​Quotes of the Day:

"The basic tool for the manipulation of reality is the manipulation of words. If you can control the meaning of words, you can control the people who must use the words."

– Philip K Dick, author.

"Governments are based principally on force and deception. Democratic governments are based chiefly on deception, other governments on force. And democratic governments, if you get too uppity, give up on the deception and resort to brute force, as a lot of us found out in the sixties. Those who didn't find out in the sixties will find out in the near future because we're going to have a rerun."

– Robert Anton Wilson, (1932-2007)

“Some people insist that “mediocre” is better than “best.” They delight in clipping wings because they themselves cannot fly. They despise brains because they have none.”

– Robert Heinlein

1. Annual “U.S.-ROK Alliance Day” on October 1, 2025

2. Trump’s big, costly, coercive trade deals falling apart in Asia

3.  Lee vows to build 'strong, self-reliant' military to cope with changing security landscape

4. Defense chief says border area training should continue despite S. Korea's peace efforts

5. Ex-FM Kang becomes S. Korea's 1st female ambassador to U.S.

6. Trump remains open to talks with N.K. leader Kim 'without any preconditions': White House

7. N. Korea's Kim, in message to Xi, vows strong ties with China regardless of changes in int'l situation

8. Gov't working to make U.S. understand Korea, Japan are different: trade minister

9. S. Korea marks 77th anniv. of Armed Forces Day in scaled-down event

10. Seoul can deter North Korea with US alliance but shouldn’t depend on others: Lee

11. Public support for unification with North Korea inches up under Lee: Survey

12. Hanwha Ocean, POSCO to jointly develop ultra-high strength steel

13. Hanwha Appoints Former U.S. Deputy National Security Advisor as Global Chief Strategy Officer

14. N. Korean women’s organization caught dodging mandatory political sessions

15. N. Korean money changers profit from currency fluctuations

16. North Korea - United States Department of State (Human Trafficking)

17. Kaesong’s S. Korean buses now serving N. Korea’s Wonsan tourism zone

18. Anti-China rallies increase in Korea amid visa-free tourism policy

19. Korea-US alliance at a critical juncture

20. True Anti-Americanism: Follow President Park Chung-hee's Example

21. K-food exports reach $10 billion at record pace this year: data

22. Lee vows support for pop culture industry through new committee

1. Annual “U.S.-ROK Alliance Day” on October 1, 2025

​Long live the ROK/US Alliance. We must protect it. And we cannot take it for granted. It requires work on the part of Koreans and Americans.

Annual “U.S.-ROK Alliance Day” on October 1, 2025

https://kdva.vet/2025/09/30/annual-u-s-rok-alliance-day-on-october-1-2025/

 September 30, 2025  Announcement

October 1, 2025

2025 년 10 월 1 일

KDVA & KUSAF Joint Message on “U.S.-ROK Alliance Day”

한미동맹재단-주한미군전우회 “한미동맹의 날”공동메시지

The Republic of Korea and the United States have preserved the shared values of freedom, democracy, and prosperity through a steadfast alliance over many decades. Both nations also share deep respect and gratitude for Veterans and will never forget their noble sacrifices and contributions.

대한민국과 미국은 오랜 세월 굳건한 동맹을 토대로 자유, 민주주의, 번영이라는 공통의 가치를함께 지켜왔습니다. 양국은 또한 참전용사들에 대한 존경과 감사의 마음을 공유하며, 그 숭고한 희생을 잊지 않고 있습니다.

The Korea Defense Veterans Association (KDVA) and Korea-U.S. Alliance Foundation (KUSAF) celebrate October 1st each year as “U.S.-ROK Alliance Day” to honor our Alliance and Veterans. This day is a meaningful occasion to reflect on the spirit of the ROK-U.S. Mutual Defense Treaty, signed on October 1, 1953, reaffirming the pledge of our two nations to safeguard peace and security together.

한미동맹재단(KUSAF)과 주한미군전우회(KDVA)는 매년 10 월 1 일을 “한미동맹의 날”로 기념하여 한미동맹과 참전용사들을 기념하고 있습니다. 이 날은 1953 년 체결된 한미상호방위조약의 정신을 되새기며, 한미 양국이 평화와 안보를 함께 지켜내겠다는 약속을 다시 확인하는 뜻깊은 날입니다.

We remember the sacrifices and dedication of 1.8 million American and 1.72 million Korean Service Members who fought in the Korean War. Since the signing of the Armistice Agreement in July 1953, more than 3.3 million Americans have served in Korea, and their legacy continues today through the service of U.S. Forces Korea personnel and their Korean counterparts. Their devotion is the foundation of our Alliance and the enduring source of strength that enables us to overcome challenges together.

우리는 한국전쟁에서 180 만 명의 미군과 172 만 명의 한국군이 보여준 희생과 헌신을 기억합니다. 또한 정전협정 체결 이후 지금까지 330 만 명 이상의 미군이 한국에서 복무했으며, 그 정신은 오늘도1주한미군 장병들과 한국군 장병들에게 이어지고 있습니다. 이들의 헌신이야말로 동맹의 뿌리이며, 양국이 어떠한 어려움 속에서도 함께 나아갈 수 있는 힘의 원천입니다.

Over the past 72 years, the ROK-U.S. Alliance has continued to grow despite many trials, and our combined defense posture has become stronger. The Alliance has expanded beyond military cooperation to encompass diplomacy, economics, society, and culture, developing into one of the most successful alliances in the world.

지난 72 년 동안 한미동맹은 수많은 시련 속에서도 성장해 왔으며, 양국의 연합 방위 태세는 더욱 굳건해 졌습니다. 동맹은 군사 협력을 넘어 외교, 경제, 사회, 문화 전반으로 확대되어 세계에서 가장 성공적인 동맹 중 하나로 발전했습니다.

While South Korea and the United States face a number of challenges, we are confident that the Alliance — grounded in our shared values of freedom, democracy, rule of law, and human rights, and built on mutual trust — will overcome them wisely.

오늘날 대한민국과 미국은 여러 도전에 직면해 있지만, 자유, 민주주의, 법치, 인권이라는 공통의 가치에 기반하고 상호 신뢰 위에 세워진 동맹은 이를 슬기롭게 극복할 것이라 확신합니다.

To this end, KUSAF and KDVA ask all members, donors, and supporters to join us in strengthening our Alliance. Let us honor the sacrifices of Veterans and ensure that the ROK-U.S. Alliance continues to grow as a partnership of hope and prosperity for future generations.

이를 위해 KUSAF 와 KDVA 는 모든 회원, 후원자, 지지자 여러분께 한미동맹 강화를 위해 함께해 주시길 요청 드립니다. 참전용사들의 희생을 기리고, 한미동맹이 미래 세대를 위한 희망과 번영의 동반자로 계속 성장할 수 있도록 힘을 모읍시다.

“Together for the ROK-U.S. Alliance”

“함께 미래로 나아가는 한미동맹”

Robert B. “Abe” Abrams 

General, U.S. Army (Retired)

President, Korea Defense Veterans Association

로버트 에이브럼스

예비역 육군대장

주한미군전우회 회장

Leem, Ho Young

General, ROK Army (Retired)

President, Korea-US Alliance Foundation

임호영

예비역 육군 대장

한미동맹재단 회장

Download Release: KDVA and KUSAF 2025 U.S.-ROK Alliance Day_20250930_English and Korean_Final

2. Trump’s big, costly, coercive trade deals falling apart in Asia

​Does China win?

Excerpt:

In the interim, the odds are rising that Trump’s tariff deals with Japan, South Korea and the EU will either unravel or get bogged down in confusion and bickering. That would only vindicate China’s delaying tactics in doing a deal with Trump.

Trump’s big, costly, coercive trade deals falling apart in Asia - Asia Times

Korea says it can’t pay $350 billion ‘signing bonus’, Japan rethinks $550 billion transfer while China avoids any deal at all

asiatimes.com · William Pesek · October 1, 2025

SEOUL – American economist Anne Krueger, 91, has witnessed a great deal of public policy chicanery during her stints as a top executive at the International Monetary Fund and World Bank.

Yet Donald Trump’s tariff gamble on South Korea — including a US$350 billion “signing bonus” — has the battle-tested Krueger, who has also seen her share of financial crises, literally shaking her head with a mix of confusion and disgust.

“Korea is going to be hurt if all of this happens,” she said in an interview in Seoul. “Other countries will be harmed, but not as much as the US will harm itself.”

Korean President Lee Jae-myung’s thoughts have arrived at a similar place. As he told Reuters, Trump’s ask — equivalent to more than 18% of Korea’s gross domestic product — will push the economy to the brink of near collapse if fulfilled.

“Without a currency swap, if we were to withdraw $350 billion in the manner that the US is demanding and to invest this all in cash in the US, South Korea would face a situation as it had in the 1997 financial crisis,” Lee said.

Over the weekend, Korea’s National Security Adviser Wi Sung-lac left no doubt that Seoul has decided that forking over 70% of this year’s national budget and the equivalent of 80% of foreign exchange reserves to Trump immediately is simply not feasible.

“Our position is not a negotiating tactic,” he told Channel A News. “It’s objectively and realistically not a level we are able to handle. We are not able to pay $350 billion in cash.”

Japan is having its own second thoughts. Over the weekend, lawmaker Sanae Takaichi, one of the two frontrunners to replace Shigeru Ishiba, signaled that a renegotiation of the US tariff deal — which includes a $550 billion payment — might be in order.

“We must stand our ground if anything unfair that is not in Japan’s interests comes to light in the process of implementing the deal,” Takaichi said on local television about the hundreds of billions of dollars Trump World is demanding from Tokyo. “That includes a potential renegotiation.”

This will all surely enrage the eruptible Trump. Yet even the best-case scenario for Japan could provoke a strong White House response. On Wednesday (October 1), Japan’s top trade negotiator, Ryosei Akazawa, insisted that the yen will be just fine if the $550 billion fund materializes.

“We will operate with caution to make sure that the yen doesn’t weaken, causing a rise in import prices for Japan,” he said. “We’d calculated that $550 billion is a scale where we can operate without impacting foreign exchange.”

Yet he also made clear that Trump’s demand for immediate cash is a non-starter. Tokyo would finance the package through a combination of investments, loans and loan guarantees over several years via government-linked organizations. Such entities are notoriously cautious, slow and bureaucratic – and thus sure to raise Trump’s hackles.

As Japan feels deal-striker’s remorse, it’s hard not to see Trump’s trade negotiations as a crisis in slow motion. It’s not just Asia that’s in a whirl about Trump’s bizarre demands for a “signing bonus” in exchange for lower tariffs – the European Union is, too.

The price for the EU’s 15% tariffs: an unthinkable $1.35 trillion through 2028, including $750 billion in US energy purchases and $600 billion in fresh European investment in the US.

The headline figure is “completely unrealistic,” says gas expert Laura Page, a senior analyst at the Kpler commodities firm. “The numbers are just beyond wild.”

True, the EU has been increasing liquefied natural gas (LNG) purchases from the US following supply cutoffs since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

Following the US-EU tariff deal, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said: “Purchases of US energy products will diversify our sources of supply and contribute to Europe’s energy security.”

The arrangement, von der Leyen added, will accelerate efforts to “replace Russian gas and oil with significant purchases of US LNG, oil and nuclear fuels.” EU trade chief Maros Sefcovic said, “We are ready to go for those purchases. We believe these numbers are achievable.”

Yet few others think the numbers are doable. As analyst Page argues, that’s “just never going to happen.” Page’s Kpler colleague Homayoun Falakshahi adds, “it really is a fantasy.”

Yet for South Korea, things are becoming somewhat existential in the Trump 2.0 era. As economist Krueger explained in Seoul, the thrust of Trump’s trade policy is “particularly puzzling for several reasons.”

“First, the claim was that trade was ‘unfair’ when the US has a trade deficit with a country, and that tariff increases will reduce the deficits. Yet, more foreign investment in the US would result in a larger current account deficit, all else equal,” she said.

Second, Krueger said, “the question arises as to how the focus of the investments would be determined. Would any investment by a private company in the EU, for example, count toward the EU goal?

“Or would the US administration anticipate some control over the composition of the investment across industries? Would purchase, for example, of farmland, count? Would purchases of equity in American companies constitute part of the additional investment?”

If investments are instead to be forthcoming from the private sector, still more questions arise, Krueger explained. “Will governments of foreign countries, committing to an investment level, persuade or provide incentives for those investments to their companies?”

As Krueger noted, it would be a mistake to downplay the shock Koreans felt over the recent mass detention of more than 300 Korean workers at a joint Hyundai Motor-LG Energy Solution battery plant in the US state of Georgia.

“In the short term, we will not see much investment, which is one reason why tariffs are more likely to pull down the rate of growth of production than to push it up,” she said. “In that sense, tariffs are likely to be regressive.”

Krueger’s conclusion: “If the US continues on its current policies, I have no doubt that we will talk about the American Century, roughly from 1925 to 2025. After that, it will be somebody else’s – whether Asia, Europe or elsewhere – and whose it will be is up for grabs.”

Georgetown University’s Victor Cha, also speaking in Seoul, said that the last few months prove that “the international system is in a state of disorder.”

The Western rules-based international order is not being displaced by a new order led by China and Russia. It’s falling into disorder due to: 1) two wars, in Europe and the Middle East; 2) great power competition between the US and China; 3) the growing confidence of autocratic states; and 4) the weaponization of economic interdependence and trade.

“For US allies and partners in Asia and Europe, the additional variable creating disorder is the increasing unpredictability of the United States,” Cha explained.

“They are witnessing a paradigm shift in US policies. ‘America First’ policies no longer value alliances as intrinsic goods and power assets for the US. Rather, alliances are viewed as expensive obligations and power liabilities that exploit US generosity. The US presses instead for transactional deals without much thought given to the deeper investments in these relationships.”

The breakdown of such norms has geopolitical heads spinning in Seoul and Tokyo. Part of the strategy involves slow-walking the transfer of hundreds of billions of dollars to Trump in hopes the US Supreme Court will rule the White House’s tariffs violate the US Constitution. Officials in both capitals understand that, if given, clawing that money back from Trump World would be a fool’s errand.

Lower courts have already ruled Trump’s trade war out of bounds. “If this ruling is upheld, refunds of existing tariffs are on the table, which could cause a surge in Treasury issuance and yields,” said Ed Mills, a Washington policy analyst at Raymond James, a financial services company.

The uncertainty factor has companies in a state of confusion. “On a more intermediate-term basis, we think corporate uncertainty around tariffs will remain elevated, though lower than late spring levels,” says RBC strategist Lori Calvasina.

Another question is whether Trump would opt to ignore a Supreme Court ruling. “Trump will surely double down by tapping other tariff authorities, keeping trade war chaos ongoing in the next few months as tariff winners/losers shift,” said Grace Fan, a policy analyst at TS Lombard.

Economist Priyanka Kishore at Asia Decoded expects the Trump administration to continue pushing the envelope on “other levers” to keep made-in-China goods out, even as Washington and Beijing continue talks on a bilateral trade deal.

In a recent note, Capital Economics identified Trump’s “next obvious target” for larger product-specific tariffs as semiconductors, which would likely cause considerable angst in Asia.

For Chinese leader Xi Jinping, though, the strategy has been to delay a tariff deal with Trump as long as possible. During that delay, China’s negotiating position has strengthened as Trump’s desperation for a “grand bargain” grows.

As tariffs boost US inflation, upend markets and generate unflattering headlines, a splashy China deal would be just the thing to cheer Trump’s base. The trouble for Trump is that China knows it.

In many ways, Xi’s government was ready for Trump 2.0, having spent the years since Trump 1.0 shifting trade to Europe, Southeast Asia and the Global South. Xi’s strategy has been to drag things out until Trump, increasingly anxious for a deal, agrees to some minor tweaks or a sizable Boeing order or two – and then moves on.

According to reports, Xi even thinks he can persuade Trump to drop America’s support for Taiwan in exchange for a trade deal. The Washington Post reported that Trump’s move to pause $400 million in weapons aid to Taiwan has officials in Taipei very worried.

In the interim, the odds are rising that Trump’s tariff deals with Japan, South Korea and the EU will either unravel or get bogged down in confusion and bickering. That would only vindicate China’s delaying tactics in doing a deal with Trump.

Follow William Pesek on X at @WilliamPesek

asiatimes.com · William Pesek · October 1, 2025

3.  Lee vows to build 'strong, self-reliant' military to cope with changing security landscape

​Which is the intent of the entire OPCON transition process - the mantra since 2004 has been that the ROK must build independent warfighting capabilities.

(2nd LD) Lee vows to build 'strong, self-reliant' military to cope with changing security landscape | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · Kim Eun-jung · October 1, 2025

(ATTN: UPDATES details in paras 16-19)

By Kim Eun-jung

SEOUL, Oct. 1 (Yonhap) -- President Lee Jae Myung on Wednesday pledged to build a "strong, self-reliant" military force to actively cope with the changing security landscape, expressing his confidence in South Korea's military power and defense industry.

"We should move toward a strong, self-reliant defense, based on our pride and confidence in our military power," Lee said in a speech marking the 77th Armed Forces Day at the Gyeryongdae military headquarters.

"To respond actively to the changing security environment, self-reliant defense is a must," Lee said.

"The Republic of Korea is a powerful nation with the world's fifth-strongest military strength, spending on defense 1.4 times more than North Korea's GDP, and our integrated national strength, economically and culturally, rivals any other country," Lee said, referring to South Korea's official name.

Retaking the wartime operating control, which has remained under the control of the top U.S. military commander in South Korea as a legacy of the 1950-53 Korean War, has been one of Lee's major security pledges.

Lee said South Korea will take back the wartime operational control of its troops from the United States and lead a robust joint defense posture with Washington if the planned retaking of the wartime command is completed.

"The Republic of Korea will lead a joint defense posture with Washington by regaining the operational control based on the firm ROK-U.S. alliance," Lee said.

"A solid combined defense capability and posture will not only bring peace and stability to the Korean Peninsula but also contribute to the region's stability and shared prosperity," he added.

President Lee Jae Myung delivers an address during a ceremony marking the 77th anniversary of Armed Forces Day at the Gyeryongdae military headquarters, some 140 kilometers south of Seoul, on Oct. 1, 2025. (Yonhap)

South Korea handed over operational control of its forces to the U.S.-led U.N. Command during the 1950-53 Korean War. It was then transferred to the allies' Combined Forces Command when it was launched in 1978. While wartime operational control has remained in U.S. hands, South Korea retook peacetime OPCON in 1994.

Defense officials from both sides have recently reviewed progress on the conditions for transfer, which require Seoul to secure the ability to lead combined forces and strengthen strike and air defense capabilities amid a regional security environment supportive of the handover.

The transition has long been a pending issue, with past governments either advancing or delaying it in response to North Korea's evolving nuclear and missile threats.

President Lee Jae Myung (R) and Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back (L) wave aboard a military convoy during a ceremony marking the 77th anniversary of Armed Forces Day at the Gyeryongdae military headquarters, some 140 kilometers south of Seoul, on Oct. 1, 2025. (Yonhap)

Lee stressed the credibility of South Korea's defense posture, noting the nation ranks among the world's top five military powers and spends 1.4 times more of its gross domestic product than North Korea.

"We also have strong ties with countries that share values, a solid ROK-U.S. alliance, and a reliable nuclear deterrent based on that partnership," he said. "There is no reason to doubt our national defense power and even less reason to feel anxious."

To counter threats in future battlefields, Lee outlined plans to restructure the military into "professional, smart, elite forces."

The government, he added, will allocate 66.3 trillion won (US$47.6 billion) for defense in 2026, up 8.2 percent from this year, with greater investments in various technologies, such as artificial intelligence (AI), drones and robotics.

"A military equipped with integrated manned and unmanned advanced weapon systems like AI combat robots, autonomous drones, and precision attack and defense missile systems is the solution," he said.

Lee also pledged to boost the defense industry as both a strategic asset and a driver of economic growth by increasing investment in technology development and strengthening the industrial ecosystem.

"We will help K-defense grow globally by turning the rapidly changing global security landscape into an opportunity," he said.

He added that the government will enhance service conditions and the compensation system to improve soldiers' welfare and boost morale.

President Lee Jae Myung (C) salutes during a ceremony marking the 77th anniversary of Armed Forces Day at the Gyeryongdae military headquarters, some 140 kilometers south of Seoul, on Oct. 1, 2025. (Yonhap)

In his first attendance at the ceremony since taking office in June, Lee stressed the need for the military to restore public trust undermined by some commanders' involvement in former President Yoon Suk Yeol's failed martial law bid last December.

"As a commander-in-chief and the president who is responsible for Korean citizens, I will clear remnants of illegal martial law and strengthen the institutional framework to rebuild the military that protects the Constitution and the people," he said.

Lee urged the military to stay committed to their duty of protecting the country and people with great pride.

"An army meant to protect the people must never repeat pointing its guns at them," he said. "The military needs to regain the people's trust swiftly and properly fulfill its duty and responsibilities."

ejkim@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · Kim Eun-jung · October 1, 2025

4. Defense chief says border area training should continue despite S. Korea's peace efforts

​This is the correct position if Korea wants to be consistent with President Lee's intent to "build 'strong, self-reliant' military to cope with changing security landscape." The inability to train, especially in the frontline areas, weakens ROK military readiness. The ROK cannot sacrifice readiness and cannot forget that there is an existential threat arrayed along the DMZ to the north.

Defense chief says border area training should continue despite S. Korea's peace efforts | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · Lee Minji · October 1, 2025

By Lee Minji and Kim Hyun-soo

SEOUL, Oct. 1 (Yonhap) -- Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back opposed the idea of South Korea's unilateral suspension of military training near the tense inter-Korean border, citing the need to maintain readiness even when Seoul seeks to mend frayed ties with North Korea.

Ahn made the remark as Seoul has been pushing to resume dialogue with the North and restore a 2018 inter-Korean military tension reduction pact that was fully suspended under the previous administration in the face of North Korea's trash balloon campaign.

"Soldiers have to basically train," Ahn said in his first press conference with the defense press corps on Tuesday. "If both sides agree to suspend such training and North Korea ceases to do so, that could be another case, but we cannot unilaterally stop."

Ahn's remarks came just days after Unification Minister Chung Dong-young said his ministry is in talks with the defense ministry on suspending live-fire drills and military field training near the inter-Korean border.

Under the agreement, artillery and naval drills, as well as regiment-level field maneuvers, were banned due to land and maritime buffer zones set up in the area. No-fly zones had also been designated near the border to prevent accidental aircraft clashes.

The defense chief still emphasized the need to leave the door open for talks with the North, mentioning the option of restoring the suspended military tension reduction pact in a phased manner, without further elaboration.

Addressing South Korea's push to retake wartime operational control (OPCON) from the United States, a policy task the Lee Jae Myung government has pledged to seek within Lee's five-year term, Ahn said both sides continue to hold discussions over the long-pending security issue.

"(South Korea) is pushing for wartime OPCON transfer in a systemic, stable and proactive manner under mutually agreed upon procedures and measures, and closely discussing the issue even at this moment," he said.

Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back (C) speaks in a press conference with the defense press corps on Sept. 30, 2025, in this photo provided by his office. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)

Ahn, however, dismissed speculations surrounding the possible readjustment or reduction of American troops stationed here that have emerged after U.S. President Donald Trump returned to the White House this year.

"From what I have consistently heard from U.S. military leadership or lawmakers, never have I heard about any pullout or reduction," he said, stressing the speculation is groundless under the two countries' mutual defense treaty.

Regardless of the issue, the defense chief emphasized the need to boost defense spending to better respond to North Korea's continued weapons development, backed by Russia's suspected technology support in exchange for the North's troop deployment.

Since last year, North Korea is estimated to have sent 16,000 troops over three occasions in support of Russia in its war against Ukraine, with the latest group of military engineers who arrived in Russia expected to focus on restoration efforts, according to Ahn.

"What we need to be alert about is that North Korea appears to be receiving technology from Russia, in a considerable scope," he said, forecasting that Russia may hand over "everything excluding core technology."

Against such a backdrop, Ahn said South Korea should increase its defense spending by 8 percent or more going forward to strengthen its military power, regardless of U.S. pressure on raising the country's defense spending to 5 percent of the gross domestic product.

"It is not because the U.S. wants it, but we cannot but raise defense spending since it matters to us."

In a ceremony marking Armed Forces Day, President Lee pledged to restructure the military to "professional, smart, elite forces" and increase defense spending by 8.2 percent on-year to better invest in cutting-edge technologies.

mlee@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · Lee Minji · October 1, 2025

5. Ex-FM Kang becomes S. Korea's 1st female ambassador to U.S.

(LEAD) Ex-FM Kang becomes S. Korea's 1st female ambassador to U.S. | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · Kim Soo-yeon · October 1, 2025

(ATTN: REWRITES lead; UPDATES with details throughout)

SEOUL, Oct. 1 (Yonhap) -- Former Foreign Minister Kang Kyung-wha was formally appointed as South Korea's ambassador to the United States on Wednesday, becoming Seoul's first female envoy to Washington, according to the foreign ministry.

Kang, who served as South Korea's top diplomat from 2017 to 2021 under former President Moon Jae-in, has become the Lee Jae Myung administration's first ambassador to the U.S.

She has become South Korea's first female ambassador to the U.S., years after also serving as the country's first female foreign minister under the former Moon administration.

Experts said Kang is well fit for Seoul's top envoy in charge of close policy coordination with the United States, given growing expectations that North Korea and the U.S. may resume dialogue.

She worked as the South's top diplomat at the height of summit diplomacy between North Korea and the U.S. in 2018-19 during U.S. President Donald Trump's first term.

Former Foreign Minister Kang Kyung-wha (C) meets with National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-shik at the National Assembly on Sept. 29, 2025. (Yonhap)

Kang is widely expected to first coordinate Trump's upcoming trip to South Korea for the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit and summit talks between Lee and Trump on the sidelines of the multilateral event.

As Seoul's top envoy, she also faces the daunting tasks of addressing key diplomatic challenges in a way that maximizes the national interest, such as ongoing tariff negotiations with the U.S. and Washington's drive for the "modernization of the alliance."

Born in 1955, Kang graduated from Yonsei University in Seoul in 1977. She then received a doctorate in communications from the University of Massachusetts Amherst in 1984.

She has extensive experience in working at the United Nations, especially in the field of human rights, including serving as the U.N. deputy high commissioner for human rights in 2007, and as the deputy emergency relief coordinator for humanitarian affairs in 2013.

sooyeon@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · Kim Soo-yeon · October 1, 2025

6. Trump remains open to talks with N.K. leader Kim 'without any preconditions': White House

What will be the purpose of talks? Yes it is better to jaw jaw than war war but what are we going to talk about? 

On the one hald talks will be assessed by KJU of success for his political warfare and blackmail diplomacy strategies.

On the other hand I am for talks IF and only if it is in support of a comprehensive political warfare strategy that is designed to solve the "Korea question." And most importantly we should only talk if we have a thorough understanding of the nature, objectives, and strategy of the Kim family regime and based on that we are willing to execute a superior political warfare strategy. 

(2nd LD) Trump remains open to talks with N.K. leader Kim 'without any preconditions': White House | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · Song Sang-ho · October 1, 2025

(ATTN: ADDS more info in paras 2, 8, 11-14)

By Song Sang-ho

WASHINGTON, Sept. 30 (Yonhap) -- U.S. President Donald Trump remains open to engaging in dialogue with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un "without any preconditions," a White House official said Tuesday, amid speculation that Trump could seek to meet Kim when he visits South Korea to attend the upcoming Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit.

The official made the remarks in response to Yonhap News Agency's question about the possibility of Trump resuming dialogue with Kim during his much-anticipated visit to South Korea to join the APEC gathering, and about whether Trump is open to talking with Kim without any reference to the nuclear issue.

Earlier this month, Kim expressed openness to resuming talks with the United States if Washington drops its demand for the North's denuclearization. However, the Trump administration has reiterated its commitment to pursuing the "complete" denuclearization of North Korea.

"President Trump in his first term held three historic summits with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un that stabilized the Korean Peninsula," the official said.

"U.S. policy on North Korea has not changed. President Trump remains open to talking with Kim Jong-un without any preconditions," the official added.

It marks the first time that the Trump administration has publicly stated that it does not have "any preconditions" for the resumption of dialogue between Trump and Kim.

The official's mention of the unchanged U.S. policy appears to refer to Washington's commitment to the North's denuclearization. But, the official did not specifically mention the denuclearization goal in the statement.

This AFP photo shows U.S. President Donald Trump (R) shaking hands with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un after signing a joint statement at the Capella Hotel on Sentosa Island in Singapore on June 12, 2018. (Yonhap)

During the White House summit with South Korean President Lee Jae Myung in August, Trump expressed his hope to meet with Kim this year, reinforcing speculation that he could try to resume dialogue with Kim when he visits Korea to participate in the APEC summit set to take place in the southeastern city of Gyeongju from Oct. 31-Nov. 1.

Trump has repeatedly voiced openness to restarting dialogue with Kim, apparently aiming for a peace deal, amid speculation that he hopes to secure a Nobel Peace Prize. Kim has also signaled his willingness to reengage with Trump, noting that he personally has a "good" memory of the American president.

During his first term, Trump's personal diplomacy with the North Korean leader led to three in-person meetings between them -- in Singapore in June 2018, in Hanoi in February 2019 and at the inter-Korean border truce village of Panmunjom in June 2019.

Although Seoul and Washington have stressed their "resolute" commitment to the North's denuclearization, Pyongyang has rejected any dialogue on its nuclear program.

Last week, North Korean leader Kim reaffirmed his country's "invariable" stance on ensuring security through its nuclear forces, highlighting steady preparations for its nuclear counteraction as an "essential top-priority" task, according to the North's state media.

During a U.N. General Assembly gathering on Monday, North Korea's Vice Foreign Minister Kim Son-gyong said that Pyongyang will never give up its nuclear program "under any circumstances," emphasizing that it has stipulated its nuclear arsenal in its law as a "sacred" and "absolute" asset that can "never be tampered with."

The diplomat argued that imposition of denuclearization on the North is tantamount to demanding Pyongyang surrender its "sovereignty and right to existence" and violate its constitution -- a show of its adamant position against bargaining away its nuclear program.

sshluck@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · Song Sang-ho · October 1, 2025

7. N. Korea's Kim, in message to Xi, vows strong ties with China regardless of changes in int'l situation

​Kim seems to be playing the pivot man of the Dark Quad and maintaining relations with all members of the CRInK on his own terms.

N. Korea's Kim, in message to Xi, vows strong ties with China regardless of changes in int'l situation | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · Kim Soo-yeon · October 1, 2025

By Kim Soo-yeon

SEOUL, Oct. 1 (Yonhap) -- North Korean leader Kim Jong-un vowed to develop bilateral ties with China regardless of changes in the international situation in his message to Chinese President Xi Jinping on Wednesday, according to Pyongyang's state media.

Kim sent a congratulatory message to Xi to mark the 76th founding anniversary of the People's Republic of China, according to the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA).

"It is the steadfast stand of our Party and the government of the Republic to steadily develop the traditional DPRK-China friendship no matter how the international situation may change," Kim wrote in the message.

DPRK refers to North Korea's official name, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.

Kim said North Korea is willing to cooperate with China to further strengthen their relations and defend peace and stability in the region and beyond "through the close strategic communication and cooperation," according to the KCNA.

The North's leader traveled to Beijing last month to attend China's lavish military parade. At that time, Kim and Xi held their first talks in more than six years signalling that ties have been restored after remaining strained by North Korea's close alignment with Russia.

North Korean Foreign Minister Choe Son-hui returned home Tuesday after making a four-day trip to China. She met with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and China's Premier Li Qiang.

Choe's visit came about a month before South Korea hosts the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit in Gyeongju. Her recent trip may have been aimed at coordinating responses with China over Xi's planned summits with President Lee Jae Myung and U.S. President Donald Trump.

This photo, published by North Korea's Korean Central News Agency on Sept. 5, 2025, shows leader Kim Jong-un (L) shaking hands with Chinese President Xi Jinping during their talks the previous day. (For Use Only in the Republic of Korea. No Redistribution) (Yonhap)

sooyeon@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · Kim Soo-yeon · October 1, 2025

8. Gov't working to make U.S. understand Korea, Japan are different: trade minister

I fear this could be mission impossible. To some negotiators both countries are rich as a result of US support so that makes them the same.

Gov't working to make U.S. understand Korea, Japan are different: trade minister | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · Kang Jae-eun · October 1, 2025

SEOUL, Oct. 1 (Yonhap) -- The South Korean government is continuously emphasizing in its ongoing trade negotiations with the United States that South Korea and Japan are different, Seoul's top trade negotiator said Wednesday.

"Economic indexes, foreign currency structure and economic size of the two countries objectively show that (Korea and Japan) should not be treated the same," Trade Minister Yeo Han-koo said at a forum held in southern Seoul, suggesting Seoul cannot be asked to pay the same price as Japan in their trade negotiations with the U.S.

Yeo, however, said he understood why Washington could put Korea at the same level as Japan, noting that the U.S. recorded similar trade deficits with the two countries last year.

Trade Minister Yeo Han-soo (L) speaks at an event on the semiconductor industry held in Malaysia on Sept. 26, 2025, in this photo provided by the Ministry of Trade and Industry. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)

His remarks come amid ongoing negotiations between Seoul and Washington to map out details of a framework trade deal they signed in late July, under which Seoul pledged to invest US$350 billion in the U.S. in exchange for the U.S. lowering its reciprocal tariff on South Korea to 15 percent against the initially proposed 25 percent while also slashing its 25 percent tariff on South Korean autos to 15 percent.

Tokyo earlier reached a similar deal with the U.S., though it promised to invest $550 billion in the U.S. instead.

The countries later signed a detailed agreement, under which they will initially split profits from the Japanese investment equally but shift to the U.S. receiving 90 percent of the profits once Japan earns back its $550 billion in original investment.

Washington has reportedly been calling on Seoul to sign a similar deal with regard to its $350 billion investment pledge.

Yeo acknowledged the criticism that the government has so far failed to lower Washington's 25 percent tariff on South Korean cars and auto parts but said the government is taking the situation "seriously."

He argued it may be difficult for the U.S. to give special treatment to certain countries regarding the auto tariffs, as there are too many nations simultaneously engaged in trade negotiations with the U.S.

"I think the best approach is to keep the current competitive landscape as is," he said. "In this situation, it seems realistic for Korea to negotiate on terms that are not disadvantageous."

fairydust@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · Kang Jae-eun · October 1, 2025

9. S. Korea marks 77th anniv. of Armed Forces Day in scaled-down event

(LEAD) S. Korea marks 77th anniv. of Armed Forces Day in scaled-down event | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · Kim Hyun-soo · October 1, 2025

(ATTN: UPDATES throughout with details; ADDS paras 8-12; CHANGES photo)

By Kim Hyun-soo

SEOUL, Oct. 1 (Yonhap) -- South Korea on Wednesday held a ceremony to commemorate the 77th anniversary of the founding of its armed forces in a scaled-down event in the aftermath of last year's botched martial law bid.

The Armed Forces Day event took place at the military headquarters in Gyeryong, some 145 kilometers south of Seoul, involving 998 troops and around 100 pieces of military equipment, according to the defense ministry.

The ministry has decided to scale down this year's celebration -- skipping a large-scale military parade that was held in downtown Seoul last year -- in the aftermath of the martial law bid imposed by now-jailed former President Yoon Suk Yeol.

South Korean President Lee Jae Myung (R) and Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back inspect honor guards during a celebration to mark the 77th Armed Forces Day in Gyeryong, South Korea, on Oct. 1, 2025. (Pool photo) (Yonhap)

Although a military parade was not scheduled, the military showed off an array of the nation's key weapons systems at the ceremony, including the 230-mm Chunmoo multiple rocket launcher, the K9 self-propelled howitzer and the KAAV amphibious assault vehicle.

A number of assets to be deployed to the military were also disclosed to the public for the first time, including a homegrown bomb disposal robot and the low observable Wingman unmanned aerial vehicle under development.

Formation flights involving a fleet of fighter jets and helicopters decorated the skies Wednesday morning, followed by a performance by the Air Force's Black Eagles aerobatic team.

South Korean President Lee Jae Myung (R, standing in car) and Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back (L, standing in car) inspect military assets during a celebration to mark the 77th Armed Forces Day in Gyeryong, South Korea, on Oct. 1, 2025. (Pool photo) (Yonhap)

A military parade has usually taken place every five years to commemorate Armed Forces Day. But under the preceding Yoon administration, the armed forces held a large military parade for two years straight, in 2023 and 2024, in what appeared to be a display of military muscle-flexing.

The defense ministry has decided to markedly scale down this year's Armed Forces Day celebrations in line with the efforts by President Lee Jae Myung's administration to ease tensions with North Korea and build a trusted military.

For this year's event, 998 troops were mobilized, about one-fifth of the some 5,000 troops that took part in last year's celebrations. About 100 pieces of military equipment were deployed for this year, down from some 340 mobilized last year.

On the budgetary side, the ministry spent 2.7 billion won (US$1.9 million) this year, one-third of the 7.2 billion won set for last year.

In line with this year's theme centering on building a military catering to the people, the ministry has designated 77 civic representatives, including people of merit, to take part in various performances, including a taekwondo demonstration with troops.

The Black Eagles, the Air Force's aerobatic team, performs a maneuver during a celebration to mark the 77th Armed Forces Day in Gyeryong, South Korea, on Oct. 1, 2025. (Pool photo) (Yonhap)

sookim@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · Kim Hyun-soo · October 1, 2025

10.  Seoul can deter North Korea with US alliance but shouldn’t depend on others: Lee

​The key is deterrence of a north Korean conventional and nuclear attack. We must be aligned on that fundamental mission.

But it begs the question, what actually deters Kim Jogn Un? Understanding that then drives ROK/US alliance strategy and campaign plans.

Seoul can deter North Korea with US alliance but shouldn’t depend on others: Lee

South Korean leader reiterates need for ‘self-reliant defense’ on Armed Forces Day, warning of erosion of global peace

https://www.nknews.org/2025/10/seoul-can-deter-north-korea-with-us-alliance-but-shouldnt-depend-on-others-lee/

Joon Ha Park October 1, 2025

South Korean President Lee Jae-myung salutes ROK military troops during the 77th Armed Forces Day ceremony at Gyeryongdae on Oct. 1, 2025. | Image: Defense Media Agency (Korea Forces Network) via YouTube

South Korean President Lee Jae-myung on Wednesday called for building “robust self-reliant defense” to meet security challenges without “depending on others,” while simultaneously stressing that Seoul can deter North Korea through its alliance with the U.S.

Delivering his first Armed Forces Day address, Lee reviewed key defense assets for countering DPRK nuclear and missile threats and warned of the erosion of global peace.

“Humanity’s longest era of peace and coexistence is drawing to a close. Across the globe, the momentum for cooperation and prosperity is weakening, while conflict and confrontation intensify,” he said. “To secure peace and prosperity for Korea, we must not depend on others, but strengthen our own power.”

Lee vowed to build “a nation strong enough to respond firmly and decisively to threats, one whose sovereignty no one dares to challenge.”

At the same time, he highlighted the importance of the U.S.-ROK alliance, crediting it for “the strongest defense posture in [South Korea’s] history.”

Pointing to the fact that Seoul spends the equivalent of 1.4 times North Korea’s GDP on defense, he added there was “no reason to doubt our national defense, nor to tremble in anxiety.”

Lee outlined three commitments for achieving “self-reliant defense,” a concept that he has increasingly emphasized since a Sept. 21 social media post stating that believing foreign troops are necessary for South Korea’s security reflects a “submissive mindset.”

First, he pledged to transform the military into a “smart, elite force” built around autonomous drones, AI-powered weapons and precision missiles. Lee cited his administration’s 8.2% increase in next year’s defense budget to 66.3 trillion won ($48.3 billion) as a stepping stone to fund such projects.

As part of this commitment, Lee reiterated his plan to “regain wartime operational control” (OPCON) of South Korean troops from Washington, a long-delayed transition that he said would enable Seoul to lead the combined defense posture with U.S. forces.

Second, he promised to expand the country’s defense industry into a global leader, describing it as a backbone of national security and a driver of economic growth. 

Lastly, Lee vowed to improve troop welfare, pledging higher pay and better living conditions for service personnel.

Shin Seung-ki, a research fellow at the Korea Institute for Defense Analyses (KIDA), said Lee’s focus reflects a broader trend in which countries can no longer rely solely on traditional alliances for their security.

While North Korea’s nuclear arsenal makes deterrence through the alliance indispensable, he argued that robust conventional forces can still impose meaningful costs in a crisis.

“At a minimum, strong conventional deterrence can provide restraint in contingencies,” he said.

Lee’s plan to transform the military into a “smart, elite force” also marks a shift from aspirational rhetoric to implementation, Shin noted, noting that training all troops to operate drones acknowledges that “modern warfare is now difficult to conduct effectively without them.”

He framed Lee’s military strategy as a pragmatic attempt to reduce dependence on Washington while boosting autonomous capabilities.

“Only then can the country have real deterrent power vis-à-vis North Korea and neighboring states,” he said.

South Korean President Lee Jae-myung and Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back pass by the ROK’s Hyunmoo-5 “bunker buster” ballistic missile during a military review on Oct. 1, 2025 | Image: Defense Media Agency (Korea Forces Network) via YouTube

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ROK ASSETS ON DISPLAY

Observed annually since 1956, Armed Forces Day commemorates when the ROK Army’s 3rd Infantry Division first advanced north of the 38th parallel during the Korean War.

Lee broke with his predecessor Yoon Suk-yeol by holding Wednesday ceremony at Gyeryongdae, the headquarters of South Korea’s armed services, and ditching the kind of large-scale parades held in downtown Seoul in 2023 and 2024.

Prior to his address, the president joined defense minister Ahn Gyu-back for a military review featuring some 990 troops and about 100 pieces of equipment. The event featured key assets from Seoul’s three-axis defense system, including the Haeseong anti-ship missile and the L-SAM and Cheongung-II missile interceptors. 

Lee notably reviewed the Hyunmoo-5 “bunker-buster” ballistic missile, first unveiled during last year’s Armed Forces Day ceremony. The weapon is central to the Korea Massive Punishment and Retaliation counteroffensive strategy for striking hardened targets and eliminating North Korea’s leadership in the event of war.

The event also introduced several unmanned and next-generation systems for the first time, such as autonomous reconnaissance robots, explosive ordnance disposal robots, swarming drone systems, low-observable drone formations, loitering munitions and a multipurpose stealth drone with AI-enabled autonomous mission capability.

Shin of KIDA told NK News that a significant number of AI-integrated and drone systems are expected to be operational across units within two to three years, an effort that has accelerated due to the war in Ukraine.

The only American aircraft in the ceremony’s aerial flyover were two F-16s, the mainstay of the U.S. Forces Korea. This was in marked contrast to last year’s parade, when a B-1B Lancer bomber flew over Seoul Airport in the first appearance by an American strategic asset at a South Korean military parade.

North Korea has yet to respond to Wednesday’s event. After last year’s ceremony, the North Korean leader’s sister Kim Yo Jong mocked the Hyunmoo-5 as a “weapon of worthless large bulk” and described the U.S. bomber as the “main player” in the parade, accusing Seoul of relying on external help for its defense.

Edited by Bryan Betts

11. Public support for unification with North Korea inches up under Lee: Survey

​Some slightly good news? But there is troubling data in the curvey.

Public support for unification with North Korea inches up under Lee: Survey

Researchers suggest new administration’s push for peace played role, though majority in 20s say unification unnecessary

https://www.nknews.org/2025/10/public-support-for-unification-with-north-korea-inches-up-under-lee-survey/

Jooheon Kim October 1, 2025

The unification arch in Pyongyang, which North Korea demolished in 2024 | Image: NK News

Public support for unification with North Korea has increased in the South since last year, according to a new survey, which attributes the change to the election of President Lee Jae-myung and his push for peaceful coexistence with Pyongyang.

The annual survey by Seoul National University’s (SNU) Institute for Peace and Unification Studies found that 41.1% of respondents think unification is necessary, up 4.2 percentage points from 2024. 30.4% said unification is unnecessary, down 4.6 percentage points.

“A series of conciliatory measures toward North Korea have raised expectations for improved inter-Korean relations, especially among progressive groups, and these expectations appear to be leading to a more positive perception of the need for unification,” the report stated, while cautioning that the changes are still limited.

The institute specifically cited measures like halting loudspeaker broadcasts, requesting a stop to leaflet campaigns and suspending radio and TV transmissions.

41.1% of respondents said unification is necessary, while 30.4% said it is unnecessary. | Image: Seoul National University’s Institute for Peace and Unification Studies

According to the survey, satisfaction with the government’s North Korea policy also rose, with 52% of respondents expressing approval, up 8.9 percentage points from the previous year.

When it came to specific inter-Korean policy areas, support for resuming operations at the suspended Kaesong Industrial Complex rose by 4.2 percentage points to 37.2%, for restarting tourism to Mount Kumgang by 4 percentage points to 48.2% and for banning the distribution of anti-North Korean leaflets by 6.9 percentage points to 63.4%.

South Koreans also appear to have softened their views about North Korea this year. The proportion of respondents expressing hostility toward the North dropped from 22.3% to 18.9%, while those who described their attitude as cautious increased from 18.6% to 22.9%.

Despite Lee’s election, the percentage of people who believe South Korea should cooperate with North Korea decreased to 34%, down 5.9 percentage points from the previous year. On the other hand, support for providing aid to the North rose to 17.8%, a 7 percentage point increase.

The survey, conducted through one-on-one interviews with 1,200 adults aged 19 to 74 between July and August, had a margin of error of plus or minus 2.8%, with a confidence level of 95%.

Kim Dong-jin, a peace studies professor at Hanshin University, noted that Lee has jettisoned his predecessor Yoon Suk-yeol’s push for “freedom-based unification” — widely seen as advocating unification by absorption.

But the expert assessed that it’s too early to judge how Lee’s approach to North Korea has shaped public perception.

“We need to observe for a longer period to make a proper assessment,” he told NK News. 

Kim also highlighted the survey’s finding that a majority of respondents aged from 19 to 29 think unification is unnecessary, explaining that the traditional notion that Koreans must form a single state due to shared ethnicity, history, culture and language no longer resonates as strongly with younger generations.

“Given that North and South Korea have functioned as separate countries for a long time — both in practice and under international law — young people are less likely to feel that political unification is necessary,” he said.

The professor added that people in their 30s to 50s tend to worry about the economic burden of unification, such as higher taxes, while younger generations tend to focus more on immediate issues like finding jobs or adjusting to social life and therefore pay less attention to unification.

SKEPTICISM OF NORTH KOREA

In recent years, North Korea has continued to expand and diversify its nuclear arsenal while also formally renouncing reunification as a policy goal, insisting that the South is a “separate enemy state,” and SNU’s survey appears to reflect growing awareness of the DPRK’s official stance.

A record-high 83.1% of respondents said they believe the North Korean regime does not genuinely seek unification, rising steadily from 78.5% in 2022.

South Koreans also signaled skepticism about denuclearization, with 89.7% stating that they believe the DPRK will never give up its nuclear weapons. 82.5% said the human rights situation in the North is serious.

Meanwhile, the survey showed a significant increase in the number of respondents who say they feel a sense of closeness toward North Korean defectors, rising by over 10 percentage points on-year to 29.1%. The SNU researchers analyzed that this change is closely related to factors such as direct contact with escapees and media exposure.

29.1% of respondents said they feel a sense of closeness toward North Korean escapees in 2025. | Image: Seoul National University’s Institute for Peace and Unification Studies

Kim Bum-soo, one of the report’s authors, told NK News that, despite the positive trend, discriminatory views toward defectors persist in ROK society. 

“In their daily lives, many defectors used to hide their identity and act like ethnic Koreans from China,” the director of SNU’s Institute for Peace and Unification Studies said. 

“Breaking this vicious cycle requires a shift in public perception — one that embraces defectors rather than marginalizes them.” 

In terms of perceptions toward neighboring countries, the report found that South Koreans’ affinity toward the U.S. is declining, while favorable sentiment toward Japan is gradually increasing. 

The percentage of respondents who expressed a favorable view of the United States fell to 76.3% in 2025, down from 79.9% in 2024 and 82.1% in 2023. 

Favorable views toward Japan rose to 11.4% in 2025, up from 9.2% in 2024 and 8.1% in 2023. The proportion of people who see Japan as a partner for cooperation reached 25% this year, the highest figure recorded in the survey.

The result comes as the Lee administration has pledged to continue trilateral military cooperation with the U.S. and Japan, which the previous Yoon government helped spearhead as part of efforts to counter DPRK nuclear threats.

Since 2007, SNU’s Institute for Peace and Unification Studies has surveyed public perceptions of unification, North Korea, neighboring countries and escapees, with the reports serving as a widely cited measure for tracking public opinion on DPRK issues.

Edited by Bryan Betts

12. Hanwha Ocean, POSCO to jointly develop ultra-high strength steel

Will this be helpful to MASGA?

Hanwha Ocean, POSCO to jointly develop ultra-high strength steel | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · Choi Kyong-ae · October 1, 2025

SEOUL, Oct. 1 (Yonhap) -- Hanwha Ocean Co., a South Korean shipbuilder, said Tuesday it has signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU) with POSCO, the country's leading steelmaker, to jointly develop next-generation ultra-high strength steel for naval vessels.

Under the MOU, the two firms will cooperate in six areas, including steel materials and applications, welding materials and techniques, and hull application technologies, Hanwha Ocean said in a press release.

"The partnership marks the start of full-scale preparations to enter the global advanced naval ship market together with POSCO. We will position ourselves as a leading total naval solution provider," said Kim Il-hong, senior vice president of naval ship design at Hanwha Ocean.

The "giga-grade" steel plate, which is said to have up to four times the strength of conventional steel, is intended for next-generation platforms, such as warships and unmanned surface vessels.

The companies aim to complete research and development within two to three years on the plate, which offers improved structural integrity, ballistic protection and weld safety, according to the release.

Kim Il-hong (3rd from L, front row), senior vice president of naval ship design at Hanwha Ocean, poses with officials from the shipbuilder and POSCO after signing a memorandum of understanding (MOU) on the joint development of ultra-high strength steel for naval vessels at Hanwha Ocean's Seoul office on Oct. 1, 2025, in this photo provided by Hanwha Ocean. (PHOTO NOT FOR SALE) (Yonhap)

kyongae.choi@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · Choi Kyong-ae · October 1, 2025

13. Hanwha Appoints Former U.S. Deputy National Security Advisor as Global Chief Strategy Officer

Hanwha Appoints Former U.S. Deputy National Security Advisor as Global Chief Strategy Officer

https://hanwhadefenseusa.com/news-articles/hanwha-appoints-former-u-s-deputy-national-security-advisor-as-global-chief-strategy-officer

HDUSA Press Release

WASHINGTON, Sept. 22, 2025 – Hanwha Group, a global leader in defense, shipbuilding, and energy solutions, has appointed Alex Wong as Global Chief Strategy Officer (CSO) to lead the company’s strategic initiatives in international markets. In this newly created role based in Washington, D.C., Wong will spearhead Hanwha’s efforts to deepen partnerships, build defense capabilities, and accelerate re-industrialization in key markets, particularly in the United States and Europe.

Wong brings to Hanwha deep experience in national security and international diplomacy. He most recently served in the White House as Principal Deputy U.S. National Security Advisor, coordinating policy across the full range of defense, international relations, and intelligence issues. He also held senior positions at the U.S. State Department, including Deputy Special Representative for North Korea and Deputy Assistant Secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, where he played a central role in shaping U.S. strategy on the Korean Peninsula and across the broader Indo-Pacific region.

“Hanwha is a vital company at such a pivotal time for the global defense and shipbuilding industries,” said Alex Wong. “Hanwha’s world-class technologies, advanced manufacturing prowess, and operational excellence across a number of strategic sectors will bolster the security, prosperity, and industrial resilience of the United States, Europe and countries across the world.”

Hanwha’s global expansion continues, with the company playing a key role in revitalizing America’s shipbuilding sector and offering advanced land defense systems. In Europe, Hanwha is positioned to accelerate the continent’s rearmament efforts, delivering advanced capabilities, fostering local industrial cooperation, and building defense supply chain resilience.

“With deep experience at the highest levels of international security and alliance building, Alex Wong will strengthen Hanwha’s engagement with our partners in the United States, Europe, and beyond, fostering deeper cooperation and delivering meaningful capabilities,” said Hanwha Group Vice Chairman Dong Kwan Kim. “Hanwha is committed to shaping the future of modern defense – from advanced systems and next-generation shipyards to resilient industrial capacity – and Alex will play a key role in helping us realize that vision.”

About Hanwha Group

Hanwha is South Korea’s seventh-largest business group, with innovative businesses in the areas of aerospace, defense, mechatronics, clean energy & ocean solutions, finance, and retail & services. We are a multinational company with a robust global network of affiliates, which allows us to leverage synergy to deliver transformative solutions and impactful innovations that catalyze sustainable growth across industries and communities. With strong fundamentals in core industries, we enhance lives through our technologies, products, and services. For more information, visit: www.hanwha.com/

About Hanwha Aerospace

Hanwha Aerospace is a leading provider of advanced defense, aerospace, and industrial solutions with a global footprint across Asia, Europe, the Middle East, and the Americas. Its portfolio covers land, sea, air, and space domains, including artillery systems, armored vehicles, precision-guided munitions, aircraft engines, satellites, and space launch technologies. As a core affiliate of Hanwha Group, Hanwha Aerospace is dedicated to strengthening global partnerships through localization, co-production, and technology transfer. For more information, visit: www.hanwhaaerospace.com

About Hanwha Philly Shipyard

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14. N. Korean women’s organization caught dodging mandatory political sessions

​A resistance indicator? WIll it be women who lead change in north Korea? They have led the market transition and are responsible for the resilience of the Korean people in the north following the Arduous March of the great famine of 1994-1996. 

N. Korean women’s organization caught dodging mandatory political sessions

The perfunctory way organizations conduct criticism sessions demonstrates the North Korean authorities' weakening grip on the public

By Eun Seol - October 1, 2025

https://www.dailynk.com/english/n-korean-womens-organization-caught-dodging-mandatory-political-sessions/

FILE PHOTO: A scene from Chongjin, North Hamgyong Province. (Daily NK)

Authorities investigated a Socialist Women’s Union of Korea (SWUK) organization in Chongjin after it failed to regularly hold mandatory criticism sessions.

“The SWUK organization in one neighborhood of Chongjin’s Pohang district was inspected by the district party committee’s guidance department after it was discovered they’d only held one criticism session in the first half of the year,” a source in the area told Daily NK recently. “In practice, they held almost no criticism sessions, even though they’re supposed to happen once a week without fail.”

During the inspection, the district party committee’s guidance department criticized the SWUK organization for only recording the week rather than exact dates of criticism sessions in their logs, and for using the sessions to chat idly or share personal information instead of conducting self-criticism, mutual criticism, or performance reviews.

“The SWUK organization prepared criticism session logs for the first and second halves of the year, but didn’t write down specific dates,” the source said. “This was clearly a ploy so they could reuse this year’s logs next year, too.”

The SWUK organization simply noted the supposed week that criticism sessions were held, such as “the first week of September,” rather than the specific date. They would fill in specific dates later when word of impending inspections reached them.

“If you don’t write down the date, you can use the same notes for several years,” the source said. “They used this trick because they weren’t holding criticism sessions every week, and filling out the logs properly is tedious.”

Widespread non-compliance across the city

North Korean authorities mandate that political organizations conduct criticism sessions every week to control public thinking; however, organizations often skip them or go through the motions.

“In Chongjin, home to many people working in trade or wholesale, people tend to take their political organization activities much less seriously compared to other regions,” the source said. “Very few SWUK organizations conduct their criticism sessions properly—not only in Pohang district but in other districts across the city.”

The perfunctory way organizations conduct criticism sessions demonstrates the North Korean authorities’ weakening grip on the public. The authorities are trying to strengthen the public’s ideological commitment and internal cohesion through lectures and study sessions ahead of Party Foundation Day on Oct. 10, but few people are happy about this, the source said.

“People only pretend to participate diligently in their organizational activities when the authorities punish you or openly disadvantage you for not doing so,” the source said. “Nobody wants to waste time on organizational activities.”

In Chongjin’s Pohang district, local residents have several theories about how the district party committee’s inspection of the SWUK organization began. This is because the authorities wouldn’t have known the organization was keeping shoddy criticism session logs unless someone tipped them off from the inside.

“If the inspection was aimed solely at this organization based on an internal tip, the matter will end once the relevant people are punished. But if the problem was discovered during a general inspection of session logs by upper-level agencies, other organizations could get inspected too,” the source said. “People are worried the inspections could spread everywhere.”

15. N. Korean money changers profit from currency fluctuations

"It's the economy, stuipd."

N. Korean money changers profit from currency fluctuations

Retail merchants are in an awkward predicament because suddenly raising prices in response to the exchange rate immediately leads to poor sales

By Lee Chae Eun - October 1, 2025

https://www.dailynk.com/english/north-korean-money-changers-profit-currency-fluctuations/

FILE PHOTO: A scene from Rason Market in North Hamgyong Province. (Daily NK)

North Korean money changers have reaped substantial profits from recent currency fluctuations. While money changers have increased their foreign currency assets in a short period, market traders are sighing deeply over accumulated losses.

A Daily NK source in North Hamgyong province said recently, “In Hoeryong, some money changers made over 10,000 yuan ($1,370) in profit in just one month by exploiting exchange rate fluctuations,” adding, “This was possible because the yuan exchange rate rose by 1,000 won in a week and fluctuated sharply over short periods.”

According to the source, the North Korean won-to-yuan exchange rate in Hoeryong rose to the 6,000-won range at the end of last month before falling below 5,000 won this month. Some money changers reportedly pocketed considerable profits from the spread during this process.

Money changers made profits by selling yuan when the exchange rate suddenly spiked, then buying yuan again when the rate dropped.

One person, who works as a money changer in Hoeryong, earned about 20,000 yuan in profit recently by exploiting exchange rate fluctuations.

When the yuan exchange rate soared to the 6,000-won range at the end of last month and then dropped to the mid-5,000-won range in early this month, this individual anticipated further decline and quickly sold some yuan holdings. As the exchange rate continued to fall, they bought yuan again, and when the rate turned upward again, profited from the exchange rate spread.

Retail traders bear the brunt

While money changers have made large profits by exploiting sharp exchange rate fluctuations, merchants doing retail business in the markets are suffering losses due to exchange rate instability.

Regarding this, the source said, “For people who are barely scraping by because business in the market isn’t great to begin with, sudden spikes in the exchange rate are like a ticking time bomb,” explaining, “They’d lose less if they only dealt in Chinese money, but they often receive payment for goods in North Korean won, so they lose money even when they sell goods.”

The source continued, “Money changers normally make an exchange rate profit of about 10 to 50 won per yuan, but these days the exchange rate fluctuates by hundreds of won, creating money-making opportunities,” adding, “Ordinary people are finding it harder to make ends meet because of the exchange rate, while moneyed people with foreign currency are making even more money — what a contradictory reality this is.”

Moreover, since wholesale merchants mostly deal in foreign currency, the more volatile the exchange rate, the greater the losses for retail merchants who purchase goods in foreign currency and sell them in local currency.

Additionally, retail merchants are in an awkward predicament because suddenly raising prices in response to the exchange rate immediately leads to poor sales.

As exchange rate instability continues, widening inequality is becoming apparent in North Korean society. While the moneyed class, who view foreign currency as a safer asset than local currency, are building wealth by exploiting exchange rate fluctuations, people making a living through retail business are sinking deeper into poverty.

The source remarked, “Market traders need to make a profit from selling goods to maintain their livelihood, but the more they sell, the more their losses accumulate, so their livelihoods can only get harder,” adding, “Even when times are difficult, wealthy people make profits and live better, but ordinary people keep getting poorer — that’s the reality right now.”

16. North Korea - United States Department of State (Human Trafficking)

North Korea - United States Department of State

state.gov

KOREA, DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF (Tier 3)

The Government of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) does not fully meet the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking and is not making significant efforts to do so. The DPRK remained on Tier 3. The government did not demonstrate any meaningful efforts to address human trafficking. During the reporting period there was a government policy or pattern of human trafficking in political prison camps and “labor training centers” as part of an established system of political repression, in the mass mobilizations of adults and children, and in the imposition of forced labor conditions on North Korean workers overseas. The government used proceeds from state-sponsored forced labor to fund government operations.

PRIORITIZED RECOMMENDATIONS:

• End the use of state-sponsored forced labor, including that performed in prison camps, through mass mobilizations of adults and children, and among North Koreans dispatched as overseas workers in violation of UNSCR 2397.
• End the use of forced labor as punishment for DPRK citizens involuntarily repatriated from other countries.
• Eliminate coercive tactics used to monitor and limit movements and communications of North Koreans dispatched as overseas workers in violation of UNSCR 2397.
• Cease garnishing wages of overseas workers for the purposes of subsidizing the state budget.
• Provide assistance to victims exploited in the DPRK and to victims returned from abroad.
• Criminalize sex trafficking and labor trafficking.
• Investigate and prosecute trafficking cases and convict traffickers in accordance with the rule of law.
• Increase transparency by allowing international human rights monitors to evaluate living and working conditions of workers, both domestically and abroad.
• Forge partnerships with international organizations and NGOs to combat human trafficking.
• Allow all North Koreans to choose their form of work and leave their employment at will.
• Accede to the 2000 UN TIP Protocol.

PROSECUTION

The government did not report any trafficking-related law enforcement efforts.

The government did not report laws criminalizing sex trafficking or labor trafficking. Fair trials did not occur in the DPRK, and the government did not report what provisions of law, if any, it used to prosecute trafficking crimes, if it did so. The government did not provide trafficking-related law enforcement data. During the reporting period, there were also media reports the government inappropriately used trafficking charges to prosecute and execute at least two women for assisting fellow citizens defect the DPRK.

PROTECTION

The government did not report any protection efforts.

Government authorities did not report identifying any victims or providing protective services, nor did they permit NGOs to provide these services. Authorities inappropriately penalized trafficking victims solely for unlawful acts committed as a direct result of being trafficked. Authorities consider repatriated victims as criminals for departing the DPRK without authorization. The government systematically sent North Koreans, including potential trafficking victims forcibly returned by the Chinese government, to detention and interrogation centers as well as to prison camps, where the government subjected them to internment, forced labor, torture, malnutrition, forced abortions, infanticide, and sexual abuse by prison guards. DPRK defectors previously reported instances of the government executing forcibly repatriated trafficking victims.

PREVENTION

The government did not report any efforts to prevent trafficking.

Political repression and economic deprivation in the DPRK often prompted North Koreans to flee the country in ways that heighten their risk of trafficking in destination countries. The government did not report any efforts to raise awareness of human trafficking. The government did not report making efforts to reduce the demand for commercial sex acts, nor to provide anti-trafficking training to its diplomatic personnel. The DPRK is not a party to the 2000 UN TIP Protocol.

TRAFFICKING PROFILE:

Trafficking affects all communities. This section summarizes government and civil society reporting on the nature and scope of trafficking over the past five years. Human traffickers – including government officials – exploit North Koreans in the DPRK and abroad. Forced labor is part of an established system of political repression and a pillar of the economic system in the DPRK. The government subjects its nationals to forced labor in DPRK prison and labor camps, through mass mobilizations, and in overseas work. The law criminalizes defection and attempted defection, and individuals, including children, who cross the border for the purpose of defecting or seeking asylum in another country are subject to a minimum of five years of “reform through labor.” In “serious” cases, the government subjects asylum-seekers to indefinite terms of imprisonment and forced labor, confiscation of property, or death. Within the DPRK, traffickers exploit women and children in sex trafficking.

The DPRK holds an estimated 80,000 to 200,000 persons in political prison camps and an undetermined number of persons in other forms of detention facilities, including “re-education through labor” camps. In many cases, these prisoners have not been charged with a crime or prosecuted, convicted, and sentenced in a fair judicial hearing. In prison camps, inmates, including children, are subject to forced labor, including in logging, mining, manufacturing, or farming for long hours under harsh conditions. In many cases, the government also detains multiple family members if one member is accused or arrested. Authorities in some cases subject children to forced labor for up to 12 hours per day, do not allow them to leave the camps, and offer limited access to education. The government subjects prisoners to unhygienic living conditions; beatings; torture; sexual exploitation, including rape; a lack of medical care; and insufficient food, including reduced food rations for not meeting work quotas. Observers report DPRK authorities facilitate a system through which Chinese companies partner with DPRK state-owned enterprises to outsource some operations to DPRK prison camps; through these agreements, DPRK citizens are forced to produce goods that are then transported to DPRK special economic zones along the border, exported to China, and labeled as having been produced in China. The government’s “Law on Rejecting Reactionary Ideology and Culture” stipulated sentences including forced labor in re-education through labor camps for adults or children discovered to be consuming or distributing media from the Republic of Korea (ROK). According to the ROK Ministry of Unification, persons convicted of listening to foreign broadcasts were executed alongside others convicted of violent crimes. The government maintained law enforcement cooperation treaties with China and Russia through which Chinese and Russian authorities extradited or otherwise returned to the DPRK North Koreans suspected of criminal acts under DPRK law. Observers reported unidentified trafficking victims were deported under such agreements, and that DPRK authorities subjected many to forced labor in prison camps upon their return.

The DPRK government also operates regional, local, and sub-district level labor camps and forces detainees to work for short periods doing hard labor while receiving little food and being subjected to abuse, including regular beatings. The law requires all citizens of working age to work and to “strictly observe labor discipline and working hours.” Authorities reportedly send people to these camps if they are suspected of engaging in simple trading schemes or are unemployed; North Koreans who are unemployed or absent from work could be punished with internment in labor camps and other harsh measures.

Officials forcibly mobilize adults and schoolchildren to work in various sectors, including manufacturing, agriculture, logging, mining, infrastructure, IT, and construction. The government reportedly withholds food rations or imposes taxes against adults who do not participate in these forms of forced labor. In July 2024, an international organization also reported the government mobilized urban residents, military personnel, married women, and school children to work on farms. Some workplaces, including farms, factories, schools, the military, and government offices, do not pay wages or provide food to their workers. During implementation of short-term economic plans, factories and farms increase workers’ hours and ask workers for contributions of grain and money to purchase supplies for renovations and repairs. By law, failure to meet economic plan goals may result in two years of “labor correction.” Schools receive compensation from the government for labor conducted by children, and officials occasionally send schoolchildren to work in factories or fields for short periods to complete special projects such as snow removal on major roads or meeting production goals. Schools also require students under the minimum working age to work to raise funds for faculty salaries and maintenance costs for school facilities. In addition, school principals and teachers exploit students for personal gain by forcing them to work on farms or construction sites. The government mobilizes children, including orphans, those who are unable to join the military, or those whose families are unable to bribe authorities, to participate in work groups or military-style shock brigades. These children are forced to work for extended periods without pay and subjected to long working hours and hazardous work at construction sites, coal mines, farms, and factories. Authorities also sometimes subject children to mass mobilizations in agriculture away from their families, with excessive daily working hours, sometimes for periods of a month at a time.

DPRK workers sent by the government to work abroad, including through bilateral agreements with foreign businesses or governments, also face conditions amounting to forced labor. Many North Koreans working overseas are subjected to excessive working hours, sometimes in hazardous conditions, with restricted pay for up to three years at a time, and without access to their passports. They reportedly work an average of 12 to 16 hours a day, and sometimes up to 20 hours per day, and are allowed only one or two rest days per month. North Koreans work in a range of industries overseas, including, but not limited to, apparel, construction, distant water fishing, footwear manufacturing, hospitality, information technology services, logging, medical, pharmaceuticals, restaurant, seafood processing, textiles, and shipbuilding. NGOs report the government manages these workers as a matter of state policy, and they are under constant and close surveillance by government security agents. Workers often reside in shared dormitories under poor living conditions with limited freedom of movement, and DPRK government officials confiscate their passports. These workers face threats of government reprisals against them or their relatives in the DPRK if they attempt to escape or complain to outside parties. Workers’ salaries are appropriated and often deposited into accounts controlled by the DPRK government, which justifies its retention of most of the money by claiming various “voluntary” contributions to government endeavors. Workers receive only a fraction of the money paid to the DPRK government for their work and face punishment if they fail to meet production or work targets. The government withholds up to 90 percent of wages from overseas workers, who generate annual revenue for the DPRK government of hundreds of millions of dollars. Wages of some DPRK workers employed abroad reportedly are withheld until the workers return home, increasing their vulnerability to coercion and exploitation by authorities. Traffickers coerce some female North Koreans in China working in seafood processing plants, restaurants, or coffee shops into commercial sex acts with Chinese national customers.

The vast majority of North Koreans employed outside the country continue to be in Russia and China. There are an estimated 20,000-100,000 North Koreans working in China, primarily in restaurants and factories. According to one media report that cited figures from Chinese officials, as of 2022 there were 80,000 North Koreans working just in the city of Dandong. Observers noted the Government of Russia continued to allow North Korean workers to enter the country in violation of UNSCRs, in some cases by issuing them tourist or student visas. In 2024, DPRK workers were also reportedly in other countries, including Algeria, Angola, Benin, Cambodia, Cote d’Ivoire, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Georgia, Guinea, Laos, Mali, Mauritius, Republic of Congo, Senegal, Uganda, United Arab Emirates, Vietnam, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. While some may have removed most or all of these workers, reports suggested that some governments either took no action or issued work authorizations or other documentation, allowing these individuals to work.

North Koreans seeking to leave the DPRK without authorization are vulnerable to sex and labor trafficking, particularly in China. Many female North Korean refugees and asylum-seekers living without authorization in China are particularly vulnerable to traffickers who lure, drug, detain, or kidnap them upon arrival. Traffickers operate networks that recruit women and girls in the DPRK to be smuggled into China. For example, in border towns traffickers approach women with false promises of profitable employment that would enable them to pay broker fees to be smuggled into China. These women are subjected to physical abuse and sexual exploitation by traffickers, forced into commercial sex in brothels or through internet sex websites, or compelled to work as hostesses in nightclubs or karaoke bars. Traffickers also sell North Korean women to Chinese national men for forced marriages, whereby they are often forced into commercial sex, domestic service, agriculture, or other types of work. These victims often lack identification documents and bear children with Chinese national men, which further hinders their ability to escape. As many as 30,000 children born in China to DPRK women and Chinese national men have not been registered upon birth, rendering them stateless and vulnerable to exploitation. If found by Chinese authorities, trafficking victims are often forcibly returned to the DPRK, where they are vulnerable to harsh punishment, including forced labor in labor camps, torture, forced abortions, or death.

state.gov

17. Kaesong’s S. Korean buses now serving N. Korea’s Wonsan tourism zone

​No one should be surprised by this.

Kaesong’s S. Korean buses now serving N. Korea’s Wonsan tourism zone

Hyundai-manufactured buses are superior to North Korean or Chinese models in design and performance, so their probably used for transporting tourists and VIPs

By Bruce Songhak Chung, Seulkee Jang - October 1, 2025

https://www.dailynk.com/english/kaesongs-s-korean-buses-now-serving-n-koreas-wonsan-tourism-zone/

Five South Korean buses that appear to have operated in the Kaesong Industrial Complex were recently spotted in satellite photos, parked at the Wonsan-Kalma tourism zone in Wonsan, Kangwon province. Their length, color, and design match those produced by Hyundai Motor Company, confirming they are South Korean buses. Meanwhile, nighttime light intensity images captured on a late September evening revealed a five-kilometer stretch of the now off-season Myongsasipri Beach illuminated as brightly as daytime. This contrasts sharply with the darkness of residential areas where ordinary citizens endure chronic power shortages—a stark reminder that spectacular nighttime lighting displays continue daily at tourist facilities with no visitors.

South Korean buses in Wonsan-Kalma tourism zone parking lot

Five buses that appear to be South Korean are parked in the Wonsan-Kalma tourism zone parking lot. Their length and color match South Korean buses that operated in the Kaesong Industrial Complex and Kaesong. (WorldView-3 and Google Earth)

Five buses parked at the northern end of the Wonsan-Kalma tourism zone were captured in satellite photos taken in early September. The parking lot covers 1.8 hectares between the Risang Inn, Yolgwang Inn, mini-golf course, indoor water park, and Kalma Street. The site was originally a soccer field, but after Kim Jong Un visited in July last year and harshly criticized delays and design issues in the coastal tourist zone construction, the field was hastily demolished and converted into a parking lot.

Enlarged images show that the buses’ length, color, and design closely resemble South Korean buses that operated in the Kaesong Industrial Complex. They measure 10.3 meters long by 2.3 meters wide. Satellite photos reveal matching dimensions and color schemes among buses in the Wonsan-Kalma tourism zone parking lot, downtown Kaesong parking lots, and Kaesong Industrial Complex lots. The distinctive two-tone design—roughly half sky blue, half white—makes them easily recognizable.

The buses provided by South Korea during Kaesong Industrial Complex operations are believed to be Hyundai Motor’s “Aero City” model. Even after the complex closed in April 2013 and factory operations shut down completely in February 2016, these South Korean buses have continued serving as public transportation in downtown Kaesong. High-resolution Google Earth satellite photos clearly show Korean buses operating throughout Kaesong’s streets, with dozens parked in two large lots. When South Korean buses operating in Pyongyang appeared in North Korean state media, domestic South Korean news outlets reported on it, sparking criticism about their unauthorized use.

This appears to be the first sighting of Kaesong Industrial Complex buses at the Wonsan-Kalma tourism zone. Given that Hyundai-manufactured buses are superior to North Korean or Chinese models in design and performance, they’re likely prioritized for transporting tourists and VIPs at major events.

While the straight-line distance from Kaesong Industrial Complex to Wonsan-Kalma is about 150 kilometers, the road route via the Pyongyang-Kaesong and Pyongyang-Wonsan highways stretches to approximately 300 kilometers. Rather than transporting tourists directly from Kaesong to Wonsan, the five South Korean buses at Wonsan-Kalma appear to have been permanently assigned to the tourism zone for use exclusively within Wonsan.

Illuminated beaches in the dead of night, empty of people

A five-kilometer section of the now off-season beach at Wonsan-Kalma tourism zone remains lit as brightly as daytime even in the middle of the night, despite being empty of visitors after summer. (Landsat-8 (background) + VIIRS (nighttime light intensity imagery))

The Wonsan-Kalma tourism zone continues displaying bright, vivid nighttime illumination even as autumn deepens. Nighttime light intensity imagery (VIIRS) from the U.S. weather observation satellite (JPSS), captured at 1:30 a.m. on Sept. 24, shows accommodation and entertainment facilities around Songdowon Resort and Wonsan-Kalma glowing brightly in the dead of night. By contrast, only scattered areas around downtown Wonsan and Wonsan Station show faint lights, while residential neighborhoods where ordinary citizens live remain cloaked in darkness.

On the East Coast, seawater typically becomes too cold for swimming after mid-August. The off-season Myongsasipri Beach is empty, with only an occasional vehicle or two passing along the deserted roads. North Korea is pursuing comprehensive tourism zone development aimed at attracting domestic and international visitors to Wonsan-Kalma during spring, summer, and autumn, while linking it with Masikryong Ski Resort for year-round, four-season use. Whether crowds of tourists will actually flock to Wonsan in Kangwon Province, bringing dollars and foreign currency, remains highly uncertain.

​18. Anti-China rallies increase in Korea amid visa-free tourism policy

​Some Koreans are waking up to the threats of subversion from China.

Anti-China rallies increase in Korea amid visa-free tourism policy - The Korea Times

The Korea Times · ListenListenText SizePrint

An increasing number of anti-China rallies are being held in areas of Seoul such as the shopping district of Myeong-dong and neighborhoods with large Chinese immigrant populations, especially after the nation began a new visa-free entry policy for Chinese tour groups.

Over the past months, protesters aligned with conservative civic groups — mostly right-wing supporters of former President Yoon Suk Yeol — have staged demonstrations. Some participants even showed aggressive behavior, tearing down banners depicting the Chinese ambassador’s face, shouting slogans such as “China Out” and confronting foreign tourists with hostile remarks.

Demonstrators have also linked their grievances to various alleged crimes by Chinese nationals, intensifying the wave of animosity.

According to data released by Rep. Chung Choon-saeng of the minor Rebuilding Korea Party on Wednesday, the number of anti-China rallies in Seoul’s Myeong-dong area — where the Chinese Embassy is located — was 20 in 2022, 15 in 2023 and 13 in 2024. But the number has surged to 65 this year, including those reported to police for planning in October.

In the past four years, four out of 10 demonstrations restricted or banned by police in the district were categorized as “anti-China rallies,” authorities added, citing threats to public order and obstruction of traffic. These protests, once concentrated downtown, have spread to places with large Chinese immigrant populations, including the neighborhood of Daerim-dong in Guro District and the Konkuk University area of Seongdong District.

A conservative protester carries signs with anti-China slogans during a rally near the Chinese Embassy in Myeong-dong, Seoul, Aug. 13. Korea Times photo by Choi Ju-yeon

The anti-China sentiment became widespread after the Dec. 3 martial law fiasco caused by former President Yoon Suk Yeol, who aligned with some far-right conspiracy theories of Chinese interference in elections. Since then, far-right YouTube channels and outlets have amplified narratives that combine distrust of China with broader nationalist rhetoric.

Now the sentiment has been revived alongside the government’s decision to temporarily allow visa-free entry for tour groups from China for up to 15 days, with the program in effect through June 30 next year. The program is aimed to boost local consumption and tourism, while reciprocating China’s earlier policy granting visa-free entry to Koreans.

Some extremists, both online and offline, now claim that the visa-free policy could lead to an influx of “30 million Chinese tourists” into Korea, a figure widely viewed by experts as grossly exaggerated and aimed at stoking public fear.

Xenophobic posts repeating the number have circulated across far-right networks, often accompanied by warnings of crime, epidemics or even national destabilization.

Some conservative lawmakers have taken advantage of this sentiment to claim the influx of Chinese visitors as a threat to national security.

Rep. Na Kyung-won of the main opposition People Power Party (PPP) argued that without robust tracking systems, “visa-free entrants cannot be adequately monitored.”

Police stand between the Chinese Embassy and protesters holding an anti-China rally in Seoul's Myeong-dong area, Aug. 13. Korea Times photo by Choi Ju-yeon

Authorities have signaled that they will take a firmer stance against these demonstrations.

Seoul Metropolitan Police Chief Park Jeong-bo visited Myeong-dong on Wednesday, urging officers to respond “strictly” to hate speech or violence against tourists during the upcoming Chuseok holiday.

“Foreign visitors must feel both safe and welcome in Korea,” he said, stressing that such incidents risk tarnishing the country’s international standing.

Meanwhile, conservative groups continue to defy restrictions. Jayu University, a far-right civic group of young people, filed a lawsuit challenging police limits on its upcoming Oct. 3 rally, during which members planned to march with anti-China slogans. It marks the first time authorities have explicitly banned hateful chants as a condition for rally approval.

The Korea Times · ListenListenText SizePrint

19. Korea-US alliance at a critical juncture

​Is this the inflection point for the alliance? We should all visualize what a break in the ROK/US alliance would do to the security and prosperity of both our countries.

Korea-US alliance at a critical juncture - The Korea Times

The Korea Times · ListenListenText SizePrint

Park Jung-won

Something has gone seriously wrong in the Korea-U.S. relationship. Back in late July, the Korean government proudly declared that the long and difficult tariff negotiations with Washington had finally concluded successfully. The next month, following the Korea-U.S. summit, a presidential spokesperson told reporters there was no need for any written agreement because the meeting had gone “so well.” Everything, we were assured, was firmly under control. The public was told to relax.

Yet only weeks later, President Lee Jae Myung himself said in an interview with Time magazine that U.S. demands were excessive and unfair. He even warned that accepting them could trigger a financial crisis — and even lead to his impeachment.

So what happened between then and now? Was the summit such a triumph that it required no written statement, as the spokesperson claimed? Or was the administration eager to trumpet a success story back then, only to rewrite the script when it became politically convenient? Do they really believe the Korean people can be deceived this easily?

This episode revealed more than a simple policy dispute. It showed how the administration uses the alliance: as a prop when it needs praise, and as a target when it needs a villain. And through it all, it assumes the public will accept these contradictions without question.

The Georgia incident made things worse. In August, hundreds of Korean workers at a factory in Georgia were suddenly detained in a sweeping U.S. immigration raid. The images shocked Koreans across the nation. Many asked why the U.S. authorities acted so abruptly, without prior consultation with Seoul. Anger at Washington was natural. Yet the administration’s reaction was revealing. Instead of approaching the problem as a diplomatic crisis to be solved calmly, it flirted with anti-American rhetoric. It highlighted U.S. responsibility while saying little about Korea’s own failures of preparation. It treated public anger as a political asset rather than a problem demanding a solution.

Foreign policy should not be conducted this way. A responsible government calms emotions at home while negotiating firmly abroad. It does not feed populist anger for domestic advantage. It does not risk long-term alliances for short-term applause. And it certainly does not use a single diplomatic mishap to reopen old ideological battles for political gain.

Then came the remark about U.S. troops in Korea being “foreign troops.” This was no casual slip. It revealed something fundamental about how the administration views the alliance itself. For decades, the U.S. presence on the Korean Peninsula has served as the ultimate deterrent against North Korean aggression. It has been the foundation of extended deterrence — the assurance that any attack on South Korea would bring an immediate U.S. response, using the nuclear umbrella if necessary.

To call these forces “foreign troops” trivializes the entire nature of the alliance. It suggests that Seoul sees the U.S. presence not as a joint security commitment but as an external imposition. That message is heard not only in Washington but also in Pyongyang and Beijing. It invites doubts. It emboldens adversaries. And it undermines the strategic stability that has kept the peninsula from sliding into open conflict for decades.

The nuclear freeze comment deepened these concerns. North Korea has repeatedly declared it will never give up its nuclear weapons. Its leader Kim Jong-un has said this repeatedly: Nuclear arms are non-negotiable, denuclearization is off the table, and the world should stop dreaming about it. Yet Lee suggested in an interview with foreign media that freezing North Korea’s current arsenal might be a realistic first step. Did he realize what message this sends? A freeze means allowing the North to keep what it already has. It risks signaling that Seoul is prepared to accept Pyongyang as a de facto nuclear power. It blurs Korea’s strategic position and sows confusion among allies.

Security policy requires discipline. Words must be chosen carefully. Strategies must be coordinated with partners. A single sentence from a head of state can move markets, shift alliances, even change the calculations of adversaries. Why speak so casually on such a critical issue? Why give away negotiating leverage in a media interview rather than at the bargaining table?

And what about the impeachment comment? The ruling party today controls an overwhelming majority in the National Assembly. It has even faced criticism for trying to oust the Supreme Court’s chief justice, threatening the basic framework of checks and balances. Yet the president claimed that accepting U.S. demands could lead to his impeachment — a scenario that is absurd on its face. There is no political reality in which this legislature — dominated by his own party — would remove him from office. So why say it?

Was this an attempt to portray himself as a victim under siege while holding near-absolute power at home? Was it a way to shift blame onto Washington for domestic economic troubles? Whatever the motive, the contradiction is glaring. Domestically, this administration has been aggressive, domineering even, using its parliamentary majority to bulldoze opponents and impose institutional reforms. But when speaking to foreign audiences, it suddenly casts itself as cornered and powerless. The inconsistency is staggering. And it leaves allies wondering whether Seoul’s words can still be trusted when policies shift so abruptly.

The pattern is now unmistakable. Silence during the negotiations. Loud self-congratulation after the summit. Anti-U.S. rhetoric when political winds shift. The message changes with the moment, as though national security and the alliance itself were mere tools of domestic politics. One cannot help but wonder: Can this man ever change?

The coming months will be critical for Korea’s future. Of course, the Trump White House — with its chaos and impulsiveness — has hardly been a model of steadiness or restraint. But if relations with Washington spiral into catastrophe, it will not be the U.S. that pays the highest price. It will be Korea. What Korea needs now is not posturing or empty rhetoric, but a leader who knows this is about the nation’s survival— not his five years in power.

Park Jung-won (park_jungwon@hotmail.com), Ph.D. in law from the London School of Economics (LSE), is a professor of international law at Dankook University. The views expressed here are the author’s own and do not reflect the editorial direction of The Korea Times.

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20. True Anti-Americanism: Follow President Park Chung-hee's Example

​Fascinating historical analysis.

True Anti-Americanism: Follow President Park Chung-hee's Example

Author contrasts 1970s strategic economic resilience with today's superficial anti-U.S. rhetoric amid escalating global crises

https://www.chosun.com/english/opinion-en/2025/09/30/6J3BHNERSFG6RP2A4OIE6NMZ3Y/

By Seon Woo-jung

Published 2025.09.30. 23:55

On August 13, 2025, evening, ships destined for export are under construction at HD Hyundai Heavy Industries' Ulsan Shipyard in Ulsan Metropolitan City. As the Korea-U.S. shipbuilding cooperation project 'MASGA (MASGA)' business begins in earnest, HD Hyundai Heavy Industries secures the regular maintenance project for the U.S. Navy's 41,000-ton military support ship 'USNS Alan Shepard'. /Chang Lian-cherng

The conflict between President Park Chung-hee and the U.S. escalated during President Carter’s term but began in earnest under President Nixon. According to the memoirs of Foreign Minister Lee Dong-won, Park was severely disrespected by Nixon. Nixon summoned Park to his vacation residence instead of the White House and did not even greet him. At the dinner, Nixon invited “trivial hometown friends.” Park later remarked, “I bitterly tasted the sorrow of a small nation.” While there have been many twists in South Korea-U.S. relations over the past 80 years since liberation, in terms of disrespect, this period was arguably the worst.

The Nixon era brought massive storms to Korea from all directions. The U.S. abandonment of the gold standard plunged financial markets into chaos, and the revival of protectionism damaged Korea’s export industries. Nixon announced the withdrawal from Vietnam and pulled the U.S. 7th Division stationed along the Korean Armistice Line. The U.S. abandoned its role as a global leader, declared it would not interfere in other nations’ affairs, and would not unconditionally oppose communist states. China, which had normalized relations with the U.S. and Japan, enforced the “Zhou Four Principles” to block Korean transactions by overseas companies entering China. The mounting crises were similar to those of today. The difference was that Korea was then a poor nation with a GDP of just 10 billion U.S. dollars, and a sense of crisis—“we will soon collapse”—pervaded society. Back then, there was nothing to fuel nationalistic pride as there is today.

President Park, battered by Nixon’s blows, bet on the economy. It was nearly a gamble: a “quantum jump” from light to heavy industries, aiming to join the ranks of the U.S., Japan, and Germany. Even now, it seems implausible, let alone in that era.

However, historical records show Park never wavered. According to the memoirs of Finance Minister Nam Duck-woo, Park admonished him, “We’ve staked the economy’s fate on this. Minister, let’s do it despite the difficulties.” As recounted in the biography of Economic Deputy Prime Minister Kim Hak-ryul, Park scolded Chung Ju-yung, who was hesitating to enter the shipbuilding industry due to funding issues: “Aren’t you the same Chung Ju-yung who built highways under the scorching sun despite opposition?” This is the indomitable Chung Ju-yung we know. The leap into heavy industry was that arduous. It is a moment that makes one reflect on the role of the state and the president. The industries sustaining Korea today are largely the heavy industries established then, supplemented by electronics and IT. K-defense and MASGA, which economically underpin President Lee Jae-myung’s diplomacy, are also legacies of that era. We still live in the shadow of that time.

Everything hinged on businesses. Park provided preferential treatment to heavy industries without hesitation. It was truly disruptive. The August 3rd Measure froze private loans, the National Investment Fund channeled bank resources, and tax and tariff benefits supported companies. The August 3rd Measure, which ignored private property and contracts, bordered on state violence. While criticized as “chaebol favoritism,” this is a misrepresentation. It was not that chaebols received favors, but rather that companies which succeeded in heavy industries later grew into chaebols. The Park administration simultaneously passed the Short-Term Finance Business Act, Mutual Credit Bank Act, Credit Cooperative Act, and Corporate Disclosure Promotion Act to bring underground funds into the formal economy. Nam Duck-woo stated, “The August 3rd Measure was the start of developing the secondary financial sector.” It transformed Korea’s loan-shark-level finance into an industrial lifeline. Though later corporate loan defaults became a major issue, it was far closer to the essence of finance than today’s “apartment pawnshop” system.

The Trump Shock is said to be an extension of the Nixon Shock 50 years ago: a weakened U.S. prioritizing itself. Trump is more aggressive and threatening than Nixon. Economist Yanis Varoufakis remarked, “Just as the Nixon Shock remained after Nixon, the Trump Shock will outlast Trump.” It is not a one-time event. If Japan maintains 15% tariffs while Korea keeps 25%, most Korean manufacturing will have to abandon the U.S. market. China’s destructive power as a technological powerhouse will far exceed the “Zhou Four Principles” of the 1970s. China is fully prepared to devour all of Korea’s industries.

Korean Financial Industry Union Urges 4.5-Day Workweek Members of the Korean Financial Industry Union urge real wage increases and a 4.5-day workweek at the September 26 general strike resolution meeting held in Sejong-daero, Jongno-gu, Seoul, on September 26, 2025. /Courtesy of Lim Hwa-young /Yonhap

Yet in Korea today, unions in industries offering annual salaries of 100 million Korean won are striking to work 4.5 days a week. The National Assembly is flooding the country with laws that treat corporate investment as an object of regulation rather than virtue. It grants privileges to illegal strikes and labels business leaders as potential criminals. Companies that distribute profits—whether as shareholder dividends or employee bonuses—are applauded in this shallow world. External crises are compounded by internal turmoil. Laws passed by the 21st-century National Assembly are mostly the opposite of the pro-business laws passed in the 1970s. More pernicious is that political leaders offer no vision. Ruling party politicians hurl insults at President Trump: “shameless atrocities to make Korea an economic colony” and “nonsense about ghosts washing rice grains.” They have ignited their trademark “cheap anti-Americanism.” If the country can still develop under these conditions, it is by divine will.

Many South Korean presidents have clashed with the U.S. Among them, I believe President Rhee Syng-man and President Park Chung-hee practiced “true anti-Americanism.” He was the wisest leader to use “instrumental anti-Americanism,” leveraging conflict with allies as fuel for national development. Though his authoritarianism during the conflict led to a political tragedy, his economic gamble was great enough to sustain generations 50 years later. Today’s crisis surpasses that of the early 1970s. Only Korea’s economic resilience is stronger. “Cheap anti-Americanism” is possible due to this resilience, but it will not last. To oppose America, one need only follow President Park Chung-hee’s example.

21.K-food exports reach $10 billion at record pace this year: data

Korea soft power. :-) 

K-food exports reach $10 billion at record pace this year: data | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · Kang Jae-eun · October 1, 2025

SEOUL, Oct. 1 (Yonhap) -- South Korea's exports of food and agro products surpassed the US$10 billion mark in the shortest amount of time this year, industry data showed Wednesday.

Total exports of agro-fisheries goods topped $10 billion as of Monday, more than two weeks earlier than the previous year, according to the data from the Korea Agro-Fisheries & Food Trade Corp. (aT).

By destination, exports to the United States accounted for the most, at $1.7 billion, marking a 15.3 percent on-year spike.

Exports to Europe surged 15.8 percent from a year earlier to $772 million.

Shipments to the Gulf Cooperation Council, comprising six countries in the Middle East, including Saudi Arabia and Qatar, increased 9.6 percent over the cited period to $296 million.

By item, "ramyeon" was the most popular export item, with over $1.1 billion worth of instant noodles shipped overseas as of Monday, up 24.7 percent on-year.

Dried seaweed products -- known in Korean as "gim" -- were another bestseller, with their exports swelling 14.1 percent from the previous year to $877 million.

Exports of Korean sauces, such as the spicy "gochujang," increased 9.2 percent on-year to $315 million. The trade agency attributed the rise to a growing number of restaurants serving Korean cuisine overseas amid the global popularity of Korean culture.

It said it will continue to work with the government to help K-food exporters address issues related to the United States' sweeping tariffs while utilizing its overseas networks to expand their consumer reach.

Packages of "ramyeon," or instant noodles, are seen at a large discount store in central Seoul, in this file photo taken on Sept. 22, 2025. (Yonhap)

fairydust@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · Kang Jae-eun · October 1, 2025

22. Lee vows support for pop culture industry through new committee

Lee vows support for pop culture industry through new committee | Yonhap News Agency

en.yna.co.kr · Kim Eun-jung · October 1, 2025

By Kim Eun-jung

SEOUL, Oct. 1 (Yonhap) -- President Lee Jae Myung said Wednesday the government will work with the pop culture industry through a newly launched committee to promote exchanges and foster the sector into a globally competitive industry.

Lee made the remarks at the launching ceremony of the Presidential Committee on Popular Culture Exchange at KINTEX in Goyang, north of Seoul.

Park Jin-young, founder and chief producer of K-pop powerhouse JYP Entertainment, and Culture Minister Chae Hwi-young serve as co-chairs of the committee.

Tracing the rise of Korean culture, or Hallyu, from its beginnings with dramas, Lee characterized today's era of real-time global cultural exchange as "Hallyu 4.0."

"Through music, film, games, webtoons, K-culture has developed into a powerful medium not just for ourselves, but for people everywhere to communicate and connect," he said. "What is most Korean is also the most global."

President Lee Jae Myung speaks during a launching ceremony of the Presidential Committee on Popular Culture Exchange held at KINTEX in Goyang, north of Seoul, on Oct. 1, 2025. (Pool photo) (Yonhap)

Lee expressed hope that the public and private sectors will work together through the committee to expand exchanges, strengthen cooperation and develop related industries.

"Our government will work to ensure that Korean popular culture goes beyond bringing joy, inspiration and empathy to global audiences, and becomes a core industry of the Korean economy," he said.

The ceremony was attended by heads of K-pop powerhouses, including SM Entertainment, Hybe, YG Entertainment and JYP Entertainment, and the entertainment conglomerate CJ ENM, as well as executives from NCSoft, Nexon Korea and Naver Webtoon.

President Lee Jae Myung (R) and Park Jin-young, co-chair of the Presidential Committee on Popular Culture Exchange and chief producer of JYP Entertainment, pose for a photo at a K-Culture experience zone during the committee's launching ceremony at KINTEX in Goyang, north of Seoul, on Oct. 1, 2025. (Pool photo) (Yonhap)

ejkim@yna.co.kr

(END)

en.yna.co.kr · Kim Eun-jung · October 1, 2025

De Oppresso Liber,

David Maxwell

Vice President, Center for Asia Pacific Strategy

Senior Fellow, Global Peace Foundation

Editor, Small Wars Journal

Twitter: @davidmaxwell161

Phone: 202-573-8647

email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com