Campaigning for Democracy And Socialism.
How Will US Workers Define Themselves Today?
A militant minority of today's working class is preparing for battles for change, if they are not already on the picket lines. A larger progressive majority is awakening. A reactionary pro-Trump minority is already taking to the streets, fighting against the common good.

How will this conflicted consciousness sort itself out? Will it see itself as a multinational 'rainbow' class seeking allies to defend democracy? Or as a more exclusionist defender of GOP neo-confederate notions of a 'white nation' keeping 'the other' outside or below? We need a solidarity that unites the many to defeat the few, the 'new gilded age' on top that holds us all down, regardless of skin color or sexualities. The hour is late. Educate, Agitate, Organize!
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Merri Ansara, Boston:  I wonder if someone from CCDS wants to view this film-- Women of Steel--when it is shown next week at the UMass Labor Center, and then see if it should be shown in the CCDS labor circles.  

It is a rousing good film about mostly immigrant women and their 20-year fight to get into the Steel Mill, the only good paying job in town. They use every organizing tool in the book, and then some, and you laugh, you cry, you cheer, as the women lose -- and then finally win.  

While the film takes place in Australia, the message and the organizing are universal.

Oh, and my sister is the producer.

For the full story about the film, and how to view it, click on the image below

Photo: James Campbell, presente! A founding leader of CCDS, whose memorial was held this summer in South Carolina. Buy his memorial book HERE.

BE SURE TO SHARE THIS NEWSLETTER with friends, everyone interested in the views of the left and wider circles of progressives.

WHERE WE STAND: We see the immediate problem of defeating the GOP Trumpists. This task is framed by the centrality of a path forward focused on taking down white supremacy, along with all other forms of oppression and exploitation. Naturally, this will include important battles within the Democratic party as well. This is the path to class unity and popular solidarity.

We are partisans of the working class and the oppressed--here and in all countries. We explore all the new challenges of shaping and fighting for a democracy and socialism for the 21st Century.

We want to build organizations to win elections, strikes and other campaigns, and put our people in the seats of power as well.

As such we seek unity on the left and an effort to shape and unite a progressive majority. Lend a hand by contributing articles and sharing us widely. 

We also work closely with another Left Unity project, the Online University of the Left. It has a list of some 10,000 Facebook 'Friends' who get a weekly notification and posting of LeftLinks. `Check it out.
Latest News
Photo: Senator Kyrsten Sinema (center, D-AZ) during her successful 2018 campaign. “So-called centrist Democrats. . .recognize the Democratic Party as a coalition party,” Bill Fletcher, Jr. says. Photo by Gage Skidmore from Peoria, AZ, United States of America, CC BY-SA 2.0 via Wikimedia Commons

The Democrats as the ‘Un-Republican’ Party

By Bill Fletcher, Jr.
Organizing Upgrade

Oct 7, 2021 - With the Democratic Party possessing a slim majority in the U.S. House of Representatives and a tie in the Senate, the contradictions within the Democratic Party have become more visible, if not more inflamed. Liberal commentators obsess on the factional differences and flareups within the Democratic Party and incessantly call for unity. What they continue to miss is that the Democratic Party is not one party or, to put it another way, it is the Un-Republican Party.

My colleague Carl Davidson has suggested, for several years, that it is critical that we understand the absence of a two-party system in the USA. Rather, he posits the existence of a six-party system, with at least three “parties” within each camp—Republican and Democratic. With regard to the Democratic Party, this certainly remains the case. That said, the broader implications of this need to be clarified.

The Republican Party has consolidated into a hard right-wing authoritarian party which supports dictatorship. While there have always been authoritarian tendencies within both parties, it is critical to appreciate the qualitative change we have witnessed. No longer is it appropriate to view the Democrats and Republicans as Tweedle-dee and tweedled-dumb. The Republicans are now the party for dictatorship, and it is highly unlikely that there is a way for them to walk that back.

This means that the electorate which wishes to oppose the authoritarian direction can choose to be independent, Democratic or disengaged. For those who remain engaged, the Democrats will offer a home. The problem that results is that the diversity within the Democratic Party will inevitably expand. Distinguishing oneself from the Republicans will primarily mean one’s stand on the question of democracy and dictatorship. But that distinction, while critically important, will not translate into programmatic unity. As one can see in the current debates surrounding the budget, conservative elements of the Democratic Party are, more than anything, going to assert a neoliberal framework and the necessity to downplay the political, economic and environmental crises we are facing.

If we accept that the Democratic Party is the Un-Republican Party, then we are acknowledging the breath of the differences that will inevitably emerge within that tent. There is no consolidated Democratic Party. Thus, the struggles that we are witnessing should be understood to be not only normal but entirely predictable.

PREDICTABLE STRUGGLES

What are the implications? So-called centrist Democrats seek to make the party even more amorphous such that Republican and independent voters can be attracted. They recognize the current Democratic Party, correctly, as a coalition party rather than as a political/programmatic party. They see the future as being based on out-voting the Republicans rather than out-organizing the Republicans, i.e., without building a programmatic bloc with an entirely different vision of the future of the U.S. (and the world).

Thus, one implication is that we should ignore and dismiss the handwringing concerning disputes within the Democratic Party. Those disputes are no different than the disputes that take place in parliamentary systems where there are fights between parties within an electoral coalition. This is why Davidson’s essay remains so relevant.

A second implication is that, within the Democratic Party, if you do not have the votes, you are forced to compromise. Compromise should not be seen as a bad word. It is a recognition of the balance of power. The failure of the so-called Blue Tide to materialize in 2020 left the Democrats with a quandary. With a tie in the Senate, so much has come down to two Senators, Kyrsten Sinema and Joe Manchin, who are other than progressive. There is very little wiggle room for the Democrats, particularly in light of the refusal of even so-called moderate Republicans, e.g., Susan Collins, to compromise with the Democrats. Pressure on Sinema and Manchin must be applied but at a certain point, the matter comes down to compromise. This is not selling out in the least. It would be selling out if the progressives had the votes and they, instead of pursuing the struggle, backtracked.

A third implication is the recognition of the Democratic Party as a flawed united front against authoritarianism. As the Un-Republican Party, it should garner all those who stand in opposition to authoritarianism, but this should not be mistaken for party-level unity. This unity is temporary and very fragile. It will tend to exist at the level of social issues but not much deeper and certainly not into the realm of foreign policy. It can be important in opposing, at the levels of litigation and legislation, further steps to the right.

Finally, the left/progressive forces within and around the Democratic Party must be strengthened, particularly at the state level. The Republicans have successfully carried the battle for national political power into the states. Their success with voter suppression and now abortion suppression is a testament to their approach. Regardless of the outcome of the 2022 midterm elections, the fight at the state level, including at the level of administrative machinery, will be critical. This means that as important as the Congressional Progressive Caucus is, forces on the Left must prioritize the building of organizations such as the Progressive Democrats of America, Working Families Party, Justice Democrats, and state-based formations that are attempting to build progressive, governing power at the local level.

Bill Fletcher, Jr. is a longtime trade unionist, writer and speaker. He was also a president of TransAfrica Forum. ...Read More
'Striketober' in Full Swing as Nearly
100,000 Workers Authorize Work Stoppages

'You might say workers have declared a national general strike until they get better pay and improved working conditions,' said former Labor Secretary Robert Reich.
Photo: Nurses leave Kaiser Hospital at the end of their shift on May 14, 2020 in South San Francisco, California. Thousands of Kaiser Permanente nurses are among the workers who voted to strike this month. (Photo: Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)

By Julia Conley
Common Dreams

Oct 13, 2021 - Former Labor Secretary Robert Reich observed Wednesday that with employees in industries across the spectrum set to strike in the coming days following corporate leaders' failure to meet their demands for fair pay and working conditions, the U.S. is closer than it has been in decades to experiencing a general strike.
 
"You might say workers have declared a national general strike until they get better pay and improved working conditions," wrote Reich in The Guardian. "No one calls it a general strike. But in its own disorganized way it's related to the organized strikes breaking out across the land—Hollywood TV and film crews, John Deere workers, Alabama coal miners, Nabisco workers, Kellogg workers, nurses in California, healthcare workers in Buffalo."

  • "The so-called 'labor shortage'—which we know is really just a shortage of jobs that pay us enough to live on—is a powerful bit of leverage workers have over employers right now."
 
Labor advocates are calling the nationwide show of union power and worker solidarity "Striketober," as work stoppages across numerous industries are expected in the coming hours and days if unions' demands aren't met.
 
About 10,000 workers at farm equipment manufacturer John Deere are set to walk out Thursday if the company fails to negotiate a contract that satisfies the demands of the United Auto Workers (UAW) members by 11:59pm on Wednesday.
 
With 90% of members voting on Sunday, 90% voted down a tentative agreement over pension plan changes and what they viewed as inadequate pay raises—boosting compensation by 5 to 6%—considering the company's skyrocketing profits this year, with a net income between $5.7 and 5.9 billion.
 
"We aren't asking to be millionaires, we are asking for fair wages, a pension, and postretirement healthcare," one employee told WQAD, an ABC affiliate in Moline, Illinois. "After 30 years or more of giving your body to a company moving 1,000 pound castings around or assembling tractors, it rips your body apart. It's not unreasonable to not want to have that worry in life of 'what if?'"
 
More than 24,000 nurses and other healthcare workers in California and Oregon also voted on Monday to authorize a strike after contract negotiations with their employer, Kaiser Permanente, stalled. The workers are demanding relief from pandemic-related burnout, 4% annual raises, and increased hiring.
 
After voting to authorize a strike earlier this month, 60,000 film and TV crew workers could go on strike on Monday if the Alliance of Motion Picture and Television Producers (AMPTP), which represents hundreds of production companies, fails to offer a contract that allows employees sufficient time off.
 
Workers frequently work 12hour days—often without meal breaks—and get only 10 hours off in between workdays, while the lowest-paid crew members earn less than a living wage, according to the International Alliance of Theatrical Stage Employees (IATSE).
 
  • "Striketober is a function of greedy bosses trying to recoup the unrecoupable," tweeted Jonas Loeb, communications director for IATSE.
 
The recent strike authorizations and impending possible work stoppages come as thousands of people are already striking for fair working conditions and pay, including 1,400 Kellogg plant workers in several states; 1,100 miners at Warrior Met Coal, who have been fighting for a fair contract since April; and 2,000 hospital workers in New York.
 
The nationwide wave of worker solidarity involves "the kind of numbers you don't see anymore," tweeted HuffPost labor reporter Dave Jamieson.
 
Reich wrote that with frontline workers across the country putting their health at risk over the last 18 months by going to work at companies that have raked in historic profits, "workers are reluctant to return to or remain in their old jobs mostly because they're burned out":
 
  • Years ago, when I was secretary of labor, I kept meeting working people all over the country who had full-time work but complained that their jobs paid too little and had few benefits, or were unsafe, or required lengthy or unpredictable hours. Many said their employers treated them badly, harassed them, and did not respect them.

Since then, these complaints have only grown louder, according to polls. For many, the pandemic was the last straw. Workers are fed up, wiped out, done in, and run down. In the wake of so much hardship, illness and death during the past year, they’re not going to take it anymore. 

"Corporate America wants to frame this as a 'labor shortage,'" wrote Reich. "Wrong. What's really going on is more accurately described as a livingwage shortage, a hazard pay shortage, a childcare shortage, a paid sick leave shortage, and a healthcare shortage. Unless these shortages are rectified, many Americans won't return to work anytime soon."

As IATSE members' potential strike drew near, the union pointed out that some of its members—stagehands and theater tech workers at North Shore Music Theater (NSMT) in Beverly, Massachusetts—secured livable wages after striking for just one day this month.

"NSMT crew were previously paid 60% less than the industry area average but will now be receiving wages starting at $18 per hour," said the union last week.

AFLCIO president Liz Shuler told The Hill that the Striketober movement shows that with economic inequality "getting worse and worse... unions are the solution."

“This is the capitalist system that has driven us to the brink," Shuler said.

Unite Here, which represents 300,000 hospitality employees, expressed solidarity with the workers taking part in Striketober and urged them to see themselves as in a position of power.

"It is clear that we are in a significant moment for union organizing," said the union. "What we cannot do is lose this moment. The so-called 'labor shortage'—which we know is really just a shortage of jobs that pay us enough to live on—is a powerful bit of leverage workers have over employers right now." ...Read More
Digging Deeper into the Current Conjuncture:








Photo: Liz Shuler leads the AFL-CIO at a time when public approval of unions has climbed to a 50-year-high. Photograph: Olivier Douliery /Pool/Reuters

Largest US Union Federation’s First Female President Takes Charge at Critical Moment

By Steven Greenhouse
The Guardian

Oct 14, 2021 - For 12 years, Liz Shuler was No 2 to Richard Trumka, president of the AFL-CIO, the main union federation in the US, but after Trumka’s unexpected death in August, Shuler became its first-ever female president at a time that organized labor in the US faces deep problems – and extraordinary opportunities.

Many union members are hoping that Shuler, a well-liked, hard-working 51-year-old, will figure out how to capitalize on those opportunities. Public approval for organized labor in the US has climbed to its highest level in more than 50 years, as many young workers are flocking into unions and millions of overstressed, underpaid frontline workers are impatient to improve their lot.

"The biggest challenge that labor faces is whether we’re ready for the opportunities in front of us,” said April Sims, secretary-treasurer of the Washington State Labor Council, a federation of that state’s unions. “Union favorability is at a long-time high. We’ve learned from Covid how much our society and economy depend on workers. We probably have the most pro-labor president since FDR. The challenge for us as a labor movement is, are we able to take advantage of this moment?”

At the same time, Shuler – and all of US labor – face some daunting obstacles.

A mere 6% of private-sector workers are in unions, the lowest level in a century. The Republican party is intent on weakening unions, and most US corporations – led by behemoths Amazon and Walmart – are fiercely opposed to unionization.

Among many union leaders, there is an eagerness, sometimes bordering on desperation, to reverse labor’s decades-long decline. “My cry for 30 years is our biggest challenge is that collective bargaining has been systematically rubbed out – private-sector collective bargaining now covers just 6% of workers, having dropped from 30,” said Larry Cohen, former president of the Communications Workers of America and now chair of Our Revolution, a progressive group spun out of Bernie Sanders’ 2016 campaign. “I think Liz Shuler and the AFL-CIO have to be almost singularly focused on that.”

There are many encouraging stories of workers pushing to unionize, Cohen said, pointing, for example, to Starbucks employees in Buffalo. Shuler will undoubtedly back these efforts, Cohen said, but he said she needs to press the nation’s unions to do more to support and expand organizing.

Bill Fletcher Jr, a former AFL-CIO education director and now executive editor of Global African Worker, said labor leaders need to see that unions are often using timeworn strategies to fight the last war. The field of battle has changed vastly for labor, Fletcher said. There are far more gig workers, tech workers, and immigrant workers; corporations have grown more sophisticated in battling unions, and young workers are showing more interest in unionizing than in decades.

“That’s what Liz Shuler and other labor leaders have to think about,” Fletcher said. “This is a completely different labor movement and what does that mean for the AFL-CIO?”

To help labor win on today’s new battlefield, Fletcher said the AFL-CIO and its member unions should marshal large amounts of resources to ensure some breakthrough victories – perhaps some big organizing wins in the south. That would create momentum and optimism and inspire more workers to turn to unions. Fletcher also called on Shuler to push for labor to do far more large-scale organizing, to unionize thousands of workers at a time.

After Trumka died on August 5, a few union leaders floated the idea of electing a caretaker AFL-CIO president until the federation holds its convention next June. Some who backed the caretaker idea voiced concern that Shuler was not inspiring or visionary enough at a time labor could use lots more visibility and inspiration. Some leaders also voiced concern that Schuler, unlike Trumka – who once headed the United Mine Workers – had never led a union or a strike. Before becoming the AFL-CIO’s secretary-treasurer, Shuler was an assistant to the president of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers.

But many union presidents brushed those concerns aside when they overwhelmingly elected Schuler on 20 August to fill Trumka’s term through June. Many labor leaders like Shuler, respect her hard work, and believe that she can bring people together. Moreover, many felt there shouldn’t be a divisive leadership fight right after Trumka died.

“Liz was a very effective second to Trumka,” said Randi Weingarten, president of the American Federation of Teachers. As secretary-treasurer, Shuler oversaw the federation’s finances and its outreach program to young workers.

“People trust her because they know she will listen before she acts,” Weingarten said. “There’s a great amount of trust because of her collaborative nature. She doesn’t see collaboration as kumbaya. She sees collaboration as a way to move a very disparate federation.” ...Read More
Photo: bouncer turns away unvaccinated patrons PATRICK T. FALLON/AFP/GETTY IMAGES

Service Workers Are Now Frontline Public Health Enforcers

Is it any wonder they are quitting in droves?

The New Republic

Oct 15, 2021 - The final affront to Helen Yin was the signage. It’s not like customers read signs anyway, the former bartender said, but at least you could point to one as proof that the person pouring the beer wasn’t personally making the rules. Yin worked in bars and restaurants for 15 years, until last month. Management at the “lucrative bartending gig” she’d had for three years in New York wanted customers to feel normal during the pandemic, so Yin’s bosses wouldn’t hang signs reminding patrons to wear a mask. When Yin realized that she would soon likely be required to verify a customer’s health records, she found other work.

“There’s so much onus on the staff to quell disruptive customers,” she said. “Service industry folks have had to do like six different jobs during this time.” 

Early in the pandemic, customers were grateful, polite. Yin said they tipped excessively until about eight months in. “You could just see the tips get lower and the expectation for service the same as before,” she said.

“At some point, the staff just quit trying to police people” over mask mandates and distances between customers. Bar patrons were going to do whatever they wanted anyway, she reasoned. “And if I say no, you’re not going to tip me.” A lot of the people at the brewpub where she’d been working were making $10 an hour.

Yin found another job outside of the service industry in mid-September. “It just became too much emotional demand, and unrealistic expectations from the consumer, and from your bosses, without any compensation for the added job roles we had to do,” she said.

The so-called Great Resignation, triggered last April when four million workers abandoned their posts, continues to eviscerate the Department of Labor’s existing records. In a report released this week, the agency found that in August, 4.3 million American workers quit their jobs. Over the summer, the corporate world, animated by the idea that its white-collar employees were burning out following the trauma of Covid-19, rebranded vacations as retention measures. They introduced “wellness weeks” and “rest and refuel Fridays” and, in the case of Marriott International, gave their employees a couple extra days off. Naturally those perks applied mostly to the office workers who’d spent the last year and a half working from home and not to Marriott’s hotel staff, the kinds of hospitality workers who were suddenly furloughed last spring and then watched their CEOs lobby the federal government for some of the $2 trillion stimulus package without bringing workers back. The uncertainty took a massive psychological toll on those workers, and if they did return to work, they were likely to be hassled and mistreated by guests.

The unconscionable abuse of hospitality workers is a well-documented pandemic trend, even as those workers are key to letting the country return to “normal.” And normal now depends, in many places, on those workers’ ability to keep customers from spreading a deadly disease. As the mayor of New Orleans said when she introduced vaccine and Covid test mandates for indoor activities this summer, “We really have no choice, this situation is dire.”

According to the recent data from the Labor Department, around 900,000 of the people who left their jobs in August worked in service. They were the people staffing hotels, working counters, and tending bar, acting as conduits between customers and the public health mandates imposed by states and cities; how effectively staff managed those mandates was what kept their employers open for business. The latest numbers mean that about three out of every five people working these jobs quit.

One line of thinking about this situation, most likely to come from a manager, is that expanded unemployment benefits seduced a fundamentally lazy populace. Another interpretation is that people have reacted with reasonable fear to the spread of the delta variant: Across industries, more workers quit in areas where Covid-19 spiked.

But surveys of front-of-house workers have found that a broad majority invoke customer behavior as a reason to abandon their posts or switch jobs, behavior that’s likely fueled by pandemic-related changes to the experience of being served. In high-profile incidents over the last months, patrons have assaulted and killed service workers over public health mandates.

Restaurants in states without vaccine mandates who have barred the unvaccinated from dining indoors find themselves overwhelmed by bad reviews; in Massachusetts, patrons were such assholes to a café’s staff that the restaurant simply briefly shut down. The week San Francisco imposed a vaccine mandate for indoor dining, an industry group found more than half of its members reported at least one incident related to their attempts to enforce it. “We told our members, we are not police officers,” said Laurie Thomas, the executive director of the Golden Gate Restaurant Association, which performed the survey. “Will there be fake cards? For sure, people are going to do that. But we can only do the best that we can.” ...Read More
Timuel Black, Presente! Civil Rights Champion And
Historian, Dies At 102: ‘Tim Gave His All To All Of Us'

The Civil Rights icon, who moved to Chicago in 1919 as one of the earliest participants in the Great Migration, died Wednesday at his Drexel Boulevard home.



By Maxwell Evans  
Block Club Chicago

Oct 14, 2021 - Timuel D. Black Jr., the civil rights champion who from birth was a witness to and key participant in Black American history, died Wednesday at the age of 102.

Black, the son of Alabama sharecroppers whose grandparents were once enslaved, was born Dec. 7, 1918. He died less than two months shy of his 103rd birthday, a city spokesperson confirmed.

Black spent his final days in hospice care at his Drexel Boulevard home alongside Zenobia Johnson-Black, his wife of four decades.

He received visits from friends and family as he was “surrounded by his books and art, listening and nodding to Duke Ellington and Ella Fitzgerald,” said Susan Klonsky, who co-wrote Black’s memoir “Sacred Ground: The Chicago Streets of Timuel Black.”

GoFundMe campaign, organized last week with an initial goal of $50,000, raised $112,000 for his care and other expenses as of Wednesday.

“Thanks to your generosity and quick response, the family was able to arrange for round-the-clock care at home,” Klonsky wrote to donors on the campaign’s page.

Black moved to Chicago’s Black Belt as an infant in 1919, making him one of the earliest members in the Great Migration from the agricultural South to the industrial North. Growing up in the vibrant Black Metropolis allowed him to participate in Black history milestones from a young age.

“I was there at the Wabash YMCA in the ’20s when [Carter G. Woodson] started Negro History Week, which now has become elevated to Black History Month,” Black said in March.
As a young man in World War II, Black served in an all-Black supply unit, during which he witnessed the horrors of the Buchenwald concentration camp.

Immediately following the war, he returned to the U.S. with a desire to organize for the civil rights of Black people, he wrote in a January 1946 letter to his brother Walter. Black veterans “should be the focal point” of any organizing campaign, he said.

“Walt, we as Negroes are far, far too divided for our own good,” Black wrote. “I think that it is high time that we come closer together so that we can demand some things that we deserve, and have those demands respected.”

Black was a Chicago public high school teacher from 1955 to 1966. He first taught at DuSable High School, then at Hyde Park High, where he established an African history club for students.
During this time, he served as A. Philip Randolph’s Chicago coordinator for the March on Washington and helped organize the 1963 “Freedom Day” protests against Chicago Public Schools’ segregationist policies.

“He was an important part of my development of Black consciousness, or as the young folks say now, being ‘woke,'” former student Lois Bell wrote on the GoFundMe campaign. “He was ahead of his time. He has had a tremendous impact on so many people. What a life.”
Jeff Fort, the “untrained and uneducated but very intelligent” founder of the Blackstone Rangers, was one of Black’s students at Hyde Park High. In later years, Black tried to encourage Fort and the South Side street organization to build a political coalition with the Black Panthers on the West Side, to no avail.

Black “served as a central pillar in the abiding struggle for racial and economic equity in the city of Chicago and across the nation,” the Chicago Teachers Union said in a statement. “He has been a mentor, advocate, and voice of hope for countless Chicagoans and people of conscience, giving his entire life to service that supports the needs of the many and the common good of all.”

From Fort to Barack Obama, Black Chicagoans in radical, city, state, national and international politics were influenced by Black’s work.

Harold Washington’s successful 1983 mayoral campaign came about in no small part due to Black’s efforts.

Black was “visible in just about every political committee” that led Washington to be the first Black mayor in the city’s history, according to the Chicago Public Library. He chaired the People’s Movement for Voter Registration, which organized the pivotal Come Alive October 5 registration drive of 1982.

When a young Obama was kicking off his career in politics, he “asked to know Tim Black.” The future president wanted to connect with “someone who knew about the old Black Belt” and the type of activism that succeeded in bringing about change, Black said.

“Chicago and the world lost an icon with the passing of Timuel Black,” Obama said in a statement Wednesday. Black was “a fierce advocate for change through education and mutual understanding,” he said.

“Over his 102 years, Tim was many things: a veteran, historian, author, educator, civil rights leader, and humanitarian,” Obama said. “But above all, Tim was a testament to the power of place, and how the work we do to improve one community can end up reverberating through other neighborhoods and other cities, eventually changing the world. Today, Michelle and I send our thoughts to Tim’s wife, Zenobia, and everyone who loved and admired this truly incredible man.”

Upon retiring from the City Colleges of Chicago in 1989, Black began to transition from on-the-ground activist to the South Side’s premier griot.

Even into his second century of life — which was dominated by the coronavirus pandemic — Black would regularly make public appearances to share his wealth of knowledge with his neighbors, both in-person and online.

Black was “the heartbeat of the Black community,” both in Chicago and across the world, Rep. Bobby Rush (D-1st) said in a statement.

From Black’s role in Carol Moseley Braun’s election as the first Black woman Senator, to his roles in the historic elections of Washington and Obama, “Tim’s contributions were felt in every single one of these historic achievements,” Rush said.

“My friend Tim Black spent every day of his life pouring his best into others,” he said. “As an educator, a community activist, a civil rights activist, a political activist, a confidante, an elder, and a sage, Tim gave his all to all of us.”

Black was honored as the first inductee to the Illinois Black Hall of Fame Feb. 26.
The honor was “well deserved,” Johnson-Black said at his Hall of Fame induction. “I have seen firsthand and up close his commitment, dedication, his putting the community first and his activism.”

Black’s lifetime of working for social equality was driven by the “optimism” his ancestors maintained, even as they were enslaved and living through the horrors of the Jim Crow South, he told Chicago Magazine amid the uprisings over George Floyd’s murder last summer.
He spent his later years advocating for youth to learn and refine the organizing tools of generations past — with hope for the future chiefly among them.

“I do this hoping that knowledge and that inspiration will encourage them to feel an obligation, which their ancestors did,” Black said last December. “Trouble don’t last always. … Carry the message forward.”

To browse the Chicago Public Library’s digital collection of Black’s speeches, letters and photos, click here.
Cuba Blocks U.S.-Sponsored Regime Change
‘Protests’ Aimed At Overthrowing Government
Photo: Here, Cubans in support of their revolution march in the 2018 May Day parade in Havana. (AP Photo/Ramon Espinosa)

By Steve Sweeney
People's World

Oct 14, 2021 - Cuban authorities have banned a series of marches that were aimed at destabilizing the country, claiming that the organizers are linked to groups financed by the U.S. government. It said that the demonstrations were set to be held in several provinces including Havana, Villa Clara, and Las Tunas.

The actions, which were planned for Nov. 15, were rejected as a threat to public order and a breach of the nation’s constitution. A letter handed to the organizers said permission had been denied as the planned actions were “a provocation, and part of a regimechange strategy for Cuba, tested in other countries.”

Authorities said that those behind the demonstrations were linked to “subversive organizations or agencies financed by the U.S. government [and] have the manifest intention of promoting a change of political system in Cuba.”

Havana municipal official Alexis Acosta accused Washington of deploying a similar strategy to the one it deployed in Bolivia “with the coup against President Evo Morales.”

“As soon as the march was announced, it received the public support of U.S. lawmakers, politicians, and media that encourage actions against the Cuban people and call for military intervention in our country,” he noted.

Anticommunist forces in Washington and the state of Florida are major supporters of the interference effort. Here, House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, RCalif., right, Reps. Maria Elvira Salazar, RFla., and Mario DiazBalart, RFla., speak outside the Capitol at an event targeting Cuba’s government on May 20, 2021. | Tom Williams / CQ Roll Call via AP
The Facebook group of Archipelago, one of the leading organizations calling for antigovernment activities next month, insisted that its plans were peaceful. It said that it was rallying for civil liberties and an amnesty for those jailed during riots that rocked the socialist island in July.

But most of its 20,000 members are believed to live outside the country, plotting to oust Cuba’s progressive government from beyond its borders. The demonstrations were also backed by the opposition Cuban Christian Democratic Party, the leadership of which is based in Miami.

Protests in Cuba this summer boosted Washington’s thirst for regime change, prompting President Joe Biden to express supposed concern over human rights. But many of the antigovernment voices, amplified through mainstream press organizations around the world, are linked to the U.S. government via the shady National Endowment for Democracy.

Funding for dissidents has increased through projects, such as “Empowering Cuban HipHop Artists as Leaders in Society,” which is channeling cash to art and cultural projects across the country.

Money is also funneled towards artists, journalists, and bloggers via the U.S. State Department, the United States Agency for International Development, and the U.S. Agency for Global Media.

In July, Miami Mayor Francis Suarez called for airstrikes on Cuba and other military intervention—indicating that a cultural and economic war is not enough for some in the U.S.

Biden’s supposed support of the Cuban people has not extended to lifting the six-decade blockade which some estimates suggest has cost the Cuban economy in excess of $1 trillion. ...Read More
From the CCDS Socialist Education Project...
A China Reader


Edited by Duncan McFarland

A project of the CCDS Socialist Education Project and Online University of the Left


244 pages, $20 (discounts available for quantity orders from [email protected]), or order at :


The book is a selection of essays offering keen insight into the nature of China and its social system, its internal debates, and its history. It includes several articles on the US and China and the growing efforts of friendship between the Chinese and American peoples.

Click here for the Table of Contents
Taking Down
White Supremacy

Edited by the CCDS
Socialist Education Project


This collection of 20 essays brings together a variety of articles-theoretical, historical, and experiential-that address multi-racial, multi-national unity. The book provides examples theoretically and historically, of efforts to build multi-racial unity in the twentieth century.

166 pages, $12.50 (discounts available for quantity), order at :


  Click here for the Table of contents

NOT TO BE MISSED: Short Links To Longer Reads...
Texas: Southlake School Leader Tells Teachers To Balance Holocaust Books With 'Opposing' Views 

Teachers in the Carroll school district say they fear being punished for stocking classrooms with books dealing with racism, slavery and now the Holocaust.

By Mike Hixenbaugh and Antonia Hylton
NBC News

SOUTHLAKE, Texas. Oct. 15, 2021 — A top administrator with the Carroll Independent School District in Southlake advised teachers last week that if they have a book about the Holocaust in their classroom, they should also offer students access to a book from an “opposing” perspective, according to an audio recording obtained by NBC News.

Gina Peddy, the Carroll school district’s executive director of curriculum and instruction, made the comment Friday afternoon during a training session on which books teachers can have in classroom libraries. The training came four days after the Carroll school board, responding to a parent’s complaint, voted to reprimand a fourth grade teacher who had kept an antiracism book in her classroom.

A Carroll staff member secretly recorded the Friday training and shared the audio with NBC News.

“Just try to remember the concepts of [House Bill] 3979,” Peddy said in the recording, referring to a new Texas law that requires teachers to present multiple perspectives when discussing “widely debated and currently controversial” issues. “And make sure that if you have a book on the Holocaust,” Peddy continued, “that you have one that has an opposing, that has other perspectives.”

“How do you oppose the Holocaust?” one teacher said in response. 

“Believe me,” Peddy said. “That’s come up.”

Listen: Southlake teachers shocked by advice to balance Holocaust books with ‘opposing’ views

Another teacher wondered aloud if she would have to pull down “Number the Stars” by Lois Lowry, or other historical novels that tell the story of the Holocaust from the perspective of victims. It’s not clear if Peddy heard the question in the commotion or if she answered.

Peddy did not respond to messages requesting comment. In a written response to a question about Peddy’s remarks, Carroll spokeswoman Karen Fitzgerald said the district is trying to help teachers comply with the new state law and an updated version that will go into effect in December, Texas Senate Bill 3.

“Our district recognizes that all Texas teachers are in a precarious position with the latest legal requirements,” Fitzgerald wrote, noting that the district’s interpretation of the new Texas law requires teachers to provide balanced perspectives not just during classroom instruction, but in the books that are available to students in class during free time. “Our purpose is to support our teachers in ensuring they have all of the professional development, resources and materials needed. Our district has not and will not mandate books be removed nor will we mandate that classroom libraries be unavailable.”

Fitzgerald said that teachers who are unsure about a specific book “should visit with their campus principal, campus team and curriculum coordinators about appropriate next steps.” ...Read More

Could Trump
Save Dems?

Making the next election a referendum on the 'Big Lie'

By Robert Reich
LA Progressive

Oct 13, 2021 - The unofficial kickoff of the former guy’s presidential campaign was a rally Saturday night in Des Moines. Unfortunately for the GOP, Trump’s speech focused on his Big Lie that the 2020 election was stolen rather than on Joe Biden, whose approval ratings keep sliding because of the Delta variant’s continuing impact as well as fumbles at the border and in exiting Afghanistan.

All indications are that Trump is going to cast the midterm elections as a referendum on himself rather than on Biden. That’s hardly surprising, given Trump’s sociopathic ego. He cast his entire presidency as a referendum on himself. 

What’s surprising is how quickly the rest of the Republican Party is falling prey to this. We’ve already observed it at the state level: Trump’s Big Lie has moved 18 Republican-dominated states to enact 33 laws suppressing the votes of likely Democratic voters, on the false pretext of eliminating “voter fraud” that doesn’t exist. Several of these state laws will also let Republican legislatures ignore future electoral results they dislike. Under the same pretext, Republican states have undertaken bogus “audits” of the 2020 election.

But for a brief time it seemed as if senior Republicans in Washington would try to move the party away from Trump. They now appear to have given up. Several who in January criticized him for provoking the Capitol insurrection are now defending him and minimizing the attempted coup – including, notably, Senator Chuck Grassley, who showed up at Saturday’s Des Moines rally, and former vice president Michael Pence, who is now minimizing and excusing the riot.

For Trump to make the midterm elections into a referendum on himself and his Big Lie is useful for the Democrats. It takes the focus off Biden, reminds Americans how vile the former president is, and forces Republicans to try to defend him. If you watched Fox News Sunday, you might have seen Chris Wallace repeatedly ask House Minority Whip Steve Scalise whether he thought the 2020 election was stolen, and Scalise repeatedly squirm to avoid answering the question.

Trump may have given Democrats more leeway to do what Americans – including most Trump supporters – need them to do.

Scalise also refused to say whether he would vote to hold in contempt of Congress Trump advisers, such as Steve Bannon, who are resisting subpoenas issued by the January 6 Committee. Bannon is invoking executive privilege, at Trump’s request — an absurd position because by the 2020 election Bannon hadn’t worked in the White House for years. 

January 6 Committee Chair Bennie Thompson and Vice Chair Liz Cheney say they “will not allow any witness to defy a lawful subpoena or attempt to run out the clock, and we will swiftly consider advancing a criminal contempt of Congress referral.”

This means even more of an ongoing focus on Trump and his attempted coup. Before Congress can refer a criminal contempt to the Justice Department for prosecution, the full House has to vote on it. So you can expect a near party-line vote, which will put Republicans further on record as supporting Trump and, by implication, others who instigated the insurrection. ...Read More

Strike Support: What Is It and How You Can Help Striking Workers

There are so many ways to help! 

BY JACQUI GERMAIN
Teen Vogue

SEPT 29, 2021 - There have been nine major strikes in nine different states so far in 2021, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS).

The federal agency defines “major strikes” as work stoppages that involve at least 1,000 workers, which means that their 2021 data excludes notable strikes like the 19-day strike of hundreds of Frito-Lay workers in Topeka, Kansas in July and the now-longest-running nurses’ strike in Massachusetts history currently entering its sixth month. With such a high employee threshold, it doesn’t seem very odd that the U.S. averaged 15.4 major strikes per year between 2010 and 2019.

But starting in 1947, when the agency began collecting this data, the number of major strikes in the U.S. was in the triple digits every single year. For decades, it was entirely commonplace for there to be hundreds of organized labor strikes annually with more than 1,000 workers. That streak lasted until 1982.

To understand what changed and the role strike support plays in today’s labor movement, it’s important to look back at one key point in labor history: the 1981 PATCO strike.

That year, almost 13,000 federally employed members of the Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization (PATCO) went on strike for higher pay and a shortened workweek. President Ronald Reagan demanded employees return to work in 48 hours. When more than 11,000 workers refused, Reagan responded with a decisive, unprecedented blow by firing them all en masse.

“The president of the United States showed all of the corporate class that you can replace all these workers when they go on strike and literally fire them,” says Jane McAlevey, organizer, author, and senior policy fellow at UC Berkeley’s Institute for Research on Labor and Employment. “So that's, I would say, the beginning of open season on workers.”

Though fallout from the PATCO strike isn’t the only reason for the drastic decline in union membership and work stoppages, the event was a demoralizing blow for organized labor, sanctioned by the highest levels of the U.S. government. By 1982, the number of major strikes dropped below 100 for the first time since the BLS began counting them more than 30 years before.

Still, McAlevey maintains that well-planned strikes are not only a union's most potent weapon, but also the public's best chance of forcing substantive policy changes to improve working conditions, living conditions, and the health of the planet. And making sure communities and other allies understand key tactics to support striking workers is a big part of that strategy.

“It's going to take workers walking off the job in very serious numbers to create the kind of crisis that forces the capitalist class, the corporate elite in this country, to the table,” argues McAlevey. “And that's not going to happen by workers isolated alone on picket lines. It's going to happen when the whole community begins to rise up and support them, broadly.”

Below are five ways you can support striking workers:

1. Support the strike, out loud and in public
Because of how much is at stake for many workers and how few legal protections most of them have, McAlevey says strikes can be really scary to participate in. When the public actively and enthusiastically validates workers during a strike, it can provide a huge morale boost. ...Read More
Photo: Steven Estrada speaks on behalf of residents and workers impacted by the closure of Kroger's grocery stores in Long Beach. They closed so they wouldn’t have to pay a temporary hazard pay increase. | via Estrada Campaign

Steven Estrada, Army Veteran and Communist,
Running for Long Beach City Council
By Eric A. Gordon
People's World

Oct 12, 2021, LONG BEACH, Calif.—Steven Estrada, a community organizer, U.S. Army veteran, and proud member of Long Beach’s working class, is running for the City Council seat in District 1. If elected, he would serve for a four-year term alongside eight others representing different council districts.

All but one of the present City Council members are Democrats, and the mayor, Robert Garcia since 2014, is as well, though the election itself is non-partisan. The primary for this seat will be held in June 2022, and the top two candidates will go on to the general election in November.

What makes Estrada’s campaign unique is that he is running as an open member of the Communist Party USA.

Will an article about his candidacy in People’s World (PW) hurt him? “The primary goal of the campaign is to win,” Estrada responds. “But also to disarm people from some common beliefs about what Communists believe in. We’re not running from our principles, nor from the redbaiting. We need to answer those questions, teaching and educating people.”

District 1 is located at the southwestern edge of the city, intersected across its middle by Anaheim St., adjacent to the Port of Long Beach. Together with the Port of Los Angeles in neighboring San Pedro, this shipping complex is the largest port in the United States, significantly helping to define the regional economy and accounting for thousands of jobs.

Through his work developing free food programs for the city’s homeless, mobilizing against police injustice, and advocating for other working people’s needs in the city, Estrada has become a familiar presence, dedicating himself in service to the everyday people that make his city run.

“Years of government inaction, corruption, and lack of solutions to municipal problems,” he says, “made it clear that it is time for a bold vision for the future of our city.”

City Councilwoman Mary Zendejas got into office through a special election in 2019 and will be defending her seat for the first time next June. PW asked Estrada why he’s running against her. Not bold enough?

“There are glaring contradictions in the way Long Beach is run,” Estrada replies. “It’s a diverse city, racially, ethnically, with good LGBTQ representation. But on economic issues, there’s high poverty, homelessness, rent increases, no tenants’ rights in a majority rental city. The real estate developers have the final say on what happens in Long Beach, and the people suffer. In District 1, 22-25% are below the federal poverty line. It was time for a candidate to run on a pro-worker program.”

Steven’s story

Steven Estrada’s life is a testament to the resilience and strength commonly found among working-class people. He was born in Glendora, Calif., and raised with an absent father in Riverside, primarily by his grandmother during his formative years. It was from her that he picked up his conversational Spanish, though he claims it’s not yet quite adequate enough for him to explain the programmatic points of his campaign. His wife, from Perris, Calif., came from a Spanish-speaking home and it’s her first language.

At the age of 19, shortly after graduating from high school in 2010, he enlisted in the U.S. Army as a way of paying for his future education, graduating from basic training in 2011. During his stint in the Army, he rose to the level of Sergeant, qualified as a paratrooper, and deployed twice to the Middle East. PW asked how he reflects back on his military career now, and why he emphasizes his veteran status so prominently in his campaign.

“I feel a strong connection to others who went into the service, though I see it now as exploitative, targeting underserved people. I knew my immediate jobs and assignment, but I was confused and disillusioned about what it was that we were doing. What was the bigger picture? My reading now shows me we were in service to the rich, against poor people in other countries. But service doesn’t need to be that way. Long Beach has a large VA hospital, several recruitment centers, and a lot of vets live in Long Beach. There was a Veterans for Peace chapter in Long Beach, and some of us are trying to revive it.”

Upon his return to civilian life, he attended community college in Riverside, then commuted for a time to Long Beach State University, finally moving to the city in 2018. He graduated in 2019 with a degree in sociology and trained as a legal assistant. Now a veteran and a father, he uses his skills and experiences as a community organizer “to build worker power.”

Since moving to Long Beach, he has helped found mutual aid networks that feed the unhoused population in Long Beach, has aided in the organization of anti-war protests, and been a vocal critic against police violence. His work providing groceries and meals left him wanting something more, a national structure for effecting change, and he started looking into the Communist Party. He’s been a member for about two years now.

Steven’s party club has been active in the campaign, often going door-to-door wearing Long Beach CPUSA t-shirts. Others are involved as well—“people I knew before, family members, helping with online work and graphics. My mom went to one outreach event and got a whole lot of petitions signed, so she’s growing politically, having never been involved before. When we’re getting ready to leave the house to do campaign work, my six-year-old daughter asks, ‘Are we going out to do Power to the People?’”

As the representative of District 1 on the City Council, Steven Estrada believes it is only through the organization and unity of working people that we can solve poverty, unaffordable housing, and make Long Beach home again. The campaign is “completely grassroots,” he tells PW. “We have no affiliation to real estate consulting firms, no large political contributions, such as police unions, PACs, or developers. The campaign depends on people who work for a wage because those are the people we are beholden to should we win.”

PW inquired about the campaign’s color scheme, and Steven chuckled at the question. “I actually did a lot of research into colors,” he answered. “The yellow stands out bright and bold, like the sun, a new era. I didn’t like the ‘socialist red.’ This red is deeper and darker, with a seriousness to it, bold but moderate.”

Priorities for Long Beach

The Estrada campaign is focused on a number of key issues that have emerged out of long hours of meet-ups and discussions in the district:

No Poor People in a Rich City. District 1 is in the midst of a poverty crisis that has raised rates of homelessness, increased crime, and economically devastated the community. Estrada proposes major reinvestment in urban neighborhoods by providing free job training, city grants for debt alleviation, and immediate financial relief for the city’s unemployed.

Public Transportation Fixes the Parking Crisis. To solve issues of parking and overcrowded streets, public transportation must be transformed. The Estrada plan will increase ridership and decrease the need for parking by investing in making public transportation faster, safer, more reliable, and fare-free for all Long Beach residents.

A Renters’ Bill of Rights. The City Council has shown itself to be deep in the pockets of large banks and luxury developers, which have failed to build affordable housing for all. The Estrada campaign proposes to establish a Renters’ Bill of Rights that would: grant renters direct control over the types of housing built in the city; protect tenants’ rights to organize; cancel back rent due to the COVID-19 pandemic; and end all evictions in the city.

Move the Money. Long Beach spends close to half of its General Revenue budget on policing solutions that have failed to keep residents safe. To address crime, Estrada proposes to address what is at the root of crime. The city must shift funding to bolster mental health resources, fund youth projects, and create sustainable, high-quality jobs to keep communities safe and free from crime.

Planet Over Profit. West Long Beach is home to some of the highest levels of pollution that negatively affect community health and disproportionately impact the working-class and Black and brown neighborhoods. Estrada will fight to make Long Beach green, sustainable, and healthy for all of its residents.

The would-be Communist Councilman

So, what kind of response is he getting as an open Communist in the community? “It’s varied. In the most working-class areas without public services, people are more receptive, especially about free public transportation. Nine out of ten are not fazed by my presenting myself as a Communist. There’s not a lot of hostility—most of that we see online. We’re just now getting the full spectrum of reaction. I expected some public backlash, and I felt I was prepared for it. I think I can handle it.”

When he was growing up, Estrada recalls, “I didn’t have people to identify with, so I feel the campaign is important for people to see someone running who looks like them, overwhelmingly Black and brown and working-class.”

PW asked one final question, based on some of his campaign photos where he can be seen sporting prominent tattoos on both forearms. “I’m not hiding any aspect of who I am. I’m open and honest about everything, not hiding any of the choices I made, like being a veteran. The whole campaign is about that. Actually, the imagery is Buddhist and it’s about “duality, or dialectical materialism.” He still considers himself a Buddhist. ...Read More
How Do We Confront the Racist State?
The ‘White Republic’ Debate

Each day we get some reminder of the pervasiveness and persistence of white supremacy in this country, and each day our movements grapple with how best to understand and contend with it – whether it manifests as the police murder of another unarmed Black person or a new assault on voting rights or disproportionate deaths from COVID.

Organizing Upgrade wanted to deepen the discussion of how our strategies can address the racist structures of the U.S. state. To kick off the conversation, we published Bob Wing’s article “The White Republic and the Struggle for Racial Justice” earlier this year, and then carried six responses. “Recognizing that the U.S. is a racist white republic helps ground our understanding that the racist state plays a central role in shaping and enforcing racial capitalism and systemic racism,” Wing contends. His article details the history behind this observation and its implications for our movements’ work going forward, especially the need to replace the racist state with an antiracist state.


VIDEO DISCUSSIONBob Wing talks to Frontline Dispatches host Gerald Lenoir about “The White Republic,” laying out the main points of his argument. “I’ve been writing about race and racism for most of my life,” Wing says. “In spite of the rise of the white supremacist far right and the MAGA folk in 2016…a whole lot of people weren’t centering race in the way it should be. I wanted to go deeper, and especially in regards to the state. There’s just generally on the Left and in the country as a whole this idea that the American Revolution ushered in a democracy. It had its flaws, but it was still basically a democracy and a framework you could struggle for justice in. But from the very beginning the American Revolution was against the interests especially of Black and Native American peoples. . . .That is the deep background for why the struggle against racism is so central.”
The authors who responded to Bob Wing’s article elaborated, ruminated on and debated his conclusions; we encourage readers to add your voices to this conversation.

“Build the Politics of a New Majority,” by Bill Fletcher, Jr. “What I would add to what Bob has argued is that the fightback must necessitate the building of the politics of a ‘new majority,’ Fletcher writes. “The ‘new majority’ must be constituted in such a way that it is not seen as a demographic bloc, but a bloc of popular forces and social movements that represents the oppressed. In this context, the battle for democracy, and specifically, the battle for consistent democracy and against racist and national oppression becomes key in determining the outcome of the turbulence of the current era.”

“Against Left-Wing White Nationalism,” by Gerald Horne. A longtime advocate of the concept of the white republic, Horne writes, “The attempt to build ‘class unity’ without confronting these underlying tensions often has meant coercing oppressed nationalities—Blacks in the first place—to co-sign a kind of ‘left wing white nationalism.’” He begins his analysis with “the confluence of settler colonialism and the construction of whiteness,” and moves forward through history.

“White People’s Stake in Ending the White Republic,” by Erin Heaney. Defeating the white republic “will necessarily require large numbers of white people to defect from white solidarity and instead choose multiracial solidarity,” writes Heaney, who is the national director of Showing Up for Racial Justice (SURJ.) Though poor white people will benefit most from transformative change, “organizing poor white people into multiracial formations at scale without falling prey to the class reductionism that ignores race is enormously complex – something no one on the left has cracked yet,” she says.

“Labor Must ‘Block and Build’ to Defend Democracy,” by Peter Olney & Rand Wilson. “Our challenge in trying to bring the labor movement into that front [to defeat white supremacy] is to operationalize a perspective that builds antiracist practice, tackles white supremacy and fights capitalism – and to do that among a membership that is not rooted in a shared identity or philosophy,” Olney and Wilson write. From their long experience as union organizers, they draw the lesson “that unity and awareness of our shared enemy is built among trade unionists and allies in the trenches of common struggle.”

“Unpacking the Republic and Learning from Victories,” by Van Gosse. Drawing on his work as a historian, Gosse challenges the monolithic picture of the white republic that Wing presents. “[The white republic] has been challenged repeatedly, and sometimes victories have been won.  What can we learn from that history?” The persistence of Black political power after Reconstruction and the shifts in political power after the Great Migration bear particular scrutiny, Gosse suggests.

“Look to Class Struggle to Beat the White Republic,” by Barry Eidlin. In perhaps the sharpest strategic debate with Wing, Eidlin argues that organizing against the white republic must be anchored to an understanding of the material basis of white supremacy, and powered by interracial working-class solidarity – rather than a cross-class alliance. Examining the labor upsurges of the 1930s he observes, “Rather than an exception, the 1930s present us with a missed opportunity. It was a moment when an interracial working-class alliance was a real possibility. Class emerged as the ‘main animator’ in the fight for social justice precisely because the working-class upsurge of the period challenged the white power structure and reoriented white workers away from the racist ruling-class alliance, while linking principled anti-racism to a broad program for economic justice.”

The series wrapped up with some concluding thoughts by Bob Wing. Responding sharply to Eidlin’s arguments that “racial oppression and white privilege are merely ideological, not systemic, structural, or material,” and “the antiracist struggle should be realigned along class lines,” Wing re-emphasizes and elaborates his call for a cross-class alliance. “I purposely used the term ‘united front’ to refer to multi-class forces united to defeat racist authoritarianism and fight for an antiracist democracy,” Wing writes. “And I believe it compels us to adopt another strategic concept that recognizes the breadth of the anti-Trumpist alliance, including capitalists: the democratic front.” Readers continue the lively discussion in the “Comments” under this piece. ...Read More

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This Week's History Lesson:
Before Rhode Island Built Its State House, a Racist Mob Destroyed the Community That Lived There
Photo of 1982 excavation at North Shore site Snowtown Project

In 1831, a group of white rioters razed the Providence neighborhood of Snowtown. Now, archaeologists are excavating its legacy

By Robin Catalano
The Smithsonian

Oct 5, 2021 - On a pair of folding tables in the basement of the Public Archaeology Laboratory (PAL) in Pawtucket, Rhode Island, four metal trays display an unusual assemblage of artifacts. Humble ceramic tableware. Iron padlocks. Dominoes carved out of bone. A cut-glass tumbler. A diminutive bottle of French hair tonic. The headless body of a porcelain doll. A Spanish coin. A redware pot with drizzles of blue, black, yellow and green paint frozen in time on its sides.

These are the vestiges of Snowtown, a poor but vibrant mixed-race community that was once part of the state’s capital city, Providence. Moreover, it stood on the grounds where the state’s imposing capitol building now sits. Though no visible traces of the neighborhood remain, its history—including a deadly mob attack in 1831—is now being resurrected by the Snowtown Project.

The initiative began as an outgrowth of a Rhode Island State House Restoration Society subcommittee that was tasked with telling lesser-known stories about the capitol building and its grounds. Marisa Brown, who chairs the subcommittee and is an adjunct lecturer at Brown University’s John Nicholas Brown Center for Public Humanities and Cultural Heritage, says, “There’s a disconnect between the accuracy of what happened in the past and what our landscapes tell us. There are just too many places that we have lost.”

In 2019, the subcommittee emailed colleagues to gauge interest in researching Snowtown. Over the course of three meetings, a handful of people blossomed first into a group of 30 and now a cohort of more than 100 historians, archivists, archaeologists, teachers, storytellers, artists and community members.

After the American Revolution, Rhode Island experienced rapid population growth driven by the international “Triangle Trade”—of enslaved people, sugar products and spirits—through the port of Providence. The state’s distilleries had a special knack for turning imported sugarcane and molasses from the West Indies into rum, which was traded for enslaved labor. But by the 1830s, as the population surpassed 16,000, the manufacturing of textiles, jewelry and silverware had supplanted the merchant trade as the city’s primary economic driver.

The state’s Gradual Emancipation Act of 1784 had allowed children born to enslaved women to be freed once they reached adulthood. Within decades, a new population of free Black people had emerged, but they, along with indentured servants, Indigenous people, immigrants and impoverished white people, were pushed into marginalized communities. Many of these groups were denied the opportunity to work in the burgeoning manufacturing industry.

They lived in places like Snowtown, a settlement of shabby homes and businesses with little in the way of conveniences. It was home to between two and three dozen households, but the population ebbed and flowed. Some residents toiled as domestic servants in the homes of Providence’s elite, or in trades like carpentry and sewing. The most successful owned small businesses or boarding houses. Even for the latter, life in Snowtown was difficult.

Pollution in Providence made conditions even worse. The Great Salt Cove, a tidal estuary that had been significant to local Indigenous tribes, just below the sandy bluff where Snowtown was located, became a dumping ground for sewage and industrial waste. Real estate in the village was undesirable; rents were cheap; and “disreputable” businesses aimed at sailors coming through port—brothels, saloons and dance halls—proliferated.

In 1831, sailors newly arrived from Sweden aboard the steamer Lion started a brawl at a tavern in Olney’s Lane, a neighborhood adjacent to Snowtown that was also home to an assemblage of non-white communities. According to an account in the Rhode Island American and Gazette, the sailors gathered reinforcements and attacked a home occupied by “blacks of a dissolute character.” Two Black men fired on the sailors, slaying one and wounding three. The white mob, shouting “Kill every negro you can!” advanced uphill into Snowtown, where the shooter was believed to had fled.

Over the course of four days, 18 buildings in Snowtown and Olney’s Lane were damaged or destroyed. Eventually, the state militia, ill-equipped to handle the scene, fired to disperse the mob, killing four.

Though residents rebuilt, by the late 1800s, Snowtown and its Black residents had been displaced by industrial progress. Rhode Island had grown into the wealthiest state per capita. In part as a monument to its prestige, the state commissioned renowned architects McKim, Mead & White, of Pennsylvania Station and New York Public Library renown, to design a massive State House on the bluff above Great Salt Cove. Construction was completed in 1904. ...Read More

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Los Charros y los Carros: Cowboys and Cars
WEEKLY BULLETIN OF THE MEXICO SOLIDARITY PROJECT
October 6, 2021/ This week's issue/ Meizhu Lui, for the editorial team

The Laws of Migration, Natural and Unnatural

Our earth’s creatures have been on the move since time immemorial, ever seeking food and safer living spaces. In tough times, they haven’t had much of a choice. Either move or die. And they’ve moved far and wide to find places where they and their offspring could survive and thrive. Look at the Monarch butterfly. Every year, the Monarchs migrate to and from the US Rockies to central México. Migration has always been nature’s core law of survival.
 
In our interview this week, Avi Chomsky tracks the pathways of human migration. Mexicans, not that long ago, could walk back and forth between the part of the continent called México and the part called the United States. But that freedom of movement, Chomsky explains, would be curtailed — and even made illegal. Powerful people, violating the natural law of survival, have restricted movement for those whose lives depend on finding a place where they could protect their young and begin anew.
 
What faces no restriction on movement? Money can move anywhere, chasing the unnatural law of maximizing profit at any cost. Money flows freely across borders. Workers cannot. They find themselves trapped like butterflies beating their wings on the glass of a jar.
 
México, like the US, is dealing with a huge influx of migrants on its southern border. But México did not disrupt Central American economies to create that wave of migrants. México is dealing with a problem “made in the USA,” and México’s approach to migrants contrasts starkly with the US approach at the México-US border. México, unlike the US, has decriminalized undocumented migrants, guaranteed both the undocumented and natural citizens the same health and other benefits, and refused to allow family separation. 
 
Freedom of movement remains the most basic of rights. Let’s set our human butterflies free.
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Karl Marx's ideas are a common touchstone for many people working for change. His historical materialism, his many contributions to political economy and class analysis, all continue to serve his core values--the self-emancipation of the working class and a vision of a classless society. There are naturally many trends in Marxism that have developed over the years, and new ones are on the rise today. All of them and others who want to see this project succeed are welcome here.

CURRENT FEATURE: A 4-PART STUDY OF THE SHAPING OF THE RUST BELT WORKING CLASS. From the settlers to the present, and how its consciousness is conflicted. Prepared by Carl Davidson, with some help from the DSA Rust Belt group.

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Book Review: Richard Wright and the Police State

The Man Who Lived Underground as a lost novel

Review by Bill Mullen
The Tempest

The Man Who Lived Underground.
Richard Wright. Library of America. 2021
by Richard Wright
Library of America, 2021


Note: This review contains spoilers.

Richard Wright would not have been surprised by police torture. Almost seventy years before disclosures that Chicago cops had been shackling, beating, murdering, and disappearing people at Homan Square on the city’s West Side, Wright published a short story about Fred Daniels, a working-class Black man snapped up by police on payday while walking home to his pregnant wife. The cops accuse him of raping and murdering a white couple near his workplace. He is dragged brutally to a precinct house. And then:

Johnson yanked him up and clapped steel bands upon his ankles; then Johnson and Murphy lifted him bodily and swung him upside-down and hoisted his feet to a steel hook on the wall. The steel bands on his ankles were looped over the hook and he hung toward the floor, head first. Blood pounded in his temples and his heart and lungs sagged heavily in his chest. He could hardly breathe.

The 2021 edition of The Man Who Lived Underground—the unpublished novel upon which Wright’s original 1944 story is based, and now available from Library of America—feels like a blast from our present. It is capitalist history written in blood. Tempest readers should run to it.

Richard Wright is probably best known to many as the author of Native Son, his shattering 1940 novel about Bigger Thomas, a Black Chicago youth condemned to die after accidentally killing a rich white girl he is hired to chauffeur by his wealthy landlord. Wright’s novel, based on the true story of Robert Nixon, a Black Chicago man condemned to death for murdering a white woman, was written in a white-hot rage: the book exposed the courts, the police, the law, the real estate industry, the media, and private property as an iron cage for working-class African-Americans.

Wright had begun the novel while still a member of the Communist Party. The Man Who Lived Underground was written just after Wright completed Native Son. Despite the latter’s best-selling success, the manuscript was rejected by Harper and Brothers. As several scholars have noted, at least one reader for the press described the scenes of police torture as “unbearable.”

Wright then trimmed the manuscript and published it as a short story in the journal Accent in 1942, setting aside the longer manuscript to welcome the birth of his first child, Julia. In a turn of poetic justice, it is Julia Wright who has years later approached New American Library with the full-length novel and convinced it to publish.

Like Native Son, The Man Who Lived Underground is inspired by a true story, this time of a white unemployed sewer worker named Herbert C. Wright who tunneled into the backs of stores and shops in Hollywood while living underground. In many ways, the book is a deeper and more direct meditation than Native Son on what police abolitionists call the carceral state.

The plot is stark: Daniels is falsely accused, tortured, beaten into a confession, and eventually murdered by police. Yet the book’s genius is to distend this moment into a long nightmare of the Black social imagination. Halfway through his travail, Daniels escapes by crawling into an open sewer cover and disappearing into the underground. There Wright creates a phantasm of horrors meant to illuminate for Daniels, and the reader, something like the totality of the racist capitalist system within which he is both prisoner and fugitive.

In the underground, Daniels hears the voices of an imaginary Black church choir; pokes a dead Black baby floating past in the sewer system; breaks into a realtor’s cash-filled safe laden with cash; watches an imaginary war on earth; sees a brown woman’s body laid out as if for an autopsy; and witnesses the cops who arrested him torturing a white man. The hallucinatory force of vision surfaces this flash of insight:

And then a strange and new knowledge overwhelmed him. He was all people. In some unutterable fashion, he was all people and they were he; by the identity of their emotions they were one, and he was one with them…He now knew too the expressible value and importance of himself. He must assert himself; he was propelled to do something, to devise means of action by and through which he could convince those who lived aboveground of the death-like quality of their lives.

In a powerful essay that is a postscript to the novel, Wright describes Daniels’ psychic journey as influenced by his grandmother’s devotion to Seventh Day Adventism, and by surrealism, jazz, Freudian psychology, and World War II (the underground, he reminds us, was also the place of antifascist resistance). All of these are by themselves fascinating interpretations. But I think the best explanation of the book lies in Daniels’ observations that “he was all people and they were he.” Daniels learns the mystery of his alienation, the necessity for human solidarity, and the burden of political awareness—of being woke.

Especially critical to his education underground is his revised understanding of capital. The money he steals from the safe he takes not to spend but in order to contemplate its abstract power over his life. It represents at once his social labor and his social being, and the need to transform both. “He now knew too the expressible value and importance of himself.”

There are many other reasons to read The Man Who Lived Underground. Fred’s wife Rachel is pregnant with their child and is rushed to the hospital just before he goes underground. The dead children he sees in the underground are disappeared Black people prematurely killed and disappeared by the system. The police suggest Fred may be part of a “Fifth Column,” reminding readers that during World War II the U.S. state feared Black insurrection and treason. The book is also written at a fever pitch as terrifying about the racial conditions of the modern world as anything Wright ever produced. At the end of his preface to Native Son, Richard Wright wrote, “If [Edgar Allan] Poe were alive, he would not have to invent horror; horror would invent him.” It also invents Fred Daniels.

Wright said of the book “I have never written anything in my life that stemmed more from sheer inspiration, or executed any piece of writing in a deeper feeling of imaginative freedom.”

Finally, Wright’s appended essay, “Memories of My Grandmother,” is an extraordinary riff on the process and meaning of Black writing and Black culture. Fred discovers a typewriter in the underground and pecks out his name just to see it on paper. In this, his appended essay, Wright compares his novel to a blues and jazz song, introducing “improvisation”—Fred’s escape to the underground—as a strategy for Black identity and survival in the world. The essay recalls that Ralph Ellison drew inspiration from Wright’s story for his own phantasmagoric opening to Invisible Man and that Wright himself went “underground” as an artist, leaving the United States for Paris in 1946, in part because he did not want to face the real-life horrors of McCarthyism.

The publication of The Man Who Lived Underground is important for several reasons. Wright said of the book “I have never written anything in my life that stemmed more from sheer inspiration, or executed any piece of writing in a deeper feeling of imaginative freedom.” The novel’s visceral attention to police violence may resonate with readers in ways that will renew discussion about Wright’s critical legacy. Wright’s male-centered literary worldview, deserved criticism by Black feminist scholars, and his sometimes unflattering public skirmishes with literary giants like James Baldwin have cooled his status in African-American letters since his death in 1960.  The persistence of anti-Communism in American culture has also shadowed his career.

Yet Wright should also be remembered as the African-American writer whose publishing success made it harder for mainstream American society to look away from the terrors inflicted on Black Americans, and to ignore the centrality of Black experience to capitalist modernity. For these, readers might turn to his extraordinary book on the African-American migration, 12 Million Black Voices (1941) or his book on Ghana’s anti-colonial liberation struggle, Black Power (1954). One day we might also have in print his unfinished and unpublished novel Black Hope, based on interviews Wright conducted with Black domestic workers, and his only book with a female protagonist.

Richard Wright wrote in his autobiography that he broke with the Communist Party in part because it tried to force upon him an interpretation of the world that could not always account for his experience as a Black American. Yet it is impossible to read The Man Who Lived Underground and not recognize what abolitionist socialists today all know: that the carceral state is a front line in the war against the violence, exploitation, and oppression capitalism doles out like money on payday. The book powerfully illustrates how the struggle for Black freedom remains a sounding board for the freedom of us all. ...Read More
TV Review: Michael Keaton in Hulu’s ‘Dopesick’
Beth Macy's book about the opioid epidemic receives star-studded treatment — Michael Keaton, Peter Sarsgaard, Kaitlyn Dever, Rosario Dawson, Michael Stuhlbarg — in a limited series.


By Daniel Fienberg
Hollywood Reporter

OCTOBER 6, 2021 - It’s important enough to understand the origins and realities of America’s opioid epidemic that I’m hesitant to wholly dismiss Hulu’s occasionally informative, less frequently entertaining new limited series Dopesick. Not everybody has the time to read books on the epidemic or watch in-depth documentaries like Alex Gibney’s The Crime of the Century or even to watch the myriad condemnations of Big Pharma on every comedy news hybrid program now airing. So if the presence of cinema’s best Batman in a scripted series is what it’s going to take to open some eyes to a national crisis, then so be it.

Still, despite powerful performances from Michael Keaton and several of his toptier costars, Dopesick is a frustrating selection of questionable narrative choices and bizarrely bad performances from typically unimpeachable actors. It’s a muddled telling of an urgent story.

Like The Looming Tower, Dopesick comes across as Hulu’s attempt to do a mid’00s HBO miniseries, this time going so far as to recruit HBO good luck charms Danny Strong (Recount) and Barry Levinson (Paterno) to write and direct, respectively, this adaptation of Beth Macy’s Dopesick: Dealers, Doctors, and the Drug Company That Addicted America. The drama also features Looming Tower costars Michael Stuhlbarg and Peter Sarsgaard — and probably the only reason Jeff Daniels doesn’t appear here is that he was doing his own tepid, opiate-crisis tinged miniseries, Showtime’s American Rust.

Following Macy’s book, Dopesick offers a stratified look at the floundering front in America’s drug war, interweaving real life and fictional characters. It all starts with the Sackler family, particularly Richard Sackler (Stuhlbarg), who funnels a gnawing inferiority complex into a superficially altruistic dream of conquering pain with a miracle drug known as OxyContin. If that dream brings him billions and helps him laugh in the face of condescending relatives, all the better.

Sackler’s message percolates down to salespeople, embodied by Will Poulter’s Billy and Phillipa Soo’s Amber, who are armed with misinformation and blatant lies to pitch to doctors, like Keaton’s Samuel Finnix, on OxyContin’s seemingly magical lack of addictive properties. Those doctors initially targeted in a few Rust Belt and industrialized states, then push the drugs on blue-collar workers, embodied by coal miners’ daughter Betsy (Kaitlyn Dever).

Finally, after Oxy saturates struggling communities and sparks waves of addiction and crime, it’s left to law enforcement figures, including U.S. attorneys played by Sarsgaard, John Hoogenakker, and Jake McDorman, plus a dogged DEA agent played by Rosario Dawson, to fight the capitalist system and the government bureaucracy insulating Purdue, the Sacklers and their ilk.

It’s a tough structure to translate to the screen. In its best moments, Dopesick does a good job of following the money in a trickledown manner, implicating sales, marketing, and corporate leaders, and sometimes unscrupulous doctors, in creating a drug, fabricating the conditions and terminology for which it becomes the only cure, and then manipulating the establishment through loopholes, indirect payoffs and all manner of grift. These moments are the parts of Dopesick that feel like you’re reading a book — uncinematic but lucid — rather than watching a television show that stretches incoherently across several states and two decades.

With no interest in linearity, continuity or consistency, there are only rare instances in which the history-in-a-blender perspective proves satisfying rather than merely elongating the narrative. Through five episodes sent to critics, the storytelling layers intersect only in limited ways and vary wildly in quality.

The Sackler segment is the most infuriating because it’s the one with the most tantalizing potential. The motivations of this unquestionably philanthropic, ultra-litigious and deservedly tarnished clan will someday receive enlightening treatment, but Strong has chosen to handle their story like a bush-league version of Succession, with all the infighting and conspiring, yet none of the cleverness, twisty psychology and colorful verbosity. It doesn’t help that the storyline is built around a smirk-and-slouch superficial performance from Stuhlbarg, an actor normally so reliable that his work here points to poor direction more than anything else.

The law and order material, driven by nearly interchangeable white guys in suits, has the advantage of not requiring Strong to imagine motivations — they’re dogged, preppy straight-shooters all — but the disadvantage of lacking characters. Even Sarsgaard, so great as a comparably determined crusader in Shattered Glass, can’t find anything quirky or even interesting to latch onto. Dawson’s part of the storyline is especially purposeless, to the point that you could trim her character completely from these episodes and neither information nor drama would be lost.

The Sacklers are real people, as are most of the attorneys and investigators, and in this telling, they’re all flat and unengaging. That leaves the fictional figures in Dopesick as the only people worth latching onto. They all feel like exactly what they are, composites contrived for emotional impact, pawns to be pushed in the direction of their own individualized Oxy spirals. Keaton is expertly kindly-yet-fragile. A far superior hypothetical two-hour movie would focus exclusively on Keaton and Poulter, as a doctor and pharma rep whose unlikely bond is tested by addiction and deceit. Dever is exceptional at playing working-class vulnerability without condescension, as is Ray McKinnon, as her character’s dad.

Too often, the good parts of the Dopesick ensemble get caught up in the intercutting with the generic parts, or drowned in the cliches of their ill-fated situations. Too often the gripping facts of an all too real health care catastrophe are lost in the series’ melodramatic machinations. Unless you need the candy-coating of familiar actors and cinematic devices, there are many better ways to process the same information. ...Read More
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