WE REMEMBER


IDF Soldier Killed in Combat


Master Sargent Alexander Filin, 29 years old, a combat soldier with the 36th Division’s headquarters, from Haifa. Click Here for more information



To see the faces of the soldiers who have lost their lives while defending Israel since October 7th, Click Here


MAY THEIR MEMORIES BE FOR A BLESSING

We share an amazing piece by Sam Harris, who has emerged as one of Israel’s most articulate and effective advocates:



Why I Won’t Debate Critics of Israel

A Note To The Making Sense Community


...First, my general attitude: I’m not interested in exploring all the ways that Israel has missed the mark—from Prime Minister Netanyahu’s corrupt alliance with the far right, to the many crimes committed by settlers in the West Bank, to the deaths of innocent noncombatants in several wars—because none of these failings, however grave, will alter my sense that (1) the ethical difference between Israel and her enemies remains vast, and (2) the global preoccupation with the Jewish state, as though it were the worst villain among nations, is contemptible, being the product of perennial lies and delusions.


Next, a simple heuristic: As I suggested in at least one Community thread already, if my intransigence on these matters mystifies you, it might help to understand that, for whatever reason, I think militant Islam is ten times worse than you think it is. When I talk about “jihadists” and their various groups—Hamas, Hezbollah, al-Qaeda, the Islamic State, the IRGC, etc.—I’m talking about people who I consider to be worse than Nazis (jihadists being, essentially, Nazis who are certain of Paradise). My views about the conflict in the Middle East will not fundamentally change unless my critics produce evidence that Israel has become as evil as her enemies.


However, you can rest assured that if the IDF morphs into a death cult that uses its own civilian population as human shields (and yet somehow remains widely popular), if ordinary Israelis begin to celebrate martyrdom above every earthly priority, producing generations of bright-eyed, suicidal fanatics, if the residents of Tel Aviv condone the taking of Palestinian infants, old women, and other noncombatants as hostages and then gather in crowds of thousands, baying for their blood—if, in other words, the Israelis begin to resemble the Palestinians, then I won’t care who wins this war. Short of this, there remains a world of difference between the two sides, and I believe that we should focus on how brutalizing it is for any free society to confront enemies that can sincerely claim to “love death” more than everyone else loves life—for this has been Israel’s predicament for the better part of a century.


The problem in the Middle East is not, and has never been, the existence of the state of Israel. The problem is jihadism, Islamism, Islamic extremism, Islamofascism, militant Islam—or whatever words you want to use to describe the belligerence and triumphal lunacy of those who take the most pernicious doctrines of Islam too seriously.


I won’t debate the history of the Middle East because it is irrelevant to resolving the conflict there. Of course, many people insist that we must disentangle and reconsider every strand of this history, going back at least a century. The reason I’m convinced that this is a fool’s errand is simple: Palestinians and Israelis have discrepant accounts of the past, and no amount of study or debate will reconcile them.

 

What’s far more important to understand—and I think it really is the only thing worth considering—is what the current inhabitants of Israel, the Palestinian territories, and the surrounding Arab states want out of life now. (Not what they pretend to want or what a handful of royal families want, while their populations want something quite different.) What do the Jews and Muslims in the region really yearn to accomplish? What are they willing to sacrifice for? What are they willing to die for? And what are they willing to let their children die for?

 

When we focus on the present this way, if we’re being honest, we must concede that there are two very different realities on either side of this conflict: culturally, psychologically, ethically, spiritually—in every way that matters. Yes, Israel has its religious fanatics too. But they aren’t the same sort of fanatics we find in Hamas or Hezbollah, and they’re far less representative of the surrounding culture. Notwithstanding everything that can be said against Prime Minister Netanyahu, the Israeli far right, and the settlers in the West Bank—and there is much to condemn—I believe the following remains true:

 

If the Palestinians laid down their arms, there would be peace. There could be a two-state solution; there could even be a one-state solution; it wouldn’t matter. If the Palestinians simply stopped killing Jews and stopped building a culture that celebrates pointless murder and martyrdom as its highest values, there could be a diverse, tolerant, and prosperous society between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea. There could have been one eighty years ago. But if the Israelis laid down their weapons, there would be a genocide. This was obviously true on October 7th, 2023. And for anyone who has been paying attention, it has been true on every other day since the founding of the state of Israel.

 

The truth is, I have never known how Israel should have responded to the events of October 7th. I only know that they, along with every other free society, must ultimately defeat militant Islam. How we should do this is genuinely debatable. But that’s not the point of contention among Israel’s critics, especially on the left. To them, worrying about militant Islam—even in Israel, even in the aftermath of the worst slaughter of Jews since the Holocaust—is just more “Islamophobia.” It’s just more “colonialism” and “racism” (as though that last charge made any sense in the Middle East).

 

If you want to understand my view of this conflict, simply ask the one question that clarifies everything in the present: What would each side do if it had the power to do whatever it wanted? Though many pretend otherwise, everyone knows the answer to this question to a moral certainty...

Commentary and Analysis of the Iran Deal

Mark Dubowitz On The Deal


After years of sanctions, military pressure, regional setbacks, and unprecedented economic strain, Iran finds itself in one of the weakest positions in the history of the Islamic Republic. The argument is that this moment presents the greatest leverage any American administration has ever possessed against Tehran, making it precisely the wrong time to offer sanctions relief, economic incentives, or diplomatic normalization without securing irreversible concessions. Rather than settling for temporary promises or partial agreements, the opportunity exists to demand meaningful changes to Iran's nuclear program, missile capabilities, support for terrorist proxies, and domestic repression. Once economic pressure is eased and international legitimacy restored, much of that leverage will disappear, allowing the regime to regroup and rebuild. The central warning is that history repeatedly shows Iran using negotiations to buy time, and that relinquishing unprecedented leverage now could leave the United States, Israel, and the broader region facing an even stronger adversary in the future.

David Suissa on Iran's Unexpected Victory


What should have been a moment of maximum pressure on Iran instead risks becoming a turning point in the regime's rehabilitation. The proposed ceasefire elevates Tehran from a weakened aggressor to a recognized negotiating partner, granting it political legitimacy without requiring fundamental changes to its nuclear ambitions, support for terrorism, or regional destabilization. Critics from across the political spectrum—including voices in traditionally pro-Trump outlets such as The Wall Street Journal—have questioned whether hard-won military and diplomatic leverage is being exchanged for a fragile and temporary calm. By easing Iran's isolation before securing meaningful concessions, the agreement allows the regime to claim survival, preserve its strategic capabilities, and reenter the international arena with renewed standing, raising concerns that today's ceasefire could become tomorrow's larger confrontation.

THE ONE 

HIGH HOLIDAY SEMINAR

You Don't Want To Miss


Monday, August 17


10 am - 5 pm in NYC 


Venue details will be provided upon registration



  • The Case for Israel, David Ingber
  • Text Study with Rabbi Shaul Robinson
  • My Best Jokes, Stories and Anecdotes and How To Use Them, Rabbi Mitchell Wohlberg
  • How To Use Stories To Inspire and Tell Our Story, Sarah Gordon


In-Person Attendance: 

  Ordained Rabbis--$59 (lunch included)

  Rabbinical Students--$36

Remote Attendance: $36


The High Holiday Seminar is open exclusively to ZRC members

If you are not a ZRC member

Click Here to Join (Membership is a one-time fee.)


If you are arriving on Sunday evening

please join us for dinner at 7pm in NYC

(Cost of dinner will be paid individually by each of us)


By Our Rabbis


To submit your Op-Ed, blog post, column or sermon to be highlighted and shared with colleagues in an upcoming week, please Click Here to submit your column for publication (mail to: ssilberberg@zionistrabbis.org)

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