American Minute with Bill Federer
Race Politics, Civil Rights, & LBJ's BIG SWITCH from INTIMIDATION to ENTITLEMENT as the means to control minority vote
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In 1857, the
Supreme Court,
with 7 of the 9 Justices being
Democrat,
decided that
Dred Scott
was not a citizen, but
property.
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Chief Justice Roger Taney
was
appointed by the first
Democrat
President, Andrew Jackson.
Taney
wrote in his
Dred Scott decision
that slaves were "so far inferior ... that the Negro might justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery for their own benefit."
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Abraham Lincoln
did not believe in
"stare decisis"
- that he had to honor the precedent of the
Dred Scott decision,
stating June 28, 1857:
"We think the
Dred Scott decision
is
erroneous.
We know
the court
that made it, has
often over-ruled its own decisions,
and we shall do what we can to have it to over-rule this ..."
Lincoln
added:
"Why this same
Supreme Court
once decided a national bank to be constitutional; but
General Jackson,
as
President of the United States,
disregarded the decision
... (stating in) his veto message:
'It is maintained by the advocates of the bank, that its constitutionality ... ought to be considered as
settled by precedent,
and by the
decision of the Supreme Court
...
To this conclusion
I cannot assent.
Mere
precedent is a dangerous source of authority,
and
should not be regarded
as deciding questions of constitutional power.'"
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Lincoln,
the
first Republican President,
referenced the
Dred Scott
decision
in his Inaugural Address, March 4, 1861:
"If the policy of the Government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by
decisions of the Supreme Court,
the instant they are made ... the people will have ceased to be their own rulers."
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Lincoln
issued the
Emancipation Proclamation,
January 1, 1863, but Congress considered it an overreach of Presidential power.
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Lincoln
then supported the
Republican Congress
passing the
13TH AMENDMENT, which abolished slavery throughout America,
effective
December 6, 1865.
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Once
Southern Democrats
were forced to free their slaves, they attempted to re-enslave them by passing
Black Codes.
These required former slaves to be "apprenticed" to "employers" and be punished if they left.
In many cases, the fate of sharecroppers was little better than slavery.
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Black Codes
were also called
"Jim Crow Laws,"
referring to a 1828 New Orleans riverboat song called
"Jump Jim Crow,"
in which a black-faced performer appeared in a mocking caricature and danced:
"Weel about and turn about and do jis so,
Eb'ry time I weel about I jump Jim Crow."
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Many Democrat
Black Codes
prohibited blacks from owning guns,
such as in Mississippi, 1865:
"No freedman, Negro, or mulatto shall carry or keep firearms or ammunition."
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On November 22, 1865,
Republicans
denounced Mississippi's
Democrat
legislature for enacting
Black Codes
as they institutionalized discrimination.
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On February 5, 1866,
Republican Congressman Thaddeus Stevens i
ntroduced legislation to give former slaves "40 acres and a mule," but
Democrats
opposed it, led by
President Andrew Johnson.
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On April 9, 1866,
Republicans
in Congress
overrode President Johnson's veto
and passed the
Civil Rights Act of 1866,
conferring
rights of citizenship on freed slaves.
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To force
Southern States
to extend the rights of
State citizenship to former slaves, Republicans
passed the
14TH AMENDMENT,
May 10, 1866, in the U.S. House, and June 8, 1866, in the U.S. Senate.
One hundred percent of
Democrats voted against it.
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The
14TH AMENDMENT
was adopted by the States on JULY 28, 1868.
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Republican Congressman John Farnsworth
of Illinois stated, March 31, 1871:
"The reason for the adoption (of the 14TH AMENDMENT) ... was because of ...
discriminating ... legislation
of those States ... by which they were
punishing one class of men under different laws from another class."
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Along with
Jim Crow laws, Southern Democrats
attempted to
keep former slaves from voting.
On January 8, 1867,
Republicans
granted
voting rights
to
former slaves
in the
District of Columbia
by
overriding President Andrew Johnson's veto.
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On July 19, 1867,
Republicans
passed more legislation
protecting voting rights
of
all freed slaves,
again, after
overriding President Andrew Johnson's veto.
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On March 30, 1868,
Republicans
began
impeachment proceedings
against
President Andrew Johnson.
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On September 12, 1868,
Democrats
in Georgia's Senate
expelled black civil rights activist Tunis Campbell
and
24 other Republican African-Americans,
who would later be
reinstated by a Republican Congress.
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On October 22, 1868, while campaigning for re-election,
Republican Congressman James Hinds
was assassinated by
Democrats
who had organized
vigilante groups.
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The
15TH AMENDMENT,
granting the
right to vote
to all men regardless of race was passed February 3, 1870, overcoming
97 percent Democrat opposition.
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Once
Southern Democrats
could no longer keep former slaves from voting, they attempted to
intimidate
them through
KKK-type vigilante mobs and lynchings.
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In the era called
"Reconstruction,"
Republican
President U.S. Grant
signed the Enforcement Act, May 31, 1870, which imposed stiff penalties for depriving any American of their civil rights.
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The
Republican Congress,
June 22, 1870, created the
U.S. Department of Justice
to safeguard civil rights
against Democrats
in the South.
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The
Republican
Congress passed another Enforcement Act, February 28, 1871, which provided
federal protection for black voters.
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The
Republican
Congress enacted the
Ku Klux Klan Act,
April 20, 1871,
outlawing the Democrat-affiliated intimidation group
which oppressed and terrorized black neighborhoods.
The secretive group took its name from "kuklos," the Greek word for "circle."
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A black Republican civil rights leader
in Philadelphia was
Octavius V. Catto,
an eloquent intellectual, trained in classical languages.
He
was repeatedly threaten for advocating for equality.
Catto
was murdered by
a Democratic Party operative
on October 10, 1871.
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Republican
President Ulysses S. Grant
deployed U.S. troops on October 18, 1871, to combat violence against African Americans.
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The
Republican Party
splintered into rivalries during the 1876 Presidential Election.
Democrats
agreed to support candidate
Rutherford B. Hayes
if he would
end Reconstruction
by
pulling Federal troops out of the South.
Unfortunately, this gave a green light to
Democrat racism
and
lynchings.
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Democrats
called the white
Republicans "radicals,"
and
lynched them
along with blacks.
The Tuskegee Institute recorded that from 1882-1968,
3,446 blacks
and
1,297 whites
were
lynched
- the
whites
being
"radical" Republicans
who were caught registering freed blacks to vote."
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Republican President Theodore Roosevelt
stated in his State of the Union Address, December 3, 1906:
"White men
are
lynched,
but
the crime
is peculiarly
frequent
in respect to
black men ...
... Governor Candler, of Georgia, stated ... 'I can say of a verity that I have, within the last month, saved the lives of half a dozen i
nnocent Negroes who were pursued by the mob,
and brought them to trial in a court of law in which they were acquitted.'
... As Bishop Galloway, of Mississippi, has finely said: 'The mob lynches a Negro charged with rape will in a little while lynch a white man suspected of crime.
Every Christian patriot
in America needs to lift up his voice in loud and eternal
protest against the mob spirit
that is threatening the integrity of this Republic ...'"
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Roosevelt
continued:
"There is but one safe rule ... that is, to
treat each man,
whatever his color, his creed, or his social position,
with even-handed justice
...
Reward or punish the individual on his merits as an individual. Evil will surely come in the end to both races if we substitute for this ...
Every lynching represents ... a loosening of the bands of civilization ... No man can take part in the torture of a human being without having his own moral nature permanently lowered.
Every lynching means just so much moral deterioration in all the children who have any knowledge of it, and therefore just so much additional trouble for the next generation of Americans."
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Republican
Theodore Roosevelt
was the first President to have a black man,
Booker T. Washington, as a guest for dinner in
White House, October 16, 1901.
Democrats
were furious.
Southern Democrat newspapers
condemned
Roosevelt
for it, as printed in
The Memphis Scimitar:
"The most damnable outrage which has ever been perpetrated by any citizen of the United States was committed yesterday by
the President, when he invited a n----- to dine with him at the White House.
It would not be worth more than a passing notice if
Theodore Roosevelt
had sat down to dinner in his own home with a Pullman car porter, but
Roosevelt
the individual and
Roosevelt
the President are not to be viewed in the same light."
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One of the
Black Codes
was that blacks had to ride separate, and often inferior, railroad cars.
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In 1892, a black man,
Homer Plessy,
was arrested for violating the
Louisiana Separate Car Act.
The Supreme Court upheld the
racial discrimination
in
Plessy v. Ferguson,
1896, calling it "separate but equal."
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During the
Spanish-American War,
black and white soldiers and sailors were integrated in the military.
Democrat President Woodrow Wilson considered the
Plessy v. Ferguson decision
as "stare decisis"- settled law, and proceeded to segregate
the U.S. Army, U.S. Navy, Postal Service, and other Federal offices.
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Wilson told a protest delegation in 1914, led by their black representative
Monroe Trotter:
"Segregation is not humiliating, but a benefit, and ought to be so regarded by you gentlemen.
If your organization goes out and tells the colored people of the country that it is ... a benefit, they will regard it the same. The only harm that will come will be if you cause them to think it is a humiliation."
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Monroe Trotter
replied:
"Soon after your inauguration began, segregation was drastically introduced in the Treasury and Postal departments by your appointees."
Democrat President Wilson
snapped at
Monroe Trotter:
"If this organization is ever to have another hearing before me it must have another spokesman. Your manner offends me ... Your tone, with its background of passion."
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Wilson
screened the pro Klu Klux Klan movie,
The Clansman
(1915), in the White House, which led to a revival of KKK membership.
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Democrat President Franklin D. Roosevelt
appointed former KKK member,
Senator Hugo Black
of Alabama, to be a Justice on the U.S. Supreme Court.
To gain support of the Democrat South, FDR agreed to block enforcement of anti-lynching laws.
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Democrat Congressman Lyndon B. Johnson
from Texas stated:
"(This
civil rights
bill) is a farce and a sham ... in the guise of liberty.
I am opposed to that program.
I have voted against the so-called poll tax repeal bill ...
I have voted against the so-called anti-lynching bill.”
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During World War II, Republican
General Dwight Eisenhower
forbade racism
and made the decision to arm black American soldiers with weapons.
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In 1948, running as the States' Rights
Democrat
candidate for President,
Strom Thurman
stated in a campaign speech:
"I wanna tell you, ladies and gentlemen, that there's not enough troops in the army to force the Southern people to break down segregation and admit the Nigra race into our theaters, into our swimming pools."
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In 1952 and 1956, a majority of black Americans voted for
Republican
President Eisenhower.
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In 1953, Eisenhower's
Vice President, Republican Richard Nixon
chaired a committee which sought to eliminate discrimination on the basis of race or color in the employment practices of government contractors.
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In 1954,
Supreme Court Justices rejected
the
"stare decisis"
of
Plessy v. Ferguson's "separate but equal"
and
gave its
Brown v. Board of Education decision,
prohibiting racial discrimination.
Eisenhower immediately ordered the desegregation of Washington, D.C. public schools.
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In 1957,
Eisenhower
proposed a civil rights bill to enforce the 15th Amendment, strengthening the rights of blacks to vote.
Instead of voting for it,
Democrat Senator John F. Kennedy delayed it
by voting to have it sent to the Senate Judiciary Committee.
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Doris Kearns Goodwin, in
Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream: The Most Revealing Portrait of a President and Presidential Power Ever Written
(NY: New American Library, 1977, p. 155), quoted
Democrat Senator Lyndon Johnson
telling Democrat Senator Richard Russell regarding the Civil Rights Act of 1957:
"These Negroes, they’re getting pretty uppity these days and that’s a problem for us since they’ve got something now they never had before, the political pull to back up their uppityness.
Now we’ve got to do something about this,
we’ve got to give them a little something,
just enough to quiet them down, not enough to make a difference.
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... For if we don’t move at all, then their allies will line up against us and there’ll be no way of stopping them, we’ll lose the filibuster and there’ll be no way of putting a brake on all sorts of wild legislation.
It’ll be
Reconstruction
all over again."
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On September 4, 1957,
Democrat Arkansas Governor Orval Faubus
stood at the door of Central High School in Little Rock, accompanied by the Arkansas National Guard, and blocked nine black students from coming inside."
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Southern
Democrat
Governors resisted desegregation.
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Republican Eisenhower
sent Federal troops to force racial integration of southern public schools.
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Democrat Birmingham Commissioner Bull Connor,
who had close ties with the KKK, used fire hoses and police dogs on blacks. He stated in 1957:
"(Segregation) laws are still constitutional and I promise you that until they are removed from the ordinance books of
Birmingham
and the statute books of
Alabama,
they will be enforced in
Birmingham
to the utmost of my ability and by all lawful means.”
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Former Republican Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice
stated on
The View,
March 1, 2018:
"Let me tell you why I’m a defender of the Second Amendment.
I was a little girl growing up in
Birmingham, Alabama,
in the late fifties, early sixties. There was no way that
Bull Connor
and the
Birmingham
Police were going to protect you.
And so when White Knight Riders would come through our neighborhood, my father and his friends would take their guns and they’d go to the head of the neighborhood, it’s a little cul-de-sac and they would fire in the air, if anybody came through.
I don’t think they actually ever hit anybody. But they protected the neighborhood.
And I’m sure if
Bull Connor
had known where those guns were he would have rounded them up. And so, I don’t favor some things like gun registration."
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In 1958,
Republican President Eisenhower
met with
Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.,
in the White House.
Eisenhower
proposed a Civil Rights bill in 1959, but Senate
Democrats
filibustered it and watered it down.
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In 1959, when Southern
Democrats
demanded the proposed civil rights bill include a provision, that if anyone violate the law, they should be tried before an all-white jury,
Republican
Vice-President Nixon
gave the deciding vote in the Senate to kill the Southern amendment.
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Alabama's
Democrat Governor George Wallace,
in 1963, blocked the entrance to the University of Alabama, stating "segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever."
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Federal troops escorted black students to class.
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In the
Democrat
south, after the
Birmingham Children's Crusade Protest
in 1963 where police dogs and fire hoses were used against blacks,
President Kennedy
called for a bill emulating the
Republican Civil Rights Act of 1875.
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Southern
Democrats
who opposed desegregation included
former KKK klansman Senator Robert Byrd,
the longest serving Democrat Senator and the Senate Majority Leader.
Confirming his Party's deep-seated racism,
Byrd
admitted:
"You had to be in the Klan to advance in the
Democrat Party."
Upon his death,
Democrat Secretary of State Hilary Clinton
stated:
"Today our country has lost a true American original, my friend and mentor
Robert Byrd
... It is almost impossible to imagine the United States Senate without
Robert Byrd.
He was not just its longest serving member, he was its heart and soul. From my first day in the Senate, I sought out his guidance."
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Democrat Senators, including
Democrat Senator Albert Gore, Sr.
, filibustered
Republican Civil Rights legislation
nonstop for 71 days, from March 30 to June 10, 1964.
Southern
Democrats
fervently opposed it, as
Democrat
Senator Richard Russell
in 1964:
"We will resist to the bitter end any measure or any movement which would have a tendency to bring about social equality and intermingling and amalgamation of the races in our (Southern) states."
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Senator Strom Thurmond
stated in 1964:
"This so-called Civil Rights Proposals, which the President has sent to Capitol Hill for enactment into law, are unconstitutional, unnecessary, unwise and extend beyond the realm of reason.
This is the worst civil-rights package ever presented to the Congress and is
reminiscent of the Reconstruction
proposals and actions of the
radical Republican Congress."
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On June 10, 1964,
Democrat Senator Robert Byrd
filibustered the Civil Rights Bill for 14 hours and 13 minutes.
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A watered-down compromise bill was signed by
President Lyndon Johnson on
July 2, 1964.
Dinesh D'Sousa pointed out
(The Independent Whig,
Sept. 1, 2016):
"More Republicans
proportionally voted for that Civil Rights Act in ’64, and the voting rights act in ’65, and the fair housing bill in ’68, than
Democrats
did."
Lyndon Johnson
immediately followed this up by introducing his
socialist Great Society entitlement welfare programs.
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THE BIG SWITCH
The phrases "the bribe or the bullet," and "the silver or the lead," refer to
positive or negative human motivations.
Parents and preschool teachers are familiar with this in shaping a child's behavior, by using positive motivation, such as with a piece candy, or using negative motivation, such as discipline.
From the Civil War to Lyndon Johnson,
Southern Democrats
utilized the
negative motivation
of
intimidation
to keep African Americas from voting.
But as television and media reporting revealed the horrors of these intimidation tactics, it was bad press for the
Democrat Party.
Political strategists proposed the
switch
to a different tactic in order to control minority voting, from
"intimidation"
to
"entitlement."
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In other words, instead of
suppressing
the African American vote through
intimidation,
the African American vote could be
controlled
through dependency on
entitlement
programs.
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According to Ronald Kessler's book,
Inside The White House
(1996),
Lyndon Johnson,
who had a reputation for vulgarity in private conversations, explained his
big switch
strategy change from
intimidation
to
entitlement
to two Democrat governors aboard Air Force One, saying:
"I'll have those n****rs voting Democratic for the next 200 years."
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Lyndon Johnson's Great Society Welfare State
proceeded to enroll large numbers of minorities into entitlement programs.
At first this was difficult, as most blacks were independent and self-reliant, averse to being dependent on gifts from an all-powerful government.
This attitude was expressed by
George W. Carver,
who wrote
in
A Brief Sketch of My Life, 1922
:
"
I would never allow anyone to give me money, no difference how badly I needed it. I wanted literally to earn my living."
Democrat social workers
overcame this initial opposition from those "too proud" to take a hand out, and enrolled increasingly larger numbers.
This gradually led to a cultural shift of generational dependency, and with it, a strong tendency for recipients to vote for Democrat candidates who promised more hand outs.
In other words:
more dependents equals more votes.
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As lower income voters grew more dependent on government programs, it proportionally
increased the Democrat Party's voting constituency.
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Alexis de Tocquevill
e warned:
"The American Republic will endure, until politicians realize they can bribe the people with their own money."
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Attracting
voters
by
promising hand outs
was a tactic predicted back in 1857, in a letter
Britain's Lord Thomas MacCauley
wrote to
New York's Democrat Secretary of State, Henry S. Randall:
"Distress ... makes the laborer ... discontented, and inclines him to listen with eagerness to agitators who tell him that it is a monstrous iniquity that one man should have a million while another cannot get a full meal ...
The day will come when, in the State of New York, a multitude of people, none of whom has had more than half a breakfast ... will choose a Legislature ...
On one side is a statesman preaching patience, respect for vested rights, strict observance of public faith.
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... On the other is a demagogue ranting about the tyranny of capitalists ... and asking why anybody should be permitted to drink champagne and to ride in a carriage while thousands of honest folks are in want of necessaries.
Which of the two candidates is likely to be preferred by a working man who hears his children cry for more bread?"
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Plato
described in his
Republic,
380 BC, how a tyrant will seize power by
taking money away
from his
political opponents
and
funneling it
to his
political supporters:
"Their leaders deprive the rich of their estates and distribute them among the people."
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Julius Caesar
worded it this way:
“Use money to get men and use men to get money.”
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George Bernard Shaw
stated:
"A government policy to rob Peter to pay Paul can
be assured of the support of Paul."
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This "bribe for votes" tactic was used by
Juan Perón
to seize political power in
Argentina.
Hugo Chavez
used it to seize political power in
Venezuela.
Vote-buying eventually leads to
national bankruptcy,
as
Margaret Thatcher
warned:
"The problem with socialism is that you eventually run out of other people's money.”
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Promotion of
dependency
for
political purposes
also led to a change in
immigration policy.
Lyndon Johnson,
with the help of
Democrat Senator Edward Kennedy,
changed immigration quotas to bring in more immigrants from
poorer, third world countries.
These could be immediately enrolled in
entitlement programs,
and thus, be inclined to
vote
for the
party promising to continue free benefits.
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LBJ's immigration policy change
initiated
a demographic transformation
reminiscent of the Fall of Rome.
Will and Ariel Durant
wrote in
The Story of Civilization
(Vol. 3-Caesar and Christ, Simon & Schuster, 1944, p. 366):
"If Rome had not engulfed so many men of alien blood in so brief a time ...
If she had occasionally closed her gates to let
assimilation
catch up with
infiltration,
she might have gained new racial and literary vitality from the
infusion,
and might have remained a Roman Rome, the voice and citadel of the West."
In other words, a person needs food, but they should only eat it as fast as their body can assimilate it.
A nation needs immigrants, but they should only be brought in as fast as the "body-politic" can assimilate them.
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An example of the political impact of policies was the
Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986,
coupled with
NAFTA (1994 North American Free Trade Agreement).
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NAFTA
created dozens
more globalist Mexican billionaires,
but
robbed poorer Mexican families
of their
means of livelihood,
spurring a
migration
north to cross U.S. borders.
These policies contributed to
California
transitioning from a
Republican
state into a
Democrat
state.
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If more immigrants can be let into a state, and counted in the census, the state will gain more congressional districts, increasing its power in Congress.
And since electoral votes are allotted to each state based on their number of congressional districts, plus two senators, and since the President is elected by electoral votes, if a state can increases its population, it will get a greater say in determining who the next President will be.
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Another observation is, that as homelessness and crime increase in major cities, many with families and financial means (ie. Republicans) move out.
The city is left with a higher percentage of dependents (ie. Democrats).
Thus, more city crime effectively results in a Democrat monopoly on city government.
And since major cities often determine which party wins the state in Presidential elections, and with it all of the state's electoral votes, increased city crime increases Democrat influence in Presidential elections.
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What has been the impact of the socialist
Welfare State
on
families
and
neighborhoods?
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Lyndon Johnson's Great Society Welfare State
provided more money to a household if the father was not present in the home.
This adversely affected the strong church-centered black families and neighborhoods.
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Robert Rector and Rachel Sheffield, writing for The Heritage Foundation, stated in "Backgrounder #2955 on Poverty and Inequality" that
prior to LBJ's "War on Poverty,"
less than
2 percent
of the Federal Budget was on
welfare spending.
Fifty years later,
spending on anti-poverty programs mushroomed to
27 percent of the Federal Budget,
costing $22 trillion (adjusted for inflation), three times the cost of all U.S. military wars since the Revolution, yet the percentage of people in poverty has not improved.
Before LBJ's "War on Poverty,"
less than
5 percent
of children were born to
unmarried parents.
50 year later
it has skyrocketed to
40 percent.
Before LBJ's "War on Poverty,"
less than
10 percent
of U.S. children lived in single parent households.
50 years later
that number has exploded to
33 percent,
with the poverty rate of single female parent households growing to 37.1 percent.
In
1965,
Labor Department sociologist Daniel Patrick Moynihan reported that
25 percent
of all
black children
were
born illegitimately.
In
2015,
that number had grown to
72 percent.
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Tim Goeglein, Deputy Director of the White House Office of Public Liaison 2001-2008,
writing for
Focus on the Family Citizen Magazine
(2016), stated:
"This is perhaps the most dismal legacy of the Johnson years, and a sad testament to the vision of
social planners
who believed more government would mean stronger families and marriages."
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African American
Republican Rep. J.C. Watts, Jr.,
stated February 5, 1997:
"For the past 30 years our nation's spent $5 trillion trying to erase poverty, and the result, as you know, is that
we didn't get rid of it at all. In fact, we spread it.
We destroyed the self-esteem of millions of people, grinding them down in a
welfare system
that
penalizes moms for wanting to marry the father of their children,
and penalizes moms for wanting to save money. Friends, that's not right."
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Internationally renown Pediatric Neurosurgeon
Dr. Ben Carson
was appointed
U.S. Secretary of Housing and Urban Development.
He stated:
"My mother worked as a domestic, two, sometimes three jobs at a time because she didn't want to be on welfare.
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She felt very strongly that if she gave up and went on welfare, that she would give up control of her life and of our lives, and I think she was probably correct about that ...
But, one thing that she provided us was a tremendous example of what hard work is like."
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Dr. Carson
added:
"The more solid the family foundation, the more likely you are to be able to resist peer pressure. Human beings are social creatures.
We all want to belong, we all have that desire, and we will belong, one way or another. If the family doesn't provide that, the peers will, or a gang will, or you will find something to belong to.
That's why it becomes so critical for families with young children to understand what a critical anchor they are."
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Beginning in the 1960s, educational emphasis transitioned from academic achievement to behavior modification.
Voters who were less educated could be more easily manipulated and controlled, as was the case in the Democrat pre-Civil War South.
Basic public morality has been replaced with situation ethics, abortion, unrestrained sexual agendas, and the inciting of racial tensions for political advancement.
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A historical example of Democrat-controlled education was North Carolina's 1831
Act to Prevent Teaching Slaves to Read:
"Any free person, who shall hereafter teach ... any slave within the State to read or write ... or shall give or sell to such slave ... any books or pamphlets, shall ... be fined not less than one hundred dollars ... imprisoned, or whipped."
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More recently,
"racism"
has been
redefined
to mean
anyone opposing big government dependency welfare programs
.
In a tragic irony, dependency on government entitlements is reminiscent of the dependency on Southern Democrat plantations, where slaves waited for handouts from their masters.
This similarity has been pointed out by many black leaders.
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Star Parker,
founder of
CURE (Center for Urban Renewal)
wrote
Uncle Sam's Plantation: How Big Government Enslaves America's Poor and What We Can Do About It.
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Rev. C.L. Bryant
produced a documentary
Runaway Slave Movie,
stating: "I am a 'Runaway Slave' from the Democrats' plantation."
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C. Mason Weaver
wrote
It's OK to Leave the Plantation: The New Underground Railroad.
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Wayne Perryman
wrote
Unfounded Loyalty: An In-Depth Look Into The Love Affair Between Blacks and Democrats.
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Rev. Bill Owens
is the founder of the
Coalition of African American Pastors.
His wife,
Dr. Deborah Owens,
leads
"Education for All."
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Bishop E.W. Jackson
is the founder of
S.T.A.N.D.
and
The Awakening Radio Show.
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Jesse Lee Peterson,
president of Brotherhood Organization of a New Destiny, commented on black unemployment being at the lowest level on record, that Donald Trump will be considered a "great president" for helping African Americans leave the Democrat "plantation."
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Yahoo Sports reported June 19, 2019,
"Former NFL player on reparations: 'How about the Democratic Party pay'":
"A former NFL player
testifying before Congress on Wednesday spoke out against the concept of reparations.
Burgess Owens,
formerly of the Jets and Raiders, spoke during hearings for H.R. 40 ...
'I used to be a Democrat
until I did my history and found the misery that party brought to my race ... Let's pay restitution.
How about the Democratic Party pay
for all the misery brought to my race?'"
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Increasingly, media, music and entertainment is employed to
stir racial prejudices
and passions
for political purposes.
President William Henry Harrison
warned of this tactic in his Inaugural, 1841:
"Understanding of men can be warped and their affections changed by operations upon their
passions
and
prejudices."
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Political organizers employ race-baiting tactics to incite racial tensions for political purposes.
Race-politics was first used by
Abimelech
to
overthrow
the
ancient Hebrew Republic,
as recorded in chapter 9 of the Old Testament Book of Judges.
Ablimelech
told the men of Shechem:
"'Which is better for you, that all seventy of the sons of Gideon reign over you, or that one reign over you?' Remember that
I am your own flesh and bone' ...
And ... the men of Shechem ... inclined to follow
Abimelech,
for they said, '
He is our brother' ...
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... So they gave him seventy shekels of silver from the temple of Baal-Berith, with which
Abimelech
hired
worthless and reckless men;
and they followed him.
Then he went to his father’s house at Ophrah and
killed his brothers,
the seventy sons of Gideon, on one stone ... And all the
men of Shechem
gathered together ... and made
Abimelech king."
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Saul Alinsky
wrote in
Rules for Radicals:
"The organizer's first job is to
create the issues
or
problems
..."
"The organizer must first
rub raw
the
resentments
of the people of the community ..."
"The organizer ...
polarizes the issue
... and helps to lead his forces into
conflict
... An organizer must
stir up dissatisfaction
and
discontent
..."
"Fan the latent hostilities
of many of the people to the point of overt expression ...
He must search out
controversy
and issues, rather than avoid them ... for unless there is
controversy
people are not concerned enough to act."
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This was observed by
Republican Booker T. Washington,
who had written in
My Larger Education-Being Chapters from My Experience
(1911, ch. V: The Intellectuals and the Boston Mob, p. 118):
"There is another class of colored people who make a business of keeping the troubles, the wrongs, and the hardships of the Negro race before the public.
Having learned that they are able to make a living out of their troubles, they have grown into the settled habit of advertising their wrongs -- partly because they want sympathy and partly because it pays.
Some of these people do not want the Negro to lose his grievances, because they do not want to lose their jobs ..."
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Washington
stated:
"There is a certain class of race-problem solvers who do not want the patient to get well,
because as long as the disease holds out they have not only an easy means of making a living, but also an easy medium through which to make themselves prominent before the public."
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Rep. J.C. Watts, Jr.,
stated February 5, 1997:
"Too often when we talk about racial healing, we make the old assumption that government can heal the racial divide ...
Republicans and Democrats - red, yellow, black and white - have to understand that we must individually, all of us, accept our share of responsibility ...
It does not happen by dividing us into racial groups. It does not happen by trying to turn rich against poor or by using the politics of fear. It does not happen by reducing our values to the lowest common denominator.
And friends, it does not happen by asking Americans to accept what's immoral and wrong in the name of tolerance ..."
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Watts
continued:
"We must be a people who dare, dare to take responsibility for our hatred and fears and ask God to heal us from within.
And we must be a people of prayer, a people who pray as if the strength of our nation depended on it, because it does ..."
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J.C. Watts
concluded:
"I've often told the story of a boy and his father.
The father was trying to get some work done, and the boy wanted the daddy's attention, but the father was busy at his desk with so much to do.
To occupy the boy, this father ... remembered that he had seen a picture of the world in this magazine.
In what he thought was a stroke of genius, the father tore out the picture and tore it into 20 different pieces, and he said, 'Here son. Go put the world back together.'
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And you know what happened? Five minutes later the little Michelangelo was back, saying, 'Daddy, look what I've done.'
The father looked, and he said, 'Son, how did you do it so quickly? How did you put the world back together so quickly?'
And the little boy answered, 'Dad, it was easy. There was a picture of a man on the back of the map, on the back of the world. And once I put the man back together, the world fell into place.'
And friends, this is our agenda: to put our men and women back together, and, in that way, get our country back together."
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