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Steven Richard Sheffey's

Chicagoland Pro-Israel Political Update

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December 18, 2022

Key Takeaways:

  • Eric Alterman's "We Are Not One: A History of America's Fight Over Israel" is the perfect Hanukkah gift for anyone who wants to understand the history of the U.S.-Israel relationship and the role of American Jewry in shaping the relationship.

  • We should judge the new Israeli government on the extent to which its policies are consistent with our values.

  • A new poll found that Democrats are twice as likely as Republicans to agree that prejudice against Jews is a serious problem and that antisemitism poses a growing threat to Jews.

  • President Biden established a task force tasked with developing a national strategy to counter antisemitism.

Read to the end for other news you may have missed and fun stuff.

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Hi Steve,

Chag Urim Sameach! Hanukkah starts tonight. If you're looking for the perfect gift for someone who wants to understand the history of the U.S.-Israel relationship, attitudes of the Jewish community toward that relationship, and the extent to which domestic politics have influenced that relationship, We Are Not One: A History of America's Fight Over Israel, by Eric Alterman, fits the bill. It's 500 pages long, but it's so tightly written that an adequate summary would be almost as long as the book. But it's interesting throughout and it's a fast read.

Alterman's book, published in November, puts the themes we discuss in this newsletter in context. The 1967 Six Day War occurred six years after the Eichmann trial sparked renewed interest in the Holocaust. Israel's survival was never at risk in 1967, but many believed prior to the War that a second Holocaust was imminent. After Israel won, Jewish identity in the United States became increasingly tied not to Jewish ritual or learning, but to pride and identification with Israel combined with Holocaust education and Emil Fackenheim's 614th commandment: to give Hitler no posthumous victories. But as Alterman notes throughout his book, the Israel that Jews were asked by their schools and organizations to identify with was not the real Israel, but idealized fictional Israel depicted in Leon Uris's novel (and film) "Exodus."

That's why today, many in the Jewish community, especially college students, are unable to address criticism of Israel: The Israel they have been trained to believe in by the organized Jewish community doesn't exist, so they are unprepared for legitimate criticism of the real Israel. Because the Israel of "Exodus" has become central to their Jewish identity, they interpret criticism of Israel as antisemitism, as attacks on who they are.

As important as Holocaust education is--and as dangerous as Holocaust denial is--connecting Israel with the Holocaust further compounds the problem. Quoting Peter Novick Alterman writes that "'as the Middle Eastern dispute came to be viewed within a Holocaust paradigm,' it simultaneously became 'endowed with all the black-and-white moral simplicity of the Holocaust'--a framework that promoted 'a belligerant stance toward any criticism of Israel' no matter who was giving voice to it or what may have been their inspiration."

Consequently, Alterman writes, one can understand the willingness of some Jewish Americans "to defend Israel as a kind of miracle of redemption that arose from the ashes of European Jewish civilization...willing to support, without much questioning, just about anything Israeli leaders said was necessary to assure its security and survival."

Holocaust education is vitally important, as is the reborn Jewish State of Israel. Never again means never forgetting, and Israel is both the realization of a 2,00-year-old dream as well as a potential refuge for Jews facing antisemitism anywhere in the world. But their emotional power makes them a tempting target for emotional manipulation. Unfortunately, says Alterman, "American Jewish institutions' relentless focus on--and demands for--fealty to Israel, tied to the Holocaust and antisemitism, are the only cards mainstream Jewish leaders know how to play."

It wasn't always this way and it doesn't have to be this way. Alterman traces the history of these complex relationships from the rise of modern Zionism to the present day. Along the way, he debunks myths about Jewish control of the media and control of U.S. foreign policy (attempts to influence policy are not the same as control of policy), specifically addressing specious arguments advanced by Stephen Walt and John Mearsheimer in their 2008 book "The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy" that exaggerate the power, impact, and cohesiveness of pro-Israel lobbying.

Alterman acknowledges throughout the book that domestic Jewish organizations do sometimes have some influence on foreign policy and that political leaders consider their views when making policy. Why would they exist if their lobbying and political contributions made no difference? But Alterman cites polling showing that the positions taken by legacy Jewish organizations sometimes differ from the views of the Jewish Americans they purport to represent.

Noting AIPAC's support for insurrectionists in the 2022 election and the inability of AIPAC's president, when asked, to come up with a single affirmative example of whether there was anything at all "a candidate who supports Israel could support that would rule them out for AIPAC's support," Alterman writes that "what AIPAC (with unintended irony) called its 'United Democracy Project' clearly undermined its bona fides as a supporter of American democracy."

(Subsequent polling found that 72% of Jewish voters disapproved of AIPAC's decision to back candidates they deem pro-Israel but who voted against certifying the 2020 presidential election on January 6, 2021. Among Jewish Democrats, the percentage was 90% disapproval.)

Alterman might have added that not only was AIPAC's opposition to the Iran Deal in 2015 unsuccessful but no members of Congress who supported the deal lost in 2016. The only two times candidates who voted differently on the Iran Deal ran against each other, the candidate who supported the Iran Deal won (Tammy Duckworth vs. Mark Kirk in 2016 and Jerry Nadler vs. Carolyn Maloney in the most Jewish district in the country in 2022).

Alterman's book offers no easy answers and lets no one off the hook. If you're looking for a feel-good read or a book whose every word you'll agree with, this is not the book for you. But if you want to understand how we got to where we are--which will help you better advocate for and support the real Israel--then this, along with Daniel Sokatch's Can We Talk About Israel? (which focuses on the Israel-Palestinian conflict), is a good place to start.

We don't know what policies Israel's new government will pursue. We do know that Israel's new government will likely include ministers who have previously expressed support for policies antithetical to our values. But Bibi has made clear that he will set policy and that "they are joining me. I'm not joining them." In his previous terms as prime minister, Bibi's policies were more moderate than the Likud's platform, but past performance does not guarantee future results.

We should, as Secretary of State Blinken said on December 4, "gauge the government by the policies it pursues rather than individual personalities [and] hold it to the mutual standards we have established in our relationship over the past seven decades." And we should remember the difference between the State of Israel and the government of Israel. Just as we can criticize Biden (or Trump) and support America, so too we can criticize the government of Israel and remain pro-Israel. Those who criticize Israel's policies are not necessarily anti-Israel, and as I wrote five years ago, pro-Israel is not necessarily pro-Bibi.

Michael Koplow warns us not to fall for the simple narratives that are coming. But it does not take much imagination to foresee potential difficulties emerging in the U.S.-Israel relationship, and those of us who want to preserve the strength of that relationship need to understand its history and dynamics. Alterman's book is a good place to start.

I'll share my end-of-year book list at--the end of the year.

In case you missed it:

  • A national survey found that Democrats are twice as likely as Republicans to agree that prejudice against Jews is a serious problem and that antisemitism poses a growing threat to Jews.

  • President Biden is establishing an inter-agency group led by Domestic Policy Council staff and National Security Council staff to increase and better coordinate U.S. Government efforts to counter antisemitism, Islamophobia, and related forms of bias and discrimination within the United States. The President has tasked the inter-agency group, as its first order of business, to develop a national strategy to counter antisemitism.

  • The Biden administration worked with UN Economic and Social Council partners to remove Iran from the Commission on the Status of Women, a body whose values and mission the regime makes a mockery of.

  • Republicans ignored election denier Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene's (R-GA) statement at a New York Young Republicans gala that if she and Steve Bannon had organized the January 6 attack on Congress, “we would have won. Not to mention, it would’ve been armed.” GOP Leader and election denier Kevin McCarthy wants to reinstate Greene on committees. Greene later claimed she was joking, but as Bret Stephens writes, "that's the old demagogic trick of riling the mob while playing the fool."

  • Some Jewish organizations slammed McCarthy's efforts to remove Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-MN) from the House Foreign Affairs Committee, noting that McCarthy’s pledge seems “especially exploitative in light of the rampant promotion of antisemitic tropes and conspiracy theories by him and his top deputies amid a surge in dangerous right-wing antisemitism.” I wrote an op-ed with Jonathan Jacoby on this subject.

  • If you are obsessed with Palestinian textbooks, then you owe it to yourself to read this from Hadar Susskind.

  • I’ve been told that I should point out both sides, so here is Rep. Rashida Tlaib‘s (D-MI) latest on antisemitism. She also sent it as an email to her national list. I have to admit I’ve never seen anything like this from the Republicans I’ve criticized in this newsletter.

Last Week's Newsletter.

Tweet of the Week. Kevin Kruse

Twitter Threads of the Week. Kelsey Davenport (especially #13) and Dov Waxman.

Twitter Replies of the Week: The replies to a (serious) article attacking those who ask others to watch their laptops in cafes while they go to the washroom.

Video Clips of the Week. Six13 - Elton Johnukah and Jewish Holiday Reactions: The Hannukah Story! (Miriam Anzovin).

This is the newsletter even Republicans have to read and the home of the viral Top Ten Signs You Might be at a Republican Seder (yes, I wrote it).

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The Fine Print: This newsletter usually drops on Sunday mornings. Unless stated otherwise, the views expressed herein do not necessarily reflect the views of any candidates or organizations I support or am associated with. I value intellectual honesty over intellectual consistency, and every sentence should be read as if it began with the words "This is what I think today is most likely to be correct and I'm willing to be proven wrong, but..." Read views opposed to mine and make up your own mind. A link to an article doesn't mean I agree with everything its author has ever said or even that I agree with everything in the article; it means that the article supports or elaborates on the point I was making. I read and encourage replies to my newsletters but I don't always have the time to acknowledge them or engage in one-on-one discussion. I'm happy to read anything, but please don't expect me to watch videos of any length--send me a transcript if it's that important. Don't expect a reply if your message is uncivil or if it's clear from your message that you only read the bullet points or failed to click on the relevant links. 

Dedicated to Ariel Sheffey, Ayelet Sheffey, and Orli Sheffey z''l. Copyright 2022 Steve Sheffey. All rights reserved.