jong Chon, the vice chair of Central Military Commission, said the "reckless" war games posed a serious threat to North Korean security and undermined regional stability.
"The U.S. and its followers should not try the patience of the DPRK and give up dangerous moves to further aggravate the tension and security environment of the region," he said, adding that the country would respond to further "muscle-flexing" with unspecified countermeasures.
On Monday, the U.S. launched the second annual "Freedom Edge" alongside Japan and South Korea—both U.S. defense treaty allies—in international waters southeast of South Korea's Jeju Island, according to a news release from the South Korean Joint Chiefs of Staff.
This year's edition of the drill—the first to take place under the administrations of Lee and U.S. President Donald Trump—will include Air Force and Marine air capabilities, air defense and medical evacuation training, and maritime interdiction drills, according to the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command.
Concurrently, the U.S. and South Korea will hold their second "Iron Mace" exercise, a tabletop simulation focused on integrating U.S. nuclear-capable assets with South Korean conventional forces, with the goal of deterring North Korean threats, South Korean media reported.
What People Are Saying
The U.S. Indo-Pacific Command Public Affairs said in statement: "The continued cooperation of all three nations tangibly demonstrates strength and an unwavering commitment to the defense of our vital interests against shared threats and strengthens deterrence in the Asia-Pacific through bolstering combat-credible forces inside the First Island Chain."
South Korea's Joint Chiefs of Staff said in a statement: "The three countries will strengthen their operational capabilities in multiple domains such as maritime and air cyber though the '25 Freedom Edge exercise and maintain a solid and stable cooperative relationship between the three countries by improving interoperability."
About the writer
Micah McCartney is a reporter for Newsweek based in Taipei, Taiwan. He covers U.S.-China relations, East Asian and Southeast Asian security issues, and cross-strait ties between China and Taiwan. You can get in touch with Micah by emailing m.mccartney@newsweek.com.
Newsweek · Micah McCartney · September 15, 2025
6. Seoul weighing whether to drop term ‘North Korean defector,’ citing stigma
Will a name change contribute to reducing the stigma?
Defector carries negative connotations as it implies being a traitor to your country. Surely Hwang Jang Yop was a defector as a senior party official. But most of the 34,000 escapees are exactly that - Koreans from the north who have escaped from the most despotic regime in the modern era.
Another name to consider is the north Korean diaspora,
But the fact is all Koreans on the north and South side are that: Koreans. That should be the focus - the fact that all Koreans are of the same heritage and culture, customs and traditions. It is just that Kim Il Sung deviated from the arc of Korean history.
Seoul weighing whether to drop term ‘North Korean defector,’ citing stigma
Unification ministry revives debate about negative Cold War connotations, though many escapees say they prefer the term
https://www.nknews.org/2025/09/seoul-weighing-whether-to-drop-term-north-korean-defector-citing-stigma/
Jooheon Kim September 16, 2025
A North Korean man on the Pyongyang subway | Image: NK News
South Korea’s unification ministry is reviewing whether to abandon the use of the term “defectors” to refer to North Koreans who have fled the country and resettled in the South, in an effort to reduce the negative connotations and promote social integration.
During a speech on Monday, unification minister Chung Dong-young revealed the Seoul is researching alternatives to “defector” (talkbukmin, 탈북민) both the legal terminology and the everyday use
“North Korean escapees often dislike the character ‘tal’ (탈 meaning ‘escape’ or ‘defection’),” he said. “Even the word ‘defection’ carries a negative tone.”
According to to Chung, “bukhyangmin” (북향민), meaning those whose hometowns are in the North, currently has the most support among alternative options.
The unification ministry confirmed to NK News that it is also considering alternatives to the term “bukhan yital jumin” (북한이탈주민), a term that literally translates to North Korean defector residents, because the term “yital” (이탈) carries negative connotations.
“Along with experts, we are currently reviewing various terms, including the expression ‘bukhyangmin,’” the ministry said in a statement.
According to a survey conducted by the Korea Institute for National Unification in July last year, 59% of North Korean escapees supported changing the term “bukhan yital jumin.”
About 61% cited reasons such as confusion and negative perceptions associated with the term, while 19% pointed to the need to include not only individuals who came from North Korea but also their family members. 15% noted a lack of sufficient input from defectors themselves in the naming process.
Lim Soon-hee, a senior research fellow at the Database Center for North Korean Human Rights (NKDB), told NK News that “North Korean defector” carries a strongly negative connotation due to the legacy of the Cold War.
“Those who advocated for peace and humanitarian approaches viewed the term ‘defector from North Korea’ as an expression that labels people simply as opponents or rejectees of North Korea, which gives a negative impression,” she said.
However, the expert added that terminology changes have been suggested countless times before and that she’s not sure how meaningful it really is. “There is currently no name that 100% satisfies all North Korean defectors.”
Defector-turned-chef Lee Soon-sil told NK News that the media often introduces her as a “defector chef” and that she actually feels proud of the label.
By contrast, she expressed strong dislike for the term “bukhyangmin.”
“What do you mean by bukhyangmin? Even if Korea reunites, I’m not going back [to my hometown]. It’s filthy and disgraceful — I won’t go back. We left North Korea, so we’re defectors forever,” she said.
Lee also criticized the term saeteomin (새터민), which means “new settlers” and was introduced when previously served as unification minister in the mid-2000s. She said the word makes it sound as if they immigrated from a third country, not from the DPRK.
In 2005, the unification ministry announced it would adopt the new term “saeteomin” to replace “defector,” only to reverse course in Nov. 2008 following opposition from defector groups.
Jo Yong-hwa, another escapee, said constantly changing the terminology could lead to confusion.
“Every time a new administration comes in, they say they want to use more positive terms, like ‘bukhyangmin,’ but to me, that also feels a bit awkward. Even when we go to the U.N. and speak about North Korean human rights issues, we still refer to ourselves as defectors.”
Choi Min-kyeong, a defector who runs an association representing families of those detained in the DPRK, told NK News that she feels most at ease when people refer to her as “ibukmin” (이북민), meaning “people from the North”).
While over 34,000 defectors live in South Korea, research has repeatedly shown that many struggle to fully integrate into ROK society.
A Seoul National University survey found that public attitudes toward defectors remain mostly negative. In 2024, only 18% of people felt “close” to defectors, while 31% did not.
Edited by Bryan Betts
7. North Korea set for strong fall harvest after plentiful summer rains: FAO
Hopefully some good news for the Korean people in the north But it may only be good news for the military as the reime is likely to siphon off the harvest to feed the military,
North Korea set for strong fall harvest after plentiful summer rains: FAO
UN agency reports limited damage from localized flooding, while warning of less favorable conditions for winter crops
https://www.nknews.org/2025/09/north-korea-set-for-strong-fall-harvest-after-plentiful-summer-rains-fao/
Anton Sokolin September 16, 2025
A North Korean farmer holding a stalk of rice in Sept. 2015 | Image: NK News
North Korean farmers are set to enjoy a strong harvest thanks to good growing conditions throughout the summer, according to a new U.N. report, while warning that low rainfall in the coming months could negatively affect winter crops.
The U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) stated on Monday that “remote sensing data” indicated “good vegetation conditions across most of the country” as of late August, just before the harvest season begins, anticipating “generally favorable yields and production prospects.”
This came as the DPRK saw precipitation “well above the average in western parts of the country,” including regions mainly producing cereal crops like North and South Pyongan, as well as North Hwanghae, according to the FAO.
“Temporary flooding occurred in localized low‑lying areas, but no impact on crops has been reported,” the organization observed.
In its previous “Food Security Snapshot,” the FAO reported that North Korea enjoyed a good start to its main agricultural season, with rains helping planting activities and early crop development.
The DPRK subsequently experienced flooding in northern regions, including on the Chinese border, but the scale of the damage appeared to be more limited than last year, when devastating floods and landslides destroyed homes and displaced numerous residents.
But despite dodging drought this summer, North Korea is now forecast to see “below‑average precipitation amounts” in the main cereal producing southern and central areas from October to December, the FAO warned. This “could constrain planting operations and negatively affect crop establishment.”
Meanwhile, harvesting of the 2025 main food crops like rice and maize, “small quantities of soybeans, potatoes, millet and sorghum,” which account for some 90% of total annual production, is underway and is set to be completed by late October.
Planting of “minor winter cereal crops, mainly wheat and barley,” is set to begin next month and finish by the end of November,” according to the FAO.
The DPRK already harvested minor winter and spring cereal crops from the previous season (about 10% of annual production) last June amid “generally favorable” weather conditions in the cropping season.
Peter Ward, a North Korean economy specialist and research fellow at the Sejong Institute, called the FAO’s report “quite encouraging for this year,” adding that improvements in crop production “could help to stabilize food prices to some extent.”
The expert told NK News that North Korea has seen volatility in food prices recently, likely driven by “money printing” and not domestic food shortages.
As for the FAO’s positive forecast, Ward said a combination of factors may have contributed to the reported improvement in farming performance, suggesting that the DPRK’s investment in agriculture may also be “bearing fruit.”
Edited by Bryan Betts
8. Korea, US to form task force on visa issues after Georgia factory raid
Hopefully a positive step forward. Leaders can fix the problems that are a result of the bureaucracy if they choose to.
Korea, US to form task force on visa issues after Georgia factory raid - The Korea Times
The Korea Times · ListenListenText SizePrint
Korea and the United States are moving to establish a bilateral working group to address structural issues in the U.S. visa system to potentially allow more flexible authorization for Korean workers.
The move to establish the working group was prompted by a recent raid at the construction site of a joint Hyundai Motor-LG Energy Solution battery plant in the U.S. state of Georgia, where more than 300 Korean workers were detained. The timeline for the group’s launch has been set ahead of a planned meeting between President Lee Jae Myung and U.S. President Donald Trump at the United Nations General Assembly on Sept. 23, in a bid to demonstrate the allies’ commitment and stem a growing erosion of trust.
According to officials, the two governments are discussing the working group’s structure and initial agenda, based on a draft proposal shared between Seoul and Washington. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the U.S. Embassy in Seoul are serving as the main channels of communication.
Foreign Minister Cho Hyun said the body will be led by director-level officials, emphasizing that its purpose is to facilitate practical consultations rather than political declarations.
The first item on the agenda is expected to be the scope of activities permitted in the U.S. under the B-1 business visa. Many of the detained workers had traveled on B-1 visas, which are typically granted for short-term tasks such as equipment installation, testing and training, rather than direct manual labor.
Although Korean authorities claim that the workers were acting within the terms of their visas, U.S. immigration authorities classified their activities as unauthorized labor and carried out mass arrests.
The Korean government has said it will push for a broader interpretation of B-1 visa eligibility in the upcoming talks, aiming to ensure that installation and commissioning work can be carried out without workers being detained. Officials added that discussions may also include creating a dedicated visa desk at the U.S. Embassy in Seoul for Korean investors, as well as long-term measures such as introducing a new visa quota for Korean professionals, including the proposed E-4, and expanding access to the H-1B specialty occupation visa.
The sense of urgency is tied to the upcoming U.N. General Assembly at which Lee and Trump are expected to meet, either formally or informally. If the working group is not launched before the meeting, observers note that both leaders could face criticism from Korea’s corporate and political circles.
Moon Sung-mook, head of the Unification Strategy Center at the Korea Research Institute for National Strategy, said the visa discussions themselves could help set the tone for the upcoming meeting.
“The working group must deliver visible progress on visa issues before the presidents meet in New York, because that will be read as an indicator of how effectively the alliance can handle sensitive matters,” he said.
U.S. officials have indicated their willingness to respond. During a meeting in Seoul last week, Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau expressed “deep regret” over the detentions and called for the incident to serve as an opportunity to strengthen bilateral ties — the first time a senior U.S. official had directly conveyed such a sentiment.
Trump also sought to calm tensions, writing on social media on Sunday that the U.S. welcomes foreign companies and their employees and does not want to "frighten off or disincentivize Investment."
He added that America “will learn from them, and do even better than them at their own 'game,' sometime into the not too distant future,” remarks which were widely interpreted in Seoul as a signal of support for visa adjustments.
Despite the conciliatory gestures, there has been mounting criticism at home that the government was slow to act. Korean companies have repeatedly raised concerns about visa problems since last year, citing rejected Electronic System for Travel Authorization (ESTA) and denied reapplications.
However, officials only began a comprehensive review after the incident in Georgia. Opposition lawmakers have accused the administration of delivering “an investment windfall to Washington while failing to protect its workers abroad,” labeling the episode a diplomatic setback.
The foreign ministry has stated that it will investigate allegations of mistreatment at the U.S. detention facility where the arrested workers were held based on accounts from returnees and raise the matter if necessary.
With the two presidents preparing for their second meeting of the year, the outcome of the visa negotiations will be watched closely as an indication of whether Seoul and Washington can transform the crisis into an opportunity to strengthen their alliance.
The Korea Times · ListenListenText SizePrint
9. Mr. Trump, apologize and the problem is solved
I think this is about as close to an apology and acknowledgment that the US screwed up bigly on the Georgia raid.
"When foreign companies who are building extremely complex products, machines, and various other ‘things,’ come into the United States with massive investments, I want them to bring their people of expertise for a period of time to teach and train our people how to make these very unique and complex products, as they phase out of our country, and back into their land," Trump posted to his Truth Social account.
https://www.foxbusiness.com/politics/trump-encourages-foreign-companies-bring-manufacturing-experts-train-us-workers-welcome-them
Mr. Trump, apologize and the problem is solved - The Korea Times
The Korea Times · ListenListenText SizePrint
There is no easy solution to tariff negotiations between Korea and the United States. The demands from the U.S. Donald Trump administration regarding Korea's pledged $350 billion investment in the United States are resulting in one senior Seoul official after another visiting for negotiations. Also thrust into this roiling cauldron was the abrupt raid, the largest on a single site by U.S. immigration officials, at the construction site of a battery plant jointly operated by Hyundai Motor Group and LG Energy Solution in Georgia.
In the days since the raid on Sept. 4 (local time), in which nearly 500 workers were arrested and detained, including more than 300 Korean nationals, both nations are grappling with its ramifications. Put plainly, nations other than Korea that have pledged to invest in the U.S. are questioning whether they will also be subject to such treatment. For the U.S., the dilemma is how to align and harmonize its goal of revitalizing its manufacturing sector while also satisfying supporters who applaud the Trump administration's intensified immigration crackdowns.
For the directly affected Korean workers, they need answers, reassurances and an apology if they are to possibly return to work in the U.S. At the $7.6 billion Hyundai-LG plant in Georgia, a joint battery plant was set to complete construction and begin operating by next year. However, LG Energy Solution officials have reportedly said that the construction will likely be delayed by two to three months.
U.S. officials have softened their tone on the matter. Trump said Sunday that he does not want to “frighten off” foreign investment. U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau recently expressed regret over the incident during a visit to Seoul. He reposted Trump's message Monday, adding, "This a very important message directly from President Trump that I've reaffirmed on my recent trip to South Korea."
These comments aren't reassuring many Koreans, however. Is it really an expression of regret from the U.S., or simply an attempt to smooth over the incident and move on? To be fair, officials have the right to carry out immigration raids in their respective countries, but the process must respect legitimate objectives.
The reality is that the Korean public feels its alliance efforts and investments were brushed aside once the pomp of the announced tariff agreement faded. But as Trump's industrial policy expands and shifts, he must grasp the inconsistencies between his trade and immigration policies. In the case of the raid, a simple apology from the U.S. president could both reinvigorate tariff negotiations and ease Koreans' anger.
The uphill negotiations with the United States pose a deep conundrum for Korea. Industry Minister Kim Jung-kwan, who was previously touted for his "chemistry" with U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnik after reaching the agreement on the $350 billion investment, returned to Korea from Washington empty-handed Sunday. Trade Minister Yeo Han-koo is currently in Washington for further negotiations.
Stalling the process is a disagreement over how to allocate Seoul’s pledged $350 billion investment in the United States. Washington wants Korea to accept terms similar to those it secured with Tokyo earlier this month. Under that deal, Japan agreed to transfer funds within 45 days of the U.S. selecting a project, with investment proceeds split 50-50. Once the allocated amount is reached, the U.S. would take 90 percent and Japan 10 percent.
For Korea, there are concerns that such a scheme would negatively impact its foreign reserves, to the extent that it has requested a foreign currency swap. In the meanwhile, a 15 percent tariffs for Japanese autos went into effect while Korean cars still face a 25 percent tariff.
In dealing with a long-standing ally and pivotal trade partner, many Koreans believed the two nations were bound by mutual respect and shared prosperity. Korea and the U.S. should both be mindful of the shared history and values that underscore the two countries' 72-year alliance.
Festering anger in Korea can fuel anti-U.S. sentiment and there is no need for that at this juncture. The U.N. Assembly in New York is coming soon, and soon after will be the Oct. 31- Nov. 1 APEC Economic Leaders' Meeting in Gyeongju, North Gyeongsang Province, which President Lee Jae Myung and Trump are likely to both attend. A direct apology or an address soon from the U.S. president would go a long way. Both administrations no doubt have their domestic populations to listen to, but they cannot afford to sideline trade negotiations and investment process to align supply chains, bring jobs and consolidate diversifying markets.
The Korea Times · ListenListenText SizePrint
10. President’s pick for new envoy to UN raises eyebrows
A buried lede: What is taking the US so long to approve the new South Korean Ambassador to the US?
Excerpt:
The reports follow last month’s news that former Foreign Minister Kang Kyung-wha is awaiting host country approval to serve as ambassador to the United States, while Lee Hyuk, a former envoy to Vietnam, is reported to have been nominated as ambassador to Japan.
President’s pick for new envoy to UN raises eyebrows - The Korea Times
The Korea Times · ListenListenText SizePrint
Cha Ji-hoon, Korea's new ambassador to the United Nations / Yonhap
President Lee Jae Myung’s decision to tap a lawyer with scant diplomatic experience as Korea’s next ambassador to the United Nations raised eyebrows in diplomatic circles, where the post is considered one of the country’s most visible and influential assignments.
Lee appointed on Monday Cha Ji-hoon, a senior attorney at Hwawoo law firm, to lead the diplomatic mission to the New York-based international organization.
Cha will assume the post immediately, as unlike other ambassadorial appointments, the U.N. posting does not require the host country’s prior approval.
Born in 1963 in Suncheon, South Jeolla Province, Cha built his career with Minbyun, a progressive lawyers’ group, and has served on several government legal advisory panels.
But his resume is thin on multilateral diplomacy, a gap that stands out given that the U.N. ambassadorship has often been a stepping stone for senior diplomatic figures. Both Foreign Minister Cho Hyun and his predecessor Cho Tae-yul previously served as envoy to the U.N.
Some critics are scrutinizing Cha’s close personal ties with the president.
The two entered the Judicial Research and Training Institute in the same year. Cha joined Lee’s legal defense team in 2020 when, as governor of Gyeonggi Province, he stood on trial for alleged violation of election law. The Supreme Court later overturned a guilty verdict and returned the case to an appeals court, effectively acquitting Lee.
Observers in diplomatic and foreign policy circles are questioning Cha’s ability to lead the U.N. mission amid Korea’s rising profile on the international stage.
"It is true that the U.N.’s standing has somewhat weakened in recent years, but the envoy post is still considered the pinnacle of multilateral diplomacy," said a former diplomat who served Korea’s mission to the U.N.
"Beyond speeches and debates, much more takes place behind the scenes. Also, maintaining relations with diplomats from other countries demands both skill and deep knowledge of international affairs," he added.
People walk past U.N. headquarters in Manhattan in New York, Sept. 9 (local time). AFP-Yonhap
Rep. Kim Gunn of the main opposition People Power Party criticized the appointment as "irresponsible."
"Until now, most ambassadors tasked with multilateral diplomacy have been career diplomats. Even those who served as career diplomats have often said the job at the U.N. was extremely difficult," the diplomat-turned-lawmaker said in a radio interview with Channel A Monday.
Cha’s diplomatic ability is expected to face an early test as Korea holds the rotating presidency of the U.N. Security Council this month. The new envoy is also expected to accompany the president to New York next week for the high-level session of the U.N. General Assembly.
Meanwhile, the Lee administration is accelerating appointments of new envoys to the United States, China, Japan and Russia — countries central to Korea’s foreign policy and regional strategy.
Roh Jae-heon, son of former President Roh Tae-woo, has reportedly been nominated as Korea’s next ambassador to China, according to diplomatic sources. Lee Seok-bae, who served as ambassador to Russia under the Moon Jae-in administration, is expected to return to that post.
The reports follow last month’s news that former Foreign Minister Kang Kyung-wha is awaiting host country approval to serve as ambassador to the United States, while Lee Hyuk, a former envoy to Vietnam, is reported to have been nominated as ambassador to Japan.
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11. S. Korea to shorten Civilian Control Line-DMZ distance to as little as 5 km: defense chief
More development? More people? Harder to evacuate when north Korea threatens attack?
S. Korea to shorten Civilian Control Line-DMZ distance to as little as 5 km: defense chief | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Oh Seok-min · September 16, 2025
SEOUL, Sept. 16 (Yonhap) -- Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back said Tuesday that the government is considering narrowing the distance of the Civilian Control Line (CCL) from the inter-Korean border in order to ease inconveniences faced by residents in border areas.
Ahn made the remarks during a parliamentary interpellation session on foreign affairs and security in the day.
"The Lee Jae Myung government is considering reducing the Civilian Control Line to as little as 5 kilometers from the Military Demarcation Line (MDL), depending on the region," Ahn said.
"This measure is intended to address property losses and daily inconveniences experienced by residents in border areas," he added.
Since the early 1970s, the CCL has been set at varying distances of 27 km, 20 km, 15 km or 10 km south of the MDL that runs through the center of the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ).
The DMZ, which stretches about 250 km in length and 4 km in width, has served as a buffer between the two Koreas since the end of the 1950–53 Korean War.
Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back speaks during a parliamentary interpellation session at the National Assembly in Seoul on Sept. 16, 2025. (Yonhap)
graceoh@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · Oh Seok-min · September 16, 2025
12. PM says parliamentary ratification may be needed for $350 bln investment in U.S.
Seems logical.
PM says parliamentary ratification may be needed for $350 bln investment in U.S. | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Lee Haye-ah · September 16, 2025
By Lee Haye-ah
SEOUL, Sept. 16 (Yonhap) -- Prime Minister Kim Min-seok said Tuesday that parliamentary ratification may be needed to execute US$350 billion in investment in the United States under a bilateral trade agreement reached in July.
Kim made the remark during a parliamentary interpellation session when asked by an opposition lawmaker whether ratification is necessary to fulfill the investment commitment made in return for Washington's lowering of "reciprocal" tariffs from 25 percent to 15 percent.
"It's hard to speak for all cases," he said. "Once the final negotiations are done and a conclusion is reached, the agreement of the National Assembly may be needed."
South Korea and the U.S. have been struggling to iron out differences over the details of the trade agreement, including where the investment will go.
Kim said that even if the agreement does not explicitly require parliamentary ratification he believes such steps should be taken in line with provisions in the Constitution that suggest parliament's agreement on matters of finance.
Foreign Minister Cho Hyun echoed the view in response to a similar question.
"If it places a burden on the people, it is our position that we should naturally come to the National Assembly to explain and seek your agreement, and we have clearly stated this to the U.S.," he said.
Kim also spoke about the recent detention of more than 300 South Korean workers in a U.S. immigration crackdown in Georgia, saying he regrets the occurrence, though the root of the issue should have been resolved under the previous administration.
"We will resolve it without fail," he said.
Prime Minister Kim Min-seok responds to a lawmaker's question during an interpellation session at the National Assembly in Seoul on Sept. 16, 2025. (Yonhap)
hague@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · Lee Haye-ah · September 16, 2025
13. N. Korea credits Russia cooperation for economic gains during five-year period
Perhaps some honest reporting from the regime?
N. Korea credits Russia cooperation for economic gains during five-year period
The Cabinet attributed various accomplishments to the "wise leadership and diplomatic acumen" of Kim Jong Un
By Jeong Seo-yeong - September 16, 2025
dailynk.com · September 16, 2025
North Korea’s Cabinet has reviewed economic progress during the five years of the Eighth Party Congress and announced tasks for the remainder of the period.
“In a preliminary review of five years of progress on the work of the Eighth Party Congress on Aug. 30, the Cabinet detailed accomplishments and shortcomings and informed each ministry and the people’s committees of each province, city and county about areas that need improvement,” a source in North Hamgyong province told Daily NK recently.
The Cabinet identified manufacturing as the sector that has seen the most economic growth over the past five years. More specifically, manufacturing showed signs of recovering production capacity in machinery, chemistry and light industry.
The Cabinet also noted that construction had made good progress on building regional infrastructure and residential buildings in urban centers. In particular, the Cabinet cited large-scale construction projects in strategic areas such as Pyongyang, Samjiyon and Wonsan as examples of successful projects orchestrated by the Central Committee.
Another accomplishment reported by the Cabinet was higher output of strategic minerals—including iron ore, coal and rare earths—in the mining sector. However, electricity shortages and limited transportation capabilities had created a disconnect between mine output and resource distribution, the Cabinet said, emphasizing that there was significant room for improvement in that area.
Russia emerges as key economic partner
The Cabinet said that strong performance in the manufacturing, construction and mining sectors was due to technical assistance and resource trading with Russia. In effect, strategic economic cooperation with Russia was the main driver of growth in these sectors, the Cabinet concluded.
North Korea’s economic cooperation with Russia has expanded in various areas, including imports of grain and energy, exports of mineral resources, loans of construction equipment, and interaction between technical workers. That cooperation was an important factor behind progress made during the five years of the Eighth Party Congress, the Cabinet said.
The Cabinet attributed those accomplishments to the “wise leadership and diplomatic acumen of the Marshal,” referring to North Korean leader Kim Jong Un.
At the same time, the Cabinet urged party members to be wary of excessive reliance on foreign cooperation, which could hinder efforts to bolster self-reliance.
“Officials in the people’s committee in Kimchaek, North Hamgyong province, were informed about the Cabinet’s report in an administrative meeting. Officials were excited to hear about the party’s achievements and shared opinions and concerns about practical difficulties,” the source said.
“Officials noted that the Cabinet’s report on Aug. 30 not only highlighted progress made during the five years of the Eighth Party Congress but also pressured them to meet economic goals in the remaining period. The Central Committee is attempting to play up progress for political reasons, but officials on the ground are concerned about how to make up for shortages and achieve their goals,” the source added.
Officials are anxious that the Central Committee may launch more audits and take direct control of more economic projects during the second half of the year.
dailynk.com · September 16, 2025
14. Trilateral Freedom Edge drills conducted without U.S. aircraft carrier
Do not read too much into this or misunderstand this. We have multiple security responsibilities.
But our aircraft is conducting tralteral drills farther south with Japan and the UK (in fact with a UK aircraft carrier as well). That contributes to readiness to operate in the KTO as well.
Trilateral Freedom Edge drills conducted without U.S. aircraft carrier | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · Lee Minji · September 16, 2025
SEOUL, Sept. 16 (Yonhap) -- A U.S. aircraft carrier is not expected to join this year's trilateral military exercise among South Korea, the United States and Japan, officials said Tuesday.
The three countries launched the multidomain Freedom Edge exercise for a five-day run on Monday in international waters east and south of South Korea's southern island of Jeju.
The ongoing exercise marks the third round of the trilateral drills, following previous rounds of the drills conducted in June and November last year, respectively.
The inaugural exercise was joined by the U.S. Navy's USS Theodore Roosevelt aircraft carrier, while the second round of the drills involved the USS George Washington aircraft carrier.
A military official raised the possibility of scheduling issues, noting how U.S. carrier strike groups have been assigned to the Middle East.
But the absence of a U.S. aircraft carrier also comes at a time when Seoul and Washington have been seeking to resume dialogue with North Korea.
North Korea has strongly protested against joint drills among the three nations, which it labeled as an attempt to strengthen a "U.S.-led military bloc," and warned of military action against such drills.
The North has especially reacted furiously to the deployment of U.S. strategic assets, such as aircraft carriers, nuclear submarines and strategic bombers, to the Korean Peninsula.
On Sunday, Kim Yo-jong, the influential sister of North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, condemned the drill plans and warned the "reckless muscle-flexing" would bring unfavorable consequences.
This Nov. 14, 2024, file photo, provided by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, shows fighter jets parked on the USS George Washington aircraft carrier during a trilateral Freedom Edge exercise between South Korea, the United States and Japan. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)
mlee@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · Lee Minji · September 16, 2025
15. Why Korean Fandom Is So Intense, According to the Star of ‘Squid Game’
Some Korean culture.
Why Korean Fandom Is So Intense, According to the Star of ‘Squid Game’
Lee Jung-jae, who has been a star in South Korea for decades, said social media has made audiences more zealous. He thinks he knows how to keep them happy.
https://www.nytimes.com/2025/09/16/world/asia/lee-jae-jung-squid-game.html
By Jin Yu Young
Reporting from Seoul
Lee Jung-jae is everywhere in South Korea: on TV, in fashion shows, and on ads selling everything from insurance to instant noodles.
He was already an established leading man in South Korea when his star turn in Netflix’s hit series “Squid Game” elevated him further at home and brought him global attention. He became the first Korean to win an Emmy for acting and was the first Asian to be cast as a Jedi Master in the “Star Wars” franchise.
But superstardom in South Korea also means heavy scrutiny from fans, who can quickly morph into critics and harassers. Their backlash has roiled careers and, in a few extreme cases, culminated in celebrities dying by suicide.
“It is a burden,” Mr. Lee said of South Korean fans’ expectations, in a recent interview. Audiences here root for their favorite stars “with the heart of a family member.”
That, experts say, can make a letdown from a celebrity intensely personal for audiences in South Korea.
Image
Mr. Lee, in white, at a fan event for Squid Game in Seoul last year.Credit...Jung Yeon-Je/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
Mr. Lee has had a taste of disapproval. In 1999, he was booked for drunken driving and had his license suspended. Three years later, he committed the same offense. Although local media branded him a disgrace, today’s rich social media landscape didn’t yet exist, and those incidents did not derail his blossoming career.
“Had it happened recently, it would have been different,” said Jason Bechervaise, who studies Korean films at Hanyang University in Seoul.
In the ensuing years, Mr. Lee, who said he still regrets the incidents, learned how to straddle fans’ expectations. He has built a reputation as a star without airs.
“Before smartphones and social media, fans could only communicate with stars and one another in person,” Mr. Lee said. “Now, they can interact online, which has made fandoms more zealous.”
Image
Memorabilia celebrating the 30th anniversary of Mr. Lee’s acting career.Credit...Jun Michael Park for The New York Times
Mr. Lee, who was wearing a gray suit and Christian Dior sneakers to the July interview in the Gangnam neighborhood in Seoul, seemed pensive and solemn as he laid out what he thinks his followers want.
“Fans want their favorite stars to work hard, have a good social reputation, and be prolific,” he said.
For now, Mr. Lee appears to have checked all three boxes, evolving early on into a leading man in thrillers and period dramas. He has over 40 movie and TV credits.
Image
Mr. Lee as Seong Gi-hun in season 3 of Squid Game.Credit...No Ju-han/Netflix
Jayeon Lee, who teaches media and communications at Hanyang University, said the Korean concept of “jeong,” or a collective bond, helps explain the public’s perception of celebrities.
“One characteristic of Korean relationships is that people have high levels of affection and hold each other to high standards,” she said. And when someone — even a celebrity with whom people have no personal interactions — strays from expectations, it brings “disappointment and a sense of betrayal.”
That is what happened to one of Mr. Lee’s co-stars, Choi Seung-hyun, a K-pop rapper who is better known as T.O.P. In 2017, he received a suspended jail term of 10 months for smoking marijuana, an illegal substance in South Korea. He mostly stayed away from public life for years, until he appeared as Thanos in season 2 of “Squid Game.”
But experts noted that stinging feedback from fans has sidelined other Korean stars, especially women, for seemingly smaller infractions.
Image
Mr. Lee as Master Sol in the Disney+ series “Star Wars: The Acolyte.”Credit...Christian Black/Lucasfilm Ltd.
Interactions between fans and celebrities have changed dramatically since Mr. Lee first rose to fame in 1995 with “Sandglass,” a series about South Korea’s turbulent history with dictatorships.
“I often meet my fans at the theater at movie premiere events,” he said. But since TV shows don’t often have red carpets, “I need to find a way, be it on Instagram or another platform, to cultivate a constant back and forth between my fans rather than rely on those film screenings.”
His Instagram skews curated and polished rather than candid and expressive. Nonetheless, one downside to social media is how rapidly rumors can spread, and Mr. Lee is no stranger to being the subject of gossip.
Soon after the release of the second season of “Squid Game” in December, a photo of him with a conservative politician, Han Dong-hoon, spread on the internet. It led to speculation that Mr. Lee was a supporter of Mr. Han and, by extension, the party of Yoon Suk Yeol, who as president of South Korea had declared martial law just weeks earlier.
But the photo was taken years ago, and Mr. Lee told reporters in January that he and Mr. Han were merely former high school classmates and neither business nor political partners.
Image
“Before smartphones and social media, fans could only communicate with stars and one another in person,” Mr. Lee said. “Now, they can interact online, which has made fandoms more zealous.”Credit...Jun Michael Park for The New York Times
Today the public constantly monitors stars and offers endless feedback, Mr. Lee said.
“I’ve wondered if I need to debunk every myth or rumor about me,” he said. “But I’ve come to accept that this comes with the job.”
Some critics say audiences have glossed over some of Mr. Lee’s D.U.I.s and other run-ins with the law.
But supporters attest to his sterling character both on and off the camera.
Hwang Dong-hyuk, the creator and director of “Squid Game,” said Mr. Lee threw himself into the role of Seong Gi-hun or Player 456. He ate mostly boiled vegetables for a year, skipping crew meals and keeping himself isolated, losing 22 pounds through filming, as his character became more gaunt.
Mr. Lee “isn’t complacent in his stardom,” Mr. Hwang said.
Through the expectations, rumors and experience of over 30 years in South Korea’s entertainment industry, Mr. Lee said he has unlocked one secret to keeping his fans happy: Steer clear of playing an unforgivable antagonist.
“There are some villains who at least look cool while doing it. But a through-and-through bad guy? I won’t do it,” he said. “My fans would never forgive me.”
Jin Yu Young reports on South Korea, the Asia Pacific region and global breaking news from Seoul.
De Oppresso Liber,
David Maxwell
Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy
Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation
Editor, Small Wars Journal
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
Phone: 202-573-8647
email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com
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