Chicagoland Pro-Israel Political Update
Calling balls and strikes for the pro-Israel community since 2006
April 25, 2021
If you remember nothing else, remember this:
- The doubt we had that Chauvin would be found guilty on all counts is proof that our justice system needs reforming.
- The U.S. is progressing toward reentering the JCPOA, which remains the best path toward ensuring Iran does not acquire nuclear weapons.
- The Democratic Party opposes conditioning aid to Israel and neither Congress nor the President will condition aid to Israel. Rep. Betty McCollum's (D-MN) bill has zero chance of passing.
- Take a blind taste test on antisemitism and see how you do.
- Read to the end for upcoming events and fun stuff.
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Friends,
Derek Chauvin is guilty on all three counts. But what does it say about America that the outcome was in doubt? Who can blame us? It wasn't that long ago that a Republican Senate refused to convict Donald Trump despite his clear guilt on three articles of impeachment. Our work will be done when we are surprised if the system does not work.
We can't keep blaming police misconduct on bad apples. The problem is systemic. As poet
Jessica Foster wrote, "no healthy tree naturally bears strange fruit.” Black Lives Matter.
The U.S. is making progress toward reentering the Iran Deal. But the Biden administration has made clear that we will do it on our terms. State Department spokesperson
Ned Price reiterated last week that "the United States is not going to lift sanctions unless we have clarity and confidence that Iran will fully return to compliance with its obligations under the deal, that it will put a lid on its nuclear program, that it will expand its breakout time, that it will reduce the level of enrichment and the scope of enrichment in its country. And until we have confidence in all those things, the United States is not going to make any concessions.”
When the Iran Deal was debated in 2015, opponents could not come up with a better, realistic alternative. They still haven't come up with anything better, but now we know that the deal worked and that without the deal, we are worse off. The Iran Deal
achieved its goal of taking the threat of a nuclear-armed Iran off the table, but Trump walked away. Then his "maximum pressure" strategy
failed, his efforts at the UN to continue the arms embargo against Iran
failed, and his efforts at the UN to snapback sanctions against Iran
failed. Ned Price
noted that last week that under Trump's maximum pressure strategy, "Iran accelerated its nuclear program and enacted measures that would have been prohibited under the JCPOA." And that's what the Republicans want more of.
Of the six living former directors of Israel’s Mossad, four have publicly praised the Iran nuclear agreement. "None have echoed Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s extraordinary criticism of the deal. These former high-level intelligence officials are not alone. Israel’s military leadership, high-profile Israeli nuclear experts, former directors of Israel’s internal security agency and a former Israeli prime minister
have all echoed Mossad’s former chiefs in praising the Iran nuclear deal." As
three Israeli security experts recently wrote, "the choice today is not between the existing agreement and a theoretical better one, but between it and no agreement at all."
Pro-Bibi groups that opposed the Iran Deal in 2015 not only lost credibility, but proved that members of Congress could win without their political support. Every member of Congress who supported the Iran Deal and sought reelection won reelection. But anti-diplomacy forces are gearing up for round two, even though in the unlikely event Congress passes legislation blocking or impairing the deal, Biden will have more than enough votes in both chambers to sustain a veto.
Instead of committing political malpractice again, these groups should do what they should have done the first time: Ask serious questions at hearings and work with the administration on legislation to strengthen our ability to enforce the deal (improved technology, precision weapons systems, enhanced intelligence gathering, etc). But they won't because their donors want a fight, and after they lose, they'll say it was worth it because they shed light on the issue, as if no one was otherwise paying attention.
The U.S. will not condition aid to Israel. But it makes for a great fundraising pitch, doesn't it? Senators Bernie Sanders (I-VT) and
Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) spoke last week about conditioning aid, saying little they haven't said before. Their views are not news. But what apparently is news to some people is that Democratic voters overwhelmingly chose Joe Biden in the primaries. He is now President. Biden consistently voted for aid to Israel when he was in the Senate, helped put together the largest aid package to Israel in U.S. history as Vice President, and is on record that conditioning aid to Israel would be
“outrageous” and “a gigantic mistake.”
The
Democratic Platform states that "our commitment to Israel’s security, its qualitative military edge, its right to defend itself, and the 2016 Memorandum of Understanding is ironclad." Rep. Betty McCollum (D-MN) recently
reintroduced legislation that will suffer the same fate its previous iterations suffered: It will get
perhaps 15-30 cosponsors (out of over 200 Democrats), it will die in committee, and it will never see a vote on the House floor.
Contrary to inaccurate right-wing fundraising pitches, McCollum's bill outlines new prohibitions on how Israel can use U.S. aid but only requires reports on whether Israel is violating those prohibitions--it does not mandate any cuts in aid. The bill is silent on consequences, so it would then be up to Congress or the president to choose to take action if Israel violated the prohibitions, and we know how Biden--
and Congress--feels about conditioning aid.
The bill's 37 "findings" are one-sided. One would have no idea from reading this bill that Israel is a close ally of the United States or that these cases (and how they should be reported) are not clear-cut. The bill's statement of U.S. policy does not mention our unbreakable alliance with Israel or our support for a two-state solution, a fatal omission. Concerns such as those contained in the bill would be better addressed through diplomacy. We should oppose this bill.
McCollum's bill won't pass. However, calls for additional oversight of U.S. aid to Israel will increase to the extent that Israel does not curb expansion of settlements in the West Bank. Israel cannot achieve a two-state solution on its own, but Israel can prevent a two-state solution from becoming more difficult.
Now for a blind taste test. Studies show that amateurs and professionals will rate older, more expensive wines higher than lower priced wines yet will rate the wines differently in blind taste tests. They are not lying when they rate higher priced wines higher--the knowledge makes it genuinely taste better. The same is true of our political beliefs. We often adjust our position on an issue based on the position of our tribe, however we define our tribe. So let's try a blind taste test on three definitions of antisemitism:
- Antisemitism is a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews. Rhetorical and physical manifestations of antisemitism are directed toward Jewish or non-Jewish individuals and/or their property, toward Jewish community institutions and religious facilities.
- Antisemitism is discrimination, prejudice, hostility or violence against Jews as Jews (or Jewish institutions as Jewish).
- Antisemitism consists of anti-Jewish beliefs, attitudes, actions or systemic conditions. It includes negative beliefs and feelings about Jews, hostile behavior directed against Jews (because they are Jews), and conditions that discriminate against Jews and significantly impede their ability to participate as equals in political, religious, cultural, economic, or social life.
Which do you like better? Don't peek until you decide. Each definition offers examples, but the value of the examples depends on the coherence of the definition. Otherwise, the examples are just lists.
Neve Gordon and Mark Levine point out that under the IHRA definition, Albert Einstein, Hannah Arendt, and Yeshayahu Leibowitz could be considered antisemitic. Nevertheless, for the reasons they outline, this definition appeals to Jewish institutions with certain agendas.
Victims of antisemitism object to the IHRA definition because it is vague and inadequate.
By the way, if you want to do Scotch tastings with or without a blindfold, I am available.
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